Chapter 5 follows the years 1867-1890 and discusses the development of the Lost Cause in the South, particularly in terms of public opinion, private opinion among influential Confederates like Robert E. Lee, and the organized efforts of women's societies and veterans societies to instill the Lost Cause narrative among southerners.

When I first entered an integrated school in the 6th grade, my mother told me: “White people don’t always tell the truth.”

Every day, when I left school, I came home to a community that challenged and corrected what I had been taught in history...And the history I learned from my family and neighbors was the truth.

For my white classmates, also learning from those textbooks, was the content ever questioned? I suspect there were few white households in Richmond, Virginia, the former capital of the Confederacy, in which the story of slavery was even discussed back then, much less refuted.

And take it with me

And I put it down in

Chicago, Detroit,

Buffalo, Scranton,

Any place that is North and East—

And not Dixie.

I pick up my life

And take it on the train

To Los Angeles, Bakersfield,

Seattle, Oakland, Salt Lake,

Any place that is North and West—

And not South.

I am fed up

With Jim Crow laws,

People who are cruel

And afraid,

Who lynch and run,

Who are scared of me

And me of them.

I pick up my life

And take it away

On a one-way ticket—

Gone up North,

Gone out West,

Gone!

This piece has three major parts compositionally, starting on the left with freed slaves rejoicing the emancipation proclamation in the foreground. In the background, bodies are seen hunched over beneath klan members, representative of the overall oppression of black Americans.

Within the center of the piece, a man is shown speaking upon a soapbox, with a candle in his hand emanating light through the piece, which Douglas chose to represent the black voice finally being heard. In the background, union soldiers are seen leaving the south.

On the furthermost right side, a man is shown holding a light, illuminating a musician and dancer in the foreground representative of the Harlem renaissance and the multitude of artists born from it. Behind them, a group of prisoners are shown with their hands up before a firing squad. Across the entire foreground of the piece there are cotton plants symbolizing the work by slaves. Through these details, Douglas recounts the progress made, while still showing the injustices stemming from slavery and centuries of oppression.

In 1851 the anthropological gallery of the National History Museum in Paris commissioned casts of this work and the likeness of Abdullah. Cordier’s ethnographic busts reflect mid-19th-century discourse on aesthetics and colonization as well as pseudoscientific theories of race.

In this portrait, produced a year after the emperor’s death, Rio holds his favored instrument while looking at an image of Francis, beneath which hangs a gold watch given to him by the monarch. The painting’s sentimentality does little to suggest the precariousness of its subject’s situation in Vienna, which only worsened after Francis died. For the rest of his life, Viennese officials moved Rio to various positions throughout Europe, threatened him with forced military service when he resisted, and, by the late 1840s, discussed sending him back to Brazil or to Africa.

But the deeply moving pose also reflects the artistic contribution of the man who modeled for the figure, now identified as Ira Aldridge, a free-born American actor famous for playing the title role in Shakespeare’s Othello. His performance in Thomas Morton’s musical drama The Slave may have been the immediate inspiration for Simpson’s painting. Aldridge was also renowned for his persuasive speeches for the abolitionist cause.

For context, artist was a white American who mostly painted scenes from the "Wild West," depicting battles between American cowboys and Native Americans. From wikipedia: "Remington's attitude toward Native Americans was typical for the time. He thought them unfathomable, fearless, superstitious, ignorant and pitiless, and generally portrayed them as such. White men under attack were brave and noble."

Written on the chalkboard: "The consent of the governed is a good thing in theory, but very rare in fact. England has governed her colonies whether they consented or not. By not waiting for their consent she has greatly advanced the world's civilization. The U.S. must govern its new territories with or without their consent until they can govern themselves."

His works "include his iconic portraits of Harlem Renaissance figures like Zora Neale Hurston, Langston Hughes, and Alain Locke as well as paintings of everyday individuals from the professional and working classes."

Nevertheless, because corruption is universally defined as corrupt acts that are for private or personal gain, there is currently no lexicon to describe illegal acts that principally benefit the public treasury. I have coined the term “stategraft” to
describe this overlooked phenomenon: when state agents transfer property from
persons to the state in violation of the state’s own laws or basic human rights. To
establish stategraft as an essential theoretical framework, this Article elaborates its definitional elements, demonstrates its conceptual value, and shows how it extends existing discourses on corruption, state crime, and the predatory state.

And shroud the pulpits round!

Servants of Him that cannot lie,

Sit mourning on the ground.

Let holy horror blanch each cheek,

Pale every brow with fears;

And rocks and stones, if ye could speak,

Ye well might melt to tears!

Let sorrow breathe in every tone,

In every strain ye raise;

Insult not God’s majestic throne

With th’ mockery of praise.

A “reverend” man, whose light should be

The guide of age and youth,

Brings to the shrine of Slavery

The sacrifice of truth!

For the direst wrong by man imposed,

Since Sodom’s fearful cry,

The word of life has been unclos’d,

To give your God the lie.

Oh! When ye pray for heathen lands,

And plead for their dark shores,

Remember Slavery’s cruel hands

Make heathens at your doors!

Source: American Poetry: The Nineteenth Century (The Library of America, 1993)

The Article focuses on instances of racial capitalism in which white individuals and predominantly white institutions use nonwhite people to acquire social and economic value. Affirmative action doctrine and policies provide much of the impetus for this form of racial capitalism. These doctrines and policies have fueled an intense legal and social preoccupation with the notion of diversity, which encourages white individuals and predominantly white institutions to engage in racial capitalism by deriving value from nonwhite racial identity. An examination of the consequences of racial capitalism is particularly timely given the Supreme Court’s pending decision in Fisher v. University of Texas, a challenge to the affirmative action policy at the University of Texas.

Racial capitalism has serious negative consequences both for individuals and for society as a whole. The process of racial capitalism relies upon and reinforces commodification of racial identity, which degrades that identity by reducing it to another thing to be bought and sold. Commodification can also foster racial resentment by causing nonwhite people to feel used or exploited by white people. And the superficial value assigned to nonwhiteness within a system of racial capitalism displaces measures that would lead to meaningful social reform.

In an ideal society, racial capitalism would not occur. Given the imperfections of our current society, however, this Article instead proposes a pragmatic approach to dismantling racial capitalism, one that recognizes that progress must occur incrementally. Under such an approach, we would discourage racial capitalism. But if racial capitalism did occur, we would identify it explicitly, call attention to its harms, and impose penalties on those who engage in racial capitalism. Moreover, we should ensure that any transaction involving racial value is structured so as to discourage future racial capitalism. I briefly survey some of the various legal mechanisms that can be deployed to discourage racial capitalism through limited commodification. Ultimately, this approach will allow progress toward a society in which we successfully recognize and respect racial identity without engaging in racial capitalism.

Pecou’s painting features the fashion trend “saggin,” where underwear is worn above sagging pants. The style was popular among younger African American males and often perceived by others as a negative marker of social status.

The figure on the right in the original image is California Superior Court Judge Harold Haley dressed in black court dress robes. In Donaldson's mixed media piece, the black robes are partially visible but Haley's figure has a skull in place of his head and is reaching toward the man on the left.

In this work, Streat incorporated a variety of vignettes, including images of black Americans working in scientific laboratories, drafting plans, and performing skilled manual labor. The results of these endeavors—innovations in flight, the rail system, fuel equipment, and technology—are pictured in the top section of the mural.

Hunter had no formal art training and only began painting in her fifties. She spent most of her life on the Melrose Plantation in Louisiana, picking cotton and collecting pecans. Later she worked inside, cleaning houses and washing clothes. Once she did begin painting, she was quite prolific. It is believed that she produced several thousand works.

Through her painting’s symbolism, including the teacup with the cameo of a Black woman’s head, Sherald explores the construct and history of Blackness. “My work delves into the aspects of assimilation, role-playing and existential dichotomies contained by a developing narrative of Black identity,” she says.

Rozeal has incorporated many cultural references into this painting. The figure’s hairdo mimics the braids and dreads so popular amongst black teenagers and hip hop enthusiasts of varying backgrounds. The scarab, traditionally an Egyptian amulet in the shape of a beetle, hanging from the pearl necklace, has long been a popular jewelry item and good luck charm, sometimes interpreted as a symbol “of rebirth or regeneration.”

The dedication to Aretemisia may refer to Italian Baroque artist, Artemisia Gentileschi (1593-c. 1656). Although Artemisia was a great artist, she was also known for the court trial in which her accused rapist was successfully prosecuted. Brown’s young woman seems fearless as well—confident in her wardrobe and self-presentation.

Rozeal’s lavishly adorned woman draws together many elements that make this image so rich—the excess and folly of the young, the homage to intersecting traditions, and the universal irresistibility of pop culture. It serves as a handy demonstration of the myriad connections to African American culture found around the world.

A recurring character in Rozeal's work is Yoshi, a wise female war hero—sporting an afro and classical Japanese garb—whose enlightened state allows her to exist as a communicant between divinities and mortals, guiding those still on earth.

I elected to paint a prideful and glowing portrait of Henrietta lacks who is often referred to as, "The Mother of Modern Medicine," visually juxtaposing faith and science. Lacks smiles innocently. She stands with her beautifully manicured hands crossed, covering her womb (the birthplace of the immortal cell line) while cradling her beloved Bible (a symbol of her strong faith). Her deep red dress is covered with a vibrant floral pattern that recalls images of cell structure and division, while two of the four dime-sized buttons on her dress are noticeably missing (a reference to the cells that were taken from her body without her knowledge). Her bright yellow hat functions as a halo (recalling Renaissance paintings of the Madonna), while pearls (a symbol of the aggressive cancer that took her life) hang from her neck. The decorative wallpaper behind her forms a repeated hexagonal pattern, a design containing the "flower of life", an ancient symbol of immortality and exponential growth - two distinctive qualities of her rare and incredibly durable cells."

-Kadir Nelson, 2017.

Ekpuk’s painting critiques the Catholic Church’s role in perpetuating the slave trade and how it benefited from this cruel institution. Twin papal staffs entering the body of a prostrate black woman signify this disturbing connection between the church and the African continent. The pope’s papal miter is decorated with gems, slave sale posters, and excerpts from the Dum Diversas, a 1454 decree issued by Pope Nicholas V that sanctioned the practice of conquering, subjugating, and enslaving Muslim Arabs and pagans—in this case, non-Christian Africans.

Amy Sherald is best known for her portraits of African Americans, notable for her use of grayscale to paint skin tones as a way of challenging the concept of color as race, including in her noted portrait of former First Lady Michelle Obama.

In 2020, after police shot and killed Breonna Taylor in a botched raid, Vanity Fair magazine commissioned Sherald to paint a portrait of Taylor for the September issue, guest-edited by author Ta-Nehisi Coates. Before what would become her first posthumous portrait, Sherald spent time speaking with Taylor’s mother, Tamika Palmer, and learned of Taylor’s interest in fashion. As a result, Sherald commissioned a Black female designer to create the dress for the portrait. Sherald also placed an engagement ring on Taylor’s finger to represent the love between Taylor and her partner, Kenneth Walker, who was with her at the time of her killing. Although Taylor’s untimely death prevented him from proposing, Sherald incorporated the ring to give him solace and to suggest a brighter future that art could invoke.

Sherald wanted the portrait to remain in the public sphere, saying, “I felt like it should live out in the world.” It is now co-owned by the National Museum of African American History and Culture and the Speed Museum in Louisville, Kentucky, Taylor’s hometown.

The painting features the Orishas, or deities, Ogun, Oya, and Shango. Above them is an arch, influenced by the Renaissance painting “School of Athens” by Raphael. The Greek keys pattern is replaced by the andrinka symbol "wawa aba." Literally meaning the seed of the wawa plant, it is a West African symbol of hardiness, toughness, and perseverance.

Though golden halos are less common in Renaissance painting, they are used here to reinforce the sacredness of the Orishas. Each golden disc bears the Orisha’s name in Spanish, Portuguese, and Yoruba, connecting the deities to their multilingual Diasporic reality.

The group says the workers named in its “D.E.I. bureaucrat watch list” supported diversity, criticized Mr. Trump on social media or made donations to Democrats. Many of the targets are Black workers at health agencies.

The list was compiled by the American Accountability Foundation, a small right-wing nonprofit that was founded in 2020 to oppose Biden administration policies and nominees. Since Mr. Trump’s election, the group has stepped up its targeting of specific federal workers — some of them career employees with little power — that it believes oppose his agenda."

"The confederacy, owing to well known historical reasons, having proven a failure, a new Constitution was formed in 1787 by "the people of the United States" "for the United States of America," as its preamble declares. All legislative powers were vested in a Congress consisting of representatives from the several states, but no provision was made for the admission of delegates from the territories, and no mention was made of territories as separate portions of the Union except that Congress was empowered "to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States." At this time, all of the states had ceded their unappropriated lands except North Carolina and Georgia. It was thought by Chief Justice Taney in the Dred Scott Case, 19 How. 393, 60 U. S. 436, that the sole object of the territorial clause was

"to transfer to the new government the property then held in common by the states, and to give to that government power to apply it to the objects for which it had been destined by mutual agreement among the states before their league was dissolved;"

that the power "to make needful rules and regulations" was not intended to give the powers of sovereignty, or to authorize the establishment of territorial governments -- in short, that these words were used in a proprietary, and not in a political, sense. But, as we observed in De Lima v. Bidwell, the power to establish territorial governments has been too long exercised by Congress and acquiesced in by this Court to be deemed an unsettled question. Indeed, in the Dred Scott case it was admitted to be the inevitable consequence of the right to acquire territory.

It is sufficient to observe in relation to these three fundamental instruments that it can nowhere be inferred that the

Page 182 U. S. 251

territories were considered a part of the United States. The Constitution was created by the people of the United States as a union of states, to be governed solely by representatives of the states, and even the provision relied upon here that all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform "throughout the United States" is explained by subsequent provisions of the Constitution that "no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state," and

"no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another; nor shall vessels bound to or from one state be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another."

In short, the Constitution deals with states, their people, and their representatives.

The Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, prohibiting slavery and involuntary servitude "within the United States, or in any place subject to their jurisdiction," is also significant as showing that there may be places within the jurisdiction of the United States that are no part of the Union. To say that the phraseology of this amendment was due to the fact that it was intended to prohibit slavery in the seceded states, under a possible interpretation that those states were no longer a part of the Union, is to confess the very point in issue, since it involves an admission that, if these states were not a part of the Union, they were still subject to the jurisdiction of the United States.

Upon the other hand, the Fourteenth Amendment, upon the subject of citizenship, declares only that

"all persons born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside."

Here there is a limitation to persons born or naturalized in the United States which is not extended to persons born in any place "subject to their jurisdiction.""

Since the United States’ founding, a presumption existed that the Constitution’s protections would naturally apply in the nation’s territories. The court broke from this practice with the Insular Cases to keep the new territories from enjoying full constitutional protections. When the U.S. acquired Florida in 1819, for example, few seriously questioned whether the Constitution applied there. Key differences between territories acquired before 1898 and those acquired later — particularly the people who lived there and their location — made all the difference to the court."

"the acquisition is confirmed, and the ceded territory becomes a part of the nation to which it is annexed, either on the terms stipulated in the treaty of cession or on such as its new master shall impose."

What is the significance of this? It would seem like useless language, its purpose often defeated if the Constitution and laws of the conqueror, and, to drop from the abstract and supposing this country the conqueror, if our Constitution and laws, immediately apply on cession of territory. The terms which may be granted or received would be, to a certain and important extent, predetermined. Neither we nor the conquered nation would have any choice in the new situation, could make no accommodation to exigency, would stand bound in a helpless fatality. Whatever might be the interests, temporary or permanent, whatever might be the condition or fitness of the ceded territory, the effect on it or on us, the territory would become a part of the United States with all that implies. It is only true to say that counsel shrink somewhat from the consequences of their contention, or, if "shrink" be too strong an expression, deny that it can be carried to the nationalization of uncivilized tribes. Whether that limitation can be logically justified we are not called upon to say. There may be no ready test of the civilized and uncivilized, between those who are capable of self-government and those who are not, available to the judiciary or which could be applied or enforced by the judiciary. Upon what degree of civilization could civil and political rights under the Constitution be awarded by courts? The question suggests the difficulties, and how essentially the whole matter is legislative, not judicial. Nor can those difficulties be put out of contemplation, under the assumption that the principles which we may declare will have no other consequence than to affect duties upon a cargo of sugar. We need not, however, dwell on this part of the discussion. From our construction of the powers of the government and of the treaty with Spain the danger of the nationalization of savage tribes cannot arise." ~ 182 U.S. 218-19

Today, a conservative majority on the Supreme Court chose to embrace this reasoning rather than reject it, in a case about the expedited-removal system. Expedited removals allow the executive branch to deport people without any judicial review of whether they are deportable or whether instead they are entitled to remain in the United States. Under the existing expedited-removal scheme, the administration could quickly remove anyone who it determines is a noncitizen and who was apprehended within two weeks of entering the United States and within 100 miles of the border. In Department of Homeland Security v. Thuraissigiam, announced today, the Court held that these removals do not violate the constitutional guarantees of habeas corpus or due process. If the Constitution applied to those subjected to expedited removal, there would have been little doubt that the system was unconstitutional. The suspension clause of Article I of the Constitution prohibits Congress from denying individuals the ability to file habeas petitions challenging their detentions. And the due-process clause of the Fifth Amendment entitles people to notice and a hearing, and sufficient process to guard against risks of error. That is, of course, if these clauses apply at all."

To determine the scope of the Suspension Clause, the Court first considered its meaning at the time the Constitution was adopted. The Clause provides that “[t]he Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.” Habeas has traditionally provided a means to seek release from unlawful detention. However, the respondent in this case does not seek release from custody, but an additional opportunity to obtain asylum. Because this meaning was not contemplated at the time the Constitution was adopted, his claims fall outside the scope of the writ.

Turning to the question of due process, the Court noted that a noncitizen who is unlawfully in the United States has only those rights that Congress has provided him by statute. The protections of the Due Process Clause do not apply to an individual simply because he might physically be within the United States. Given that the Court’s precedents establish that “the decisions of executive or administrative officers, acting within powers expressly conferred by Congress, are due process of law” for noncitizens, the respondent received all the process that was required."

In 1961, Marsh founded the Richmond law firm that eventually became Hill, Tucker and Marsh. Marsh worked on landmark civil rights cases including Quarles v. Philip Morris, the first U.S. legal case involving racial discrimination in employment.

He also fought against “Massive Resistance,” a response to the U.S. Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision in which many Virginia school systems chose to close their doors rather than obey federal desegregation orders.

"It's going to be difficult to give him the honors that he deserves, because he did so much in so many different areas," U.S. Rep. Bobby Scott said Friday during a visit to the General Assembly. "It was his legal work that really transformed Virginia."

Most of the employment discrimination and school desegregation cases that shaped the commonwealth "probably have the name Hill, Tucker and Marsh on the lawsuit," Scott said.

Marsh was first elected to the Richmond City Council in 1966. Under the city’s old system of selecting a mayor, his colleagues chose him as vice mayor in 1970 and mayor in 1977 — making him the city’s first Black mayor despite an attempt by white city leaders to keep control of political power in the city by annexing part of Chesterfield County."

With this powerful work, Mildred Thompson directly depicts this history in all its horror.

The flight carrying the migrants, a military plane that took off from California, appears to be the first of its kind during the Trump administration. It came on the heels of Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s visit last week to Panama, which has been under tremendous pressure from President Trump over how it runs the Panama Canal.

The more than 100 migrants on the flight, including families, had entered the United States illegally from countries such as Afghanistan, China, Pakistan and Uzbekistan. It is often difficult for the United States to return migrants to those nations."

"[n]o State shall . . . deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws."

Appellants argue at the outset that undocumented aliens, because of their immigration status, are not "persons within the jurisdiction" of the State of Texas, and that they therefore have no right to the equal protection of Texas law. We reject this argument. Whatever his status under the immigration laws, an alien is surely a "person" in any ordinary sense of that term. Aliens, even aliens whose presence in this country is unlawful, have long been recognized as "persons" guaranteed due process of law by the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments. Shaughnessv v. Mezei, 345 U. S. 206, 345 U. S. 212 (1953); Wong Wing v. United States, 163 U. S. 228, 163 U. S. 238 (1896); Yick Wo v. Hopkins, 118 U. S. 356, 118 U. S. 369 (1886). Indeed, we have clearly held that the Fifth Amendment protects aliens whose presence in this country is unlawful from invidious discrimination by the Federal Government. Mathews v. Diaz, 426 U. S. 67, 426 U. S. 77 (1976).

Appellants seek to distinguish our prior cases, emphasizing that the Equal Protection Clause directs a State to afford its protection to persons within its jurisdiction, while the Due Process Clauses of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments contain no such assertedly limiting phrase. In appellants' view, persons who have entered the United States illegally are not "within the jurisdiction" of a State even if they are present within a State's boundaries and subject to its laws. Neither our cases nor the logic of the Fourteenth Amendment support that constricting construction of the phrase "within its jurisdiction." [Footnote 10] We have never suggested that the class of persons who might avail themselves of the equal protection guarantee is less than coextensive with that entitled to due process. To the contrary, we have recognized that both provisions were fashioned to protect an identical class of persons, and to reach every exercise of state authority." 457 U.S. 210-12

President Andrew Jackson infamously refused to enforce the Court's ruling.

Following the American Revolution, many states created penalties for killing enslaved people—but the loophole permitting the killing of an enslaved person during “correction” or to prevent “resistance” remained. As a result, throughout the course of slavery in this country's history, enslavers were rarely punished for killing enslaved people.

Mr. Brownlow opened. He went into a long discussion of the Bible authority for human slavery, but his matter, though full of fun and wit, was by no means new. He laid great stress on Paul’s return of the slave Onesimus to his master, instead of helping him off by some ancient [Underground Railroad]. He maintained that the spiritual condition of the slaves at the South was so glorious that all humanity ought to cry out for the perpetuity of slavery. The very angels and arch-angels bend down from God’s throne with tenderness, and even God’s Son thinks with rapture of the Father’s plan of salvation through the wise and benignant institution of American slavery. (Applause.)

Pryne's response: All the New Testament is against slavery, and when some half dozen slaves gather to hear the New Testament read, the South goes into agonies of terror. If the New Testament is pro-slavery, why don’t you teach the slaves to read it? Why put them under the crack of the lash for reading it? (Applause). Slavery says to 4,000,000 of Christian slaves, “if you read the Bible we’ll score your backs for you.” I say you bring the Bible into scorn and contempt if you argue that it sustains slavery. A slave ought to trample such a Bible under foot. (Great cheering.)

This vague declaration falls short of an attempt to bring about insurrection either immediately or within a reasonable time, but amounts merely to a statement of ultimate ideals. The blanks, however, indicate more specific aims for which members of the Communist Party are to vote. They are to vote Communist for:

"1. Unemployment and Social Insurance at the expense of the State and employers."

"2. Against Hoover's wage-cutting policy."

"3. Emergency relief for the poor farmers without restrictions by the government and banks; exemption of poor farmers from taxes and from forced collection of rents or debts."

"4. Equal rights for the Negroes and self-determination for the Black Belt."

"5. Against capitalistic terror: against all forms of suppression of the political rights of the workers."

"6. Against imperialist war; for the defense of the Chinese people and of the Soviet Union."

None of these aims is criminal upon its face. As to one, the fourth, the claim is that criminality may be found because of extrinsic facts. Those facts consist of possession by appellant of booklets and other literature of the second class illustrating the party doctrines. The state contends these show that the purposes of the Communist Party were forcible subversion of the lawful authority of Georgia. They contain, inter alia, statements to the effect that the party bases itself upon the revolutionary theory of Marxism, opposes "bosses' wars," approves of the Soviet Union, and desires the "smashing" of the National Guard, the C.M.T.C., and the R.O.T.C. But the state especially relies upon a booklet entitled "The Communist Position on the Negro Question," on the cover of which appears a map of the United States having a dark belt across certain Southern states and the

phrase "Self-Determination for the Black Belt." The booklet affirms that the source of the Communist Slogan "Right of Self-Determination of the Negroes in the Black Belt" is a resolution of the Communist International on the Negro question in the United States adopted in 1930, which states that the Communist Party in the United States has been actively attempting to win increasing sympathy among the negro population, that certain things have been advocated for the benefit of the Negroes in the Northern states, but that, in the Southern portion of the United States, the Communist slogan must be "The Right of Self-Determination of the Negroes in the Black Belt." The resolution defines the meaning of the slogan as:

"(a) Confiscation of the landed property of the white landowners and capitalists for the benefit of the negro farmers . . . Without this revolutionary measure, without the agrarian revolution, the right of self-determination of the Negro population would be only a Utopia or, at best, would remain only on paper without changing in any way the actual enslavement."

"(b) Establishment of the State Unity of the Black Belt. . . . If the right of self-determination of the Negroes is to be put into force, it is necessary wherever possible to bring together into one governmental unit all districts of the South, where the majority of the settled population consists of negroes. . . ."

"(c) Right of Self-Determination. This means complete and unlimited right of the negro majority to exercise governmental authority in the entire territory of the Black Belt, as well as to decide upon the relations between their territory and other nations, particularly the United States. . . . First of all, true right of self-determination means that the negro majority and not the white minority in the entire territory of the administratively united Black Belt exercises the right of administering governmental, legislative, and judicial authority. At the present time, all this power is concentrated in the hands of the white bourgeoisie and landlords. It is they who appoint all officials, it is they who dispose of public property, it is they who determine the taxes, it is they who govern and make the laws. Therefore, the overthrow of this class rule in the Black Belt is unconditionally necessary in the struggle for the negroes' right to self-determination. This, however, means at the same time the overthrow of the yoke of American imperialism in the Black Belt on which the forces of the local white bourgeoisie depend. Only in this way, only if the negro population of the Black Belt wins its freedom from American imperialism even to the point of deciding itself the relations between its country and other governments, especially the United States, will it win real and complete self-determination. One should demand from the beginning that no armed forces of American imperialism should remain on the territory of the Black Belt."

Further statements appearing in the pamphlet are:

"Even if the situation does not yet warrant the raising of the question of uprising, one should not limit oneself at present to propaganda for the demand 'Right to Self-Determination', but should organize mass actions, such as demonstration, strikes, tax boycott movements,"

etc.

"One cannot deny that it is just possible for the negro population of the Black Belt to win the right to self-determination during capitalism; but it is perfectly clear and indubitable that this is possible only through successful revolutionary struggle for power against the American bourgeoisie, through wresting the negroes' right of self-determination from American imperialism. Thus, the slogan of right to self-determination is a real slogan of National Rebellion which, to be considered as such, need not be supplemented by proclaiming struggle for the complete separation of the negro zone, at least not at present."

There is more of the same purport, particularly references to the "revolutionary trade unions in the South," "revolutionary struggle against the ruling white bourgeoisie," and "revolutionary program of the Communist Party."

There is no evidence the appellant distributed any writings or printed matter found in the box he carried when arrested, or any other advocating forcible subversion of governmental authority. There is no evidence the appellant advocated, by speech or written word, at meetings or elsewhere, any doctrine or action implying such forcible subversion. There is evidence tending to prove that the appellant held meetings for the purpose of recruiting members of the Communist Party and solicited contributions for the support of that party and there is proof of the doctrines which that party espouses. Appellant's intent to incite insurrection, if it is to be found, must rest upon his procuring members for the Communist Party and his possession of that party's literature when he was arrested." ~301 U.S. 250-53

White supremacy culture is reflected in the current realities of disproportionate and systemic harm and violence directed towards BIPOC people and communities in all aspects of our national life – health, education, employment, incarceration, policing, the law, the environment, immigration, agriculture, food, housing. We would not allow any of the ways in which our society prioritizes profit over people if we did not have dominant cultural beliefs that make normal what is deeply and alarmingly inhumane.

Bannon flashed the gesture after speaking on Thursday night directly after tech billionaire Elon Musk, who caused controversy in January after he gave a similar gesture at the US president’s second inauguration.

Marcus-David Peters was a 24-year-old high school biology teacher who was killed by Richmond police while experiencing a mental crisis.

Bee would regularly tend to the gardens inside before the Virginia Department of General Services erected an 8-foot fence around Marcus-David Peters Circle on Jan. 25, 2021 in preparation of the Robert E. Lee Monument removal. Months later, the fence and monument remain standing.

Marcus-David Peters Circle is named after Marcus-David Peters, a 24-year-old high school biology teacher who was killed by Richmond police while experiencing a mental crisis.

Her sign reads 8:46, a symbol of police brutality representing the amount of time former Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin held his knee on George Floyd’s neck. Before the fence was installed around Marcus-David Peters Circle, Beth would regularly visit the Circle and play her cello for 8 minutes and 46 seconds.

Marcus-David Peters Circle is named after Marcus-David Peters, a 24-year-old high school biology teacher who was killed by Richmond police while experiencing a mental crisis.

On assignment for The Commonwealth Times, Virginia Commonwealth University's independent student newspaper.

On assignment for The Commonwealth Times, Virginia Commonwealth University's independent student newspaper.

Bee would regularly tend to the gardens inside before the Virginia Department of General Services erected an 8-foot fence around Marcus-David Peters Circle on Jan. 25, 2021 in preparation of the Robert E. Lee Monument removal. Months later, the fence and monument remain standing.

Marcus-David Peters Circle is named after Marcus-David Peters, a 24-year-old high school biology teacher who was killed by Richmond police while experiencing a mental crisis.

"the right to teach white and negro children in a private school at the same time and place is not a property right. Besides, appellant, as a corporation created by this state, has no natural right to teach at all. Its right to teach is such as the state sees fit to give to it. The state may withhold it altogether, or qualify it. Allgeyer v. Louisiana, 165 U. S. 578."

Upon this we remark that, when a state court decides a case upon two grounds, one federal and the other nonfederal, this Court will not disturb the judgment if the nonfederal ground, fairly construed, sustains the decision."

2. Purposeful racial discrimination is not satisfactorily established by showing only that an identifiable group has been underrepresented by as much as 10%. P. 380 U. S. 208.

3. There is no evidence in this case that the jury commissioners applied different jury selection standards as between Negroes and whites. P. 380 U. S. 209.

4. An imperfect system of selection of jury panels is not equivalent to purposeful racial discrimination. P. 380 U. S. 209.

5. The prosecutor's striking of Negroes from the jury panel in one particular case under the peremptory challenge system, which permits a challenge without a reason stated, does not constitute denial of equal protection of the laws. P. 380 U. S. 221.

6. Even if a State's systematic striking of Negroes in selecting trial juries raises a prima facie case of discrimination under the Fourteenth Amendment, the record here is insufficient to establish such a systematic striking in the county. Pp. 380 U. S. 222-228.

(a) Petitioner has the burden of proof, and he has failed to meet it. P. 380 U. S. 226.

Page 380 U. S. 203

(b) Total exclusion of Negroes from venires by state officials creates an inference of discrimination, but this rule of proof cannot be applied where it is not shown that the State is responsible for the exclusion of Negroes through peremptory challenges. Pp. 380 U. S. 226-227."

Titled "Restoring Truth and Sanity to American History," the order states, "Once widely respected as a symbol of American excellence and a global icon of cultural achievement, the Smithsonian Institution has, in recent years, come under the influence of a divisive, race-centered ideology. This shift has promoted narratives that portray American and Western values as inherently harmful and oppressive." It goes on to say: "Museums in our Nation's capital should be places where individuals go to learn -- not to be subjected to ideological indoctrination or divisive narratives that distort our shared history.""

The secretary of state, Marco Rubio, confirmed the scale of the crackdown, announcing that he has canceled visas for more than 300 people he called “lunatics” connected to campus pro-Palestine protests in the US, with promises of action to continue daily.

Asked by reporters during a visit to Guyana in South America to confirm reports of 300 visas stripped, Rubio said: “Maybe more than 300 at this point. We do it every day, every time I find one of these lunatics.”

Her arrest and visa revocation came after she voiced support for Palestinians in Gaza in an op-ed she co-authored in her student newspaper. The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) claimed she “engaged in activities in support of Hamas”, a justification being denounced as a direct assault on academic freedom and the erosion of free speech and personal liberties.

In addressing her case specifically, Rubio said: “We revoked her visa ... once you’ve lost your visa, you’re no longer legally in the United States … if you come into the US as a visitor and create a ruckus for us, we don’t want it. We don’t want it in our country. Go back and do it in your country.”"

Some of the content removed from the site was on veterans who had received the nation's highest military recognition, the Medal of Honor, according to military news site Task & Purpose.

The content removal is part of a larger effort by President Donald Trump to eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) practices in the military and throughout the federal government.

Approximately 400,000 veterans are buried in the Army-run cemetery, which was established after the US Civil War at the home of the South's general, Robert E. Lee."

Among the more than 26,000 items marked to be removed were references to the Enola Gay, the US aircraft that dropped the first atomic bomb on Hiroshima, Japan, in 1945 -- apparently because the plane's name triggered a digital search for word associated with LGBT inclusion.

Other content removed by the Pentagon included stories on the Tuskegee Airmen, who were the first African American military aviators, and baseball legend and veteran Jackie Robinson.

Responding to a question on those and other removals, the Pentagon on Wednesday said it saluted the individuals, but refused to see "them through the prism of immutable characteristics."

"(DEI) is a form of Woke cultural Marxism that Divides the force, Erodes unit cohesion and Interferes with the services' core warfighting mission," said Pentagon Press Secretary John Ullyot.

He added that in "rare cases" that content was removed that should not have been, it would be restored -- as was the case with the articles on Robinson and on Navajo "code talkers" -- but defiantly stood by the purge as a whole.

Not everyone has been convinced by the Pentagon's explanations around the purge.

Descendants of the Native Americans who played a vital role for US forces in World War II said they had been shocked to discover their ancestors' heroic contributions had been effectively deleted from the public record.

"I definitely see it as an attempt to erase the history of people of color in general," said Zonnie Gorman, daughter of military veteran Carl Gorman.

Carl Gorman was one of the young Navajo "code talkers" recruited by the US Navy in 1942 to test the use of their Indigenous language, whose complex structure made it an almost impossible-to-crack wartime code.

Several web pages detailing the role of the group, whose contribution was key to the United States' victories in the Pacific between 1942 and 1945 in battles such as Iwo Jima, recently disappeared from the Pentagon's site.

For Gorman, a historian, the action was an insult.

"From the very beginning, we are very invisible in this country, and so to have a story that was so well recognized for us as Indigenous people, that felt good," she told AFP.

"And then this is like a slap in the face."

The segregation clause is one of several identified in a public memo issued by the General Services Administration last month, affecting all civil federal agencies. The memo explains that it is making changes prompted by President Trump's executive order on diversity, equity and inclusion, which repealed an executive order signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1965 regarding federal contractors and nondiscrimination. The memo also addresses Trump's executive order on gender identity."

Appellees Dan and Hirsch, claiming that the prosecution of Harris would "inhibit" them from peacefully advocating the program of the political party to which they belonged, and appellee Broslawsky, a college professor, claiming that the prosecution made him "uncertain" as to whether his teaching and reading practices would subject him to prosecution, intervened as plaintiffs. All asserted that they would suffer irreparable injury unless a federal injunction was issued. A three-judge court, relying on Dombrowski v. Pfister, 380 U. S. 479, held the Act void for vagueness and overbreadth, and enjoined Harris' prosecution.

Held: There is no basis for equitable jurisdiction based on the allegations of appellees other than Harris, who have not been indicted, arrested, or threatened with prosecution, and the normal course of a state criminal prosecution cannot be blocked on the basis of fears of prosecution that are merely speculative.

Federal courts will not enjoin pending state criminal prosecutions except under extraordinary circumstances where the danger of irreparable loss is both great and immediate in that (unlike the situation affecting Harris) there is a threat to the plaintiff's federally protected rights that cannot be eliminated by his defense against a single prosecution.

His order is part of a wave of actions against cultural organizations that he alleges have been overtaken by “woke” ideology, from the Kennedy Center to the Institute of Museum and Library Services. The Voice of America and PBS are also in his sights...

In 2017, Trump visited the National Museum of African American History and Culture with then-Housing and Urban Development Secretary Ben Carson, Republican Sen. Tim Scott of South Carolina and Alveda King, a niece of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. The president’s tour was guided by Lonnie Bunch, the Smithsonian Institution’s current secretary and founding director of NMAAHC."

Pictures of Belonging is an unprecedented examination of these three trailblazing figures.  By tracing their artistic development before, during, and after the mass incarceration and displacement of Japanese Americans during World War II, the exhibition offers a nuanced view of how these women continued to explore and experiment with new artistic expression throughout their lives. Created during tumultuous decades in modern US history, their paintings, along with their stories of resilience, remind us of art’s power in the face of adversity and challenge.  

The exhibition includes works by Hisako Hibi and Miné Okubo recently acquired for SAAM’s collection, part of a multi-year initiative to expand and enrich the representation of Asian American experiences, perspectives, and artistic accomplishment in public displays and new scholarship. 

Pictures of Belonging is curated by ShiPu Wang, Coats Family Chair in the Arts, and professor at the University of California, Merced, and organized by the Japanese American National Museum. The exhibition is coordinated at SAAM by Melissa Ho, curator of twentieth-century art, with Anna Lee, curatorial assistant for Asian American art."

The Fifth Circuit is known as one of the country’s most conservative, and in the past has sided with government officials over noncitizens. If its judges rule in favor of the Trump administration, Secretary Rubio could continue to cite the law used to justify the detention of Mr. Khalil in efforts to deport other legal permanent residents.

Friday’s hearing came days after a judge in Manhattan ordered the government to halt efforts to detain Yunseo Chung, a 21-year-old Columbia student and legal permanent resident who had participated in pro-Palestinian protests. Ms. Chung, who shares a legal team with Mr. Khalil, was never detained by immigration authorities.

In an interview outside the courthouse after the hearing, Mr. Azmy noted the distinction between her case and Mr. Khalil’s.

“The fact that he’s in custody allows the government to have total control over him,” Mr. Amzy said."

Lesotho’s trade minister, Mokhethi Shelile, said the country has 11 factories that employ 12,000 workers. Seventy percent of what they produce is exported to the United States. “We are a small economy,” Mr. Shelile said. “We just have to speak to the U.S. administration because the tariff is not based on facts.””