Is an individual who holds a position of authority and influence within the political system of a country or organization. Their primary role is to guide, represent, and make decisions on behalf of a group, party, or nation.

Different leadership types such as: Cohersive, authorative, affiliative, democratic, pacesetting, coaching.

Furthermore, "Political parties or candidates may champion what are considered rural topics, ... with others claiming to represent issues that are more associated with urban life". This makes reference to the values each political party represent depending on their beliefs.

Formal political forums are spaces or platforms that have rules and that are made to discuss or take decisions with a specific procedure between states. An example of a formal political forum is the G8 in which the governors of the most powerful countries meet to discuss global problematics. Informal political forums can be discussions or meetings in which the opinions shared have a different perspective compared to the G8. Informal political forums can also be discussions or meetings between peope that do not work or belong to a government.

Nowadays, unlike before; sources of information are more subjective and more communicative with their audience. This is mainly because of social media. Before, information sources were more objective, by reporting daily succeses by using television and newspapers.

Sometimes, these political parties can seem to be influenced by a political party or an ideology. This can furthermore manipulate the truth and shape it to benefit themselves or the political party.

Actors: Nigeria´s protestors, Burna Boy, SARS

Level: Nigeria, 2020

Key concept: Power - The #EndSARS movement was a struggle against the oppressive use of state power. Burna Boy's role exemplified the power of culture and influence in resisting that oppression and advocating for systemic change.

Explanation: The #EndSARS movement in Nigeria, sparked by a viral video of police brutality, ignited mass protests in October 2020, demanding the dissolution of the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) and broader reforms against police violence. Despite the government's announcement to disband SARS, protests continued, culminating in the tragic Lekki Toll Gate shooting, where security forces killed several peaceful demonstrators. The movement garnered global attention and support, with high-profile figures voicing solidarity. In its aftermath, judicial panels were established to investigate abuses, though protesters faced suppression. Burna Boy, a prominent Nigerian musician, played a key role in the #EndSARS movement by using his music, social media, and global platform to raise awareness and advocate for change. His song "20 10 20," referencing the Lekki Toll Gate shooting, became an anthem for the protests, encapsulating the anger and demands of the Nigerian people. Through social media, he actively encouraged participation and shared information about police brutality. As an international artist, Burna Boy brought global attention to the movement, connecting it with broader struggles against systemic racism. His public statements and activism inspired youth engagement and reinforced calls for justice and systemic reform in Nigeria.

A year after the protests, many victims were still awaiting justice. Reports indicated that accountability for abuses committed during the protests remained elusive, with little action taken against those responsible for the violence against protesters.

Sources:

CJ, N. (2023, May 1). Burna Boy’s strengths have always been in his music, never his politics. New Lines Magazine. https://newlinesmag.com/spotlight/burna-boys-strengths-have-always-been-in-his-music-never-his-politics/

Bernard, J. (2022, September 20). Feel the Burna: can the real African Giant please stand up? Dazed. https://www.dazeddigital.com/music/article/56901/1/burna-boy-interview-love-damini-endsars

Falade, A. (2021, March 4). Songs in the #EndSARS protests How music captured the frustrations of young Nigerians. The Republic. https://republic.com.ng/february-march-2021/songs-in-the-endsars-protests/

Amnesty International. (2024, April 30). #EndSARS movement: from Twitter to Nigerian Streets. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2021/02/nigeria-end-impunity-for-police-violence-by-sars-endsars/

Nigeria: A year on, no justice for #EndSARS crackdown. (2021, October 19). Human Rights Watch. https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/10/19/nigeria-year-no-justice-endsars-crackdown

Stakeholders:

1. International monetary fund

2. World bank

Most interest and pressure groups focus on policies that helps society in general, such as keeping human rights, improving air quality, reducing climate change or others.

This is because there are different countries from very distinct regions in the world involved in the political issue. Also because the stakeholders are international organizations.

This concept is associated to my political issue because it is about how actors such as BRICS can change the global political system and order. The concept is mainly about the capacity of a nation or group to influence others.

My political issue is related to power because BRICS was created to challenge global dominance that the western hemisphere has.

Actors: Amnesty International, Taliban, Women in Afghanistan, International Court of Justice

Level: International

Time frame: September 2024

Key Concept: Legitimacy

The Taliban's government is controversial, as they have control over Afghanistan but the government is not recognized by any country or the UN. Therefore, the legitimacy of the new policies that violate human rights according to the UN are not entirely legitimate

Amnesty International. (2024, September 30). Afghanistan: International legal initiative an important step toward tackling the Taliban’s war on women. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2024/09/afghanistan-legal-initiative-talibans-war-on-women/

Thomas, C. S. (2024, September 16). Interest group | Definition, Examples, Types, Politics, & Facts. Encyclopedia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/topic/interest-group

Actors:

• La JEP

• Otty Patiño

• Colombia Humana

• Centro Democrático

• United Nations

Level of analysis:

National (Colombia 2024)

Key concept associated: Legitimacy

Explanation:

In the week of September 22nd, 2024, the JEP faced a conflictive proposal by the peace commissioner Otty Patiño to dissolve the organization and implement another court to conclude the conflict with the ELN (for more context, visit the video above).

In this case, we can see two clear actors: the JEP and Otty Patiño. These two are the ones who symbolize the balance of power regarding the fate of the organization, and wether or not it will cease to exist in the future. Nevertheless, it is of vital importance to understand how political parties play a crucial role in this dilema.

The right wing (particularly Centro Democrático, leaded by Álvaro Uribe) has showed a strong opposition towards the organization itself from the very beginning. Some of their arguments include that the JEP may lead to criminal impunity by failing to sentence criminals as severely as they should according to their crimes and that the JEP allows former FARC commanders to be part of the congress without conventional prison charges. In other words, the right wing has always been very skeptic regarding the peace process, which is why organizations like JEP, being the center of such treaty, have always been an object of distrust.

Furthermore, the left wing (represented by Colombia Humana) has always showed support for these organizations. For instance, Juan Fernando Cristo, minister of the interior in Colombia, stated that Petro's government never had any intentions of closing JEP. The left sees the JEP as a mechanism to clarify the truth about the armed conflict and promote national reconciliation. They consider this transitional justice approach necessary to overcome decades of violence.

Nevertheless, our final actor comes into play when analyzing the role of legitimacy in this conflict. NGO's like the UN are relevant in this political issue because their jurisdiction is not only beyond borders but also political parties, meaning that UN judicial bodies like the International Criminal Court can impose severe sanctions to the government if the states decides to meddle with the operations of the JEP, as warned by its president.

It is here were legitimacy becomes fundamental. Being a public organization in the judicial branch, the JEP should be inmune to the dispute between political parties in the executive branch. Nevertheless, political parties have spread their influence and have now compromised individualism in these types of entities.

This is why it is of vital importance to fully understand not only the violent history between political parties in Colombia, but also how this history continues to affect public and "independent" organizations to this day in peace processes, which have the main objective of reintegrating balance to the country.

Sources:

• Aboueldahab, S. (2020, junio). ¡La JEP no significa impunidad! Mitos, percepciones erróneas y realidades sobre la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz. CEDPAL. https://cedpal.uni-goettingen.de/data/publicaciones/2020/Ambos_Aboueldahab_Policy_Brief_2020.pdf

• BBC News Mundo. (2019, May 30). Objeciones a la JEP en Colombia: la Corte Constitucional rechaza los reparos del presidente Duque a la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-48453600

• Gómez, G. I. (2020, June 19). Las disputas por la Jurisdicción Especial para la Paz (JEP): una reflexión crítica sobre su sentido político y jurídico*. Revista Javeriana. https://revistas.javeriana.edu.co/files-articulos/VJ/69%20(2020)/82563265002/

• Gómez, N., & Ortiz, M. I. (2024, mayo 15). JEP respondió a críticas del presidente Petro sobre tribunal de cierre e implementación de la paz. ELTIEMPO.COM. https://eltiempo.com/justicia/jep-colombia/las-respetamos-pero-no-las-compartimos-jep-le-responde-al-presidente-petro-sobre-si-es-un-tribunal-de-cierre-3343068

• Morales, C. A. (2024, October 2). La propuesta del Gobierno Petro para cerrar la JEP y las críticas de las FARC por lentitud. El Espectador. https://www.elespectador.com/colombia-20/jep-y-desaparecidos/la-propuesta-del-gobierno-petro-para-cerrar-la-jep-y-las-criticas-de-las-farc-por-lentitud/

  
  

This political issue is on a global scale since the objective of the BRICS is to impact the global order, therefore this means that this informal political forum seeks to gain influence in regions such as Africa, Latin America, Asia and the Pacific through trade agreements and infrastructure projects such as the one that seeks to build an alternative to the Panama Canal: a transoceanic railway. This according to (Colombia nos une - Cancilleria, 2024) would be called "The dry canal and would be 220 kilometers long, it would go from the Pacific to a city that would be built near Cartagena de Indias (in the Caribbean), where "The products imported from China would be assembled for re-export to other countries on the American continent.”

In addition to examples that demonstrate why this political issue is on a global scale, it can also be said that this forum will have a global impact by also aiming to stop using the dollar as the currency with which trades are negotiated. This is because this weakens the economic dominance of the U.S. dollar, a key element of Western financial power.

Modern Diplomacy. (2023, April 26). Can BRICS weaken the dominance of the IMF and World Bank? https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2023/04/26/can-brics-weaken-the-dominance-of-the-imf-and-world-bank/

Colombia construiría con China un canal alterno a Panamá. (2024, February 2). Colombia Nos Une - Cancilleria. https://www.colombianosune.com/content/colombia-construir%C3%ADa-con-china-un-canal-alterno-a-panam%C3%A1

Epic. (2023, September 4). The BRICS are back, but for what purpose? - Friends of Europe. Friends of Europe. https://www.friendsofeurope.org/insights/critical-thinking-the-brics-are-back-but-for-what-purpose/

Boyes, R. (2024, September 10). Expanding Brics alliance should worry Nato. The Times. https://www.thetimes.com/comment/columnists/article/expanding-brics-alliance-should-worry-nato-pvgtd7hf6

RCEP: el mayor mercado del mundo. (2023). Foreign Affairs Latinoamérica | Revista Oficial De Foreign Affairs Latinoamérica. https://revistafal.com/rcep-el-mayor-mercado-del-mundo/

Historically, Colombian media has played a pivotal role in political campaigns, with television and radio being the primary sources of information for the majority of the population. During election periods, media coverage can significantly influence public opinion and voter behavior. For instance, the portrayal of candidates in news programs, debates, and political advertisements can shape perceptions and sway undecided voters. This influence is not limited to traditional media; digital platforms and social media have become increasingly important in recent years, providing new avenues for political communication and propaganda.

The legal framework in Colombia guarantees freedom of the press, but this freedom is not absolute. There are laws and regulations that can be used to limit media activities, particularly when it comes to issues of national security, defamation, and hate speech. These regulations can sometimes be exploited to suppress dissenting voices and critical journalism. Additionally, journalists in Colombia often face threats and violence, particularly those who investigate corruption, drug trafficking, and human rights abuses. This environment of intimidation can lead to self-censorship, further limiting the diversity of perspectives in the media.

Public trust in the media has been eroding over the years, partly due to perceptions of bias and manipulation. Surveys indicate that a significant portion of the population believes that the media is influenced by political and economic interests. This distrust is compounded by the rise of fake news and misinformation, which can spread rapidly through social media and other online platforms. Efforts to combat misinformation include fact-checking initiatives and media literacy programs, but these efforts face challenges in reaching a broad audience and changing entrenched beliefs.

Despite these challenges, there are emerging independent media outlets in Colombia that strive to provide unbiased and investigative journalism. These outlets often operate online and rely on crowdfunding and donations to maintain their independence. They play a crucial role in holding power to account and providing alternative narratives that are not covered by mainstream media. However, they face significant obstacles, including limited resources, legal pressures, and threats to their safety.

The digital age has also brought about changes in media consumption habits. Younger generations are increasingly turning to social media and online news sources for information, which has led to a fragmentation of the media landscape. This shift presents both opportunities and challenges. On one hand, it allows for a greater diversity of voices and perspectives. On the other hand, it can lead to the creation of echo chambers where individuals are only exposed to information that reinforces their existing beliefs.

Sources:

Freedom House. (2023). Freedom in the World 2023: Colombia. Retrieved from https://freedomhouse.org/country/colombia/freedom-world/202

Media dominance by political and commercial elites: Reporters Without Borders. (2023). Colombia: Media Ownership. Retrieved from https://rsf.org/en/colombia

: Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism. (2023). Digital News Report 2023. Retrieved from https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/digital-news-report/2023

Knight Center for Journalism in the Americas. (2023). The Rise of Independent Media in Colombia. Retrieved from https://knightcenter.utexas.edu/blog/2023/10/16/rise-independent-media-colombia

Stakeholders: Colombian Government, both ''El Espectador'' and ''La Republica'' audiences and civil viewers.

Key Concept: Legitimacy - The Colombian 2022 Presidential elections were controversial. This is due to the inmense amounts of misinformation created about the two main presidential candidates: Gustavo Petro, and Rodolfo Hernandez. This not only caused the lost of legitimacy and value of many news companies. The two news companies that exemplified at most these bi partidary biases were ''El Tiempo'' (Supporting Rodolfo Hernandez), and ''La Republica'' (Supporting Gustavo Petro).

The role of media such as El Tiempo and La República during the 2022 Colombian presidential election was important in forming public opinion and may have weighed on the course of the election through different means. Traditionally, these news organizations have been politically and ideologically linked to the conservative elites of the country, uniting themselves with the business-friendly elements that have cropped up in the current campaign. El Tiempo belongs to the Sarmiento family, one of the most powerful business groups in the country, and its interests meet in a privileged manner with those of the traditional economic and political elites from the country. Among subjects given most importance in the coverage by this newspaper after the 2022 election, there were economic stability and security, and the risks due to the presence of a left-wing government, especially towards Gustavo Petro. Petro was a former mayor of Bogotá with a long history of left activism, who promoted economic reform alongside strong social justice. Yet both El Tiempo and La República regularly framed his proposals as extreme and dangerous, drawing parallels back to the economic crisis in Venezuela and cautioning that a potential presidency of Petro would hold instability. In the meantime, La República is a heavy-hitting newspaper focused on economic and business issues, running stories portraying Petro's policies as perilous for the financial health of Colombia, while giving more favorable coverage to conservative and centrist contenders like Federico Gutiérrez and Rodolfo Hernández, who respectively represent more traditionally pro-business platforms. Through such agenda-setting and framing, the media give emphasis to entrench in voters' minds the underlying economic risks emanating from a particular candidate and consequently mold public perception about that candidate. El Tiempo and La República employed methods of priming that served to make voters associate instability with Petro through the constant focusing on his planned tax reforms and social expenditure, framing them as too ambitious or economically impossible to sustain. These media also showed partiality and editorialized as a means to report negatively on Petro while presenting his two conservative opponents as more stable and secure for the country's economy. Besides, another main factor that contributes to the political standing of these media is ownership. The fact that the ownership of El Tiempo has been controlled by the Sarmiento family has translated into a consistent pro-business editorial line, favoring candidates aligned with the economic establishment in Colombia. La República, on the other hand, targets business professionals and executives, an audience bound to be more sympathetic to neoliberal economic policies. This ownership structure creates an inherent bias for conservative or centrist candidates promising economic stability and continuity. In this context, the 2022 electoral process became about critical coverage attributed to Petro and ideas of land reform, environmental protections, and large increases in social spending. Media framed these proposals as threats to Colombia's economic stability, advancing a narrative that a Petro victory would lead to financial chaos, higher taxes, and flight of capital. Due to this unilateral representation in the mass media, Gustavo Petro won and became the first left-wing president of Colombia. However, their role in the elaboration of the frame and speech production was huge in realization, especially El Tiempo and La República. While Petro's victory showed a change in society and greater discontent with the status quo, little doubt remains that conservative media coverage influenced certain voters-undecided ones or those with interests in the business outcome. That these media could shape and frame key electoral issues through agenda-setting, framing, and priming is an important capability of their power to shape public opinion and influence the result of elections. That becomes particularly relevant in a context like Colombia, where the ownership of mass media is concentrated in a few powerful families and business groups, which allows the political preferences of such elites to fluctuate in news coverage and editorial decisions from major publications. The case of the 2022 presidential election in Colombia accentuates how meaningful media literacy and critical thinking among electors are, since the framing of the media on political debate has strong implications for voting behavior. But though Gustavo Petro overcame this media bias to win an historic victory, the performance of El Tiempo and La República speaks volumes about the great influence mass media communication formats can exercise over the outcome of elections-especially when their editorial lines coincide with the interests of the political and economic powers. As Colombia continues to evolve politically, perceptions by the media and influences on election outcomes will continue as a key variable necessary to understand the dynamics of Colombian democracy. Finally, while El Tiempo and La República did not succeed in preventing Petro's election, their coverage likely contributed to the polarization and contentiousness of this election-a worldwide tendency in media influence over democratic processes."

Sources: Córdova, A. (2022). Misinformation Is Shaping the Colombian Election. CIGI. https://www.cigionline.org/articles/misinformation-shaping-colombian-election/

Carter Center. (2022). Analizando las Elecciones Presidenciales de Colombia 2022. https://www.cartercenter.org/resources/pdfs/news/peace_publications/election_reports/colombia-expert-mission-report-2022-spanish.pdf

MOE. (2022). Elecciones Nacionales 2022: Análisis del cubrimiento mediático local e internacional a las elecciones legislativas y presidenciales en Colombia. https://www.moe.org.co/elecciones-nacionales-2022-analisis-del-cubrimiento-mediatico-local-e-internacional-a-las-elecciones-legislativas-y-presidenciales-en-colombia/

El Tiempo. (n.d.). El Tiempo. https://colombia.mom-gmr.org/en/media/detail/outlet/el-tiempo/