With the main contribution coming from the ethnographic study "Bangladeshi Workers on the Edge of the Labour Regime in Italian Fincantieri Shipyards"—from which the testimonies were drawn—this research analyzes the profoundly complex situation of Bangladeshi immigrant workers in Fincantieri shipyards, shedding light on the inextricable connection of labor processes, social reproduction dynamics, and migration policies that shape their lives both inside and outside the workplace, making them invisible.

Lower wages determined by the "paga globale" (sometimes less than 7 euros gross per hour), extensive use of undeclared work, violations of workers' rights and safety standards, excessively long working hours (up to 10-12 hours per day), ban on joining a union, and blackmail and violence are only some of the consequences of the Fincantieri system, which thus produces an invisible and silent caste of immigrant workers through the suppression of collective awareness

Additionally, the stratification of the workforce produced by the subcontracting system causes a hierarchical structuring of contracts and racialized forms of discrimination: in Marghera, the division of the shipyard into "two workplaces"—one for Italian direct employees and another for immigrant indirect laborers—not only reinforces a spatial form of racial inequality, but also challenges the notion of work as a pathway for immigrants to achieve integration, social recognition, and a sense of belonging within the host society.

Mainly, we get a job in Fincantieri through our friends and relatives. You need someone to inform you or assist you to have a job inside the factory. If you have close blood relatives, you will get the job earlier. Sometimes, if you have no relatives but you are from the same village or municipality of Bangladesh, then some of the workers will help you to find a job.

Labor recruitment in Fincantieri’s shipyards relies heavily on informal ethnic networks, with workers employed by subcontracting firms owned by both Italians and Bangladeshis: in this system, supervisors often act as informal brokers, leveraging trust from employers to recruit workers through kinship and community ties. These ethnic networks, concerning migrants as well as Italians, guarantee rapid labor mobilization and timely project delivery, aligning with employers' logistical demands. While recruitment typically targets individuals already residing in Italy, it occasionally extends transnationally, with established co-ethnic workers facilitating newcomers' adaptation to factory work and social isolation.

One of my village friends asked me to pay 500 euros to ensure my work at Fincantieri. He said that without giving some expenses (cost), the supervisor would not recommend me for the job. As I was desperately looking for a job, I paid. I know other workers who paid a sum before starting to work or pay back some amount such as 100 to 500 euros each month.

For those lacking such networks, accessing employment is significantly more challenging and often involves informal payments or bribes to intermediaries, with migrants under financial pressure—such as debt repayment or permit renewal— being particularly vulnerable to such exploitative practices. Until at least 2019, when legal action was taken against a subcontractor for irregular hiring practices, the payment of bribes to secure jobs was reportedly widespread, showing just how deeply embedded informal labor practices were in the shipbuilding industry.

Mostly newcomers without relatives sometimes live in the houses of their boss to keep a job or even to have a job. The workers must pay their rent regularly and follow the rules provided by the landlords. If the workers are doing anything against the regulations set by the landlord the owner will not allow him to stay at the house.

Informal recruitment networks, often mediated by workers and supervisors with close ties to Fincantieri subcontracting firms, contribute to a system in which employment and housing are deeply intertwined and shaped by ethnic hierarchies. Bangladeshi workers, who face significant barriers to accessing the private rental market due to income insecurity and prima facie discrimination, often rely on co-ethnic landlords, many of whom are senior community members with influence on both accommodation and job access. These landlords frequently charge above-market rents, offer paid meal services, and exert social control by monitoring workers’ behaviour, both in the home and in the workplace, with repercussions for contract renewal and job stability. In this situation newcomers, particularly those lacking strong social networks, are often compelled to accept accommodation linked to job opportunities, with refusal or misconduct leading to eviction and potential job loss. Simultaneously, mosques play a central role in community support and reinforce internal social hierarchies, whith participation in religious activities being often mandatory for workers seeking social recognition or more stability within the community.

Some of the subcontracting firm owners are cunning like a fox; they know what types of documents the workers hold, and thus they will treat these workers accordingly. Some owners of firms look for asylum seekers. The owner knows that these workers are in a very precarious situation, and it is easy to pay them lower wages. As such, workers will not say anything, and they will not complain due to their vulnerability.

The immigration status of Bangladeshi workers in Italy—whether as asylum seekers, visa holders, or residents with short or long-term permits—has a major impact on their position in the labor market and their everyday lives. At the center of this is the residence permit, which Italian law ties directly to having a valid work contract, meaning that employers effectively hold power over whether a worker can legally remain in the country, making workers with temporary contracts especially vulnerable. These conditions allow employers to select and retain only the most "suitable" workers, sometimes even leading to illegal practices like selling long-term contracts to those desperate for legal stability. Renewing a permit often involves long waiting bureaucratic periods and complex paperwork, adding stress and limiting workers’ ability to change jobs or travel. As a result, many are confined to precarious jobs in subcontracted sectors, where asylum seekers in particular are targeted for underpaid work because of their legal insecurity. Employers often use knowledge of a worker’s status to control behavior and suppress complaints. This tight link between labor and migration policy restricts not only workplace rights but also broader life goals, such as reuniting with family, securing a loan, or applying for citizenship.

Fiom-Cgil Venezia

Italian policies, which limit political participation and tend to treat migrants as monolithic groups, only reinforce this problem and make it harder for more diverse and inclusive forms of engagement to emerge.