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      <title>International Organizations for Sustainable Development 2024/25 by Emily Fursa</title>
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      <pubDate>2024-08-14 14:17:38 UTC</pubDate>
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         <title>Group 3: Zongyu Li, Sam, Anais, Feiyang WANG</title>
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         <pubDate>2024-10-07 07:54:20 UTC</pubDate>
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         <title>Zongyu Li, Lena Bilonoha, Anaïs Alma Blachon, Noura Alamadi</title>
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         <pubDate>2024-10-21 07:12:50 UTC</pubDate>
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         <title>Chik Sin Cheung, Arthur Herbosch, ZHANG Zhan,Yuika Morita</title>
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         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3179010127</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p><strong>1-&nbsp;To what extent do you perceive the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) as an influential international entity in advocating for the interests of Muslim communities and nations? Please substantiate your response with specific examples.</strong></p><p><br/></p><p><br/></p><ol><li><p>Different to get a single conclusion when dealing with international problem as there are already some ideological differences under the same religion. For example, during the oil crisis, on whether to increase or decrease the production of oil, the OIC cannot get a united front.  </p></li><li><p>OIC is influential due to its size and the economic volume, when they are united. </p></li></ol><p><br/></p><p><strong>2- Analyze the role of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in providing support to Muslim civilians in Gaza and Palestine. In your opinion, how should the OIC modify its approach to enhance its effectiveness in such contexts?</strong></p><p><br/></p><ol><li><p>Diplomatic advocacy: The OIC has consistently advocated for Palestinian rights in international forums, including the UN. It regularly issues statements condemning Israeli actions and calling for international intervention. representing the Islamic world to use their influences to other nations </p></li><li><p>Humanitarian aid: Through its various organs, particularly the Islamic Development Bank, the OIC has provided financial assistance for development projects and humanitarian relief in Gaza and the West Bank.</p><p><a rel="noopener noreferrer nofollow" href="https://www.isdb.org/state-of-palestine">https://www.isdb.org/state-of-palestine</a></p><p><br/></p><p>Coordination challenges: due to the diverse background of the nations </p><p>The OIC can improve by:</p><ol><li><p>Increase Media Coverage, Foster cooperation between nations Work with other international cooperation like the UN.</p></li></ol></li></ol><p><strong>3- Evaluate Oman’s robust and peaceful foreign policies. How can nations with similar ideologies collaborate with Oman to promote global peace and stability?</strong></p><p><br/></p><ol><li><p>Neutrality and Non-alignment:</p><p>Oman has consistently maintained a neutral stance in regional conflicts, allowing it to serve as a mediator between opposing parties. This was evident in its role facilitating talks between the US and Iran, and in the Yemen conflict.</p><p><br/></p><p>2. Peaceful Conflict Resolution:</p><p>The country prioritizes diplomatic solutions over military interventions, often offering to host peace talks or act as an intermediary in regional disputes.</p><p><br/></p></li><li><p>Collaboration Opportunities for Like-minded Nations:</p><p><br/></p><p>1. Indian Ocean Cooperation:</p><p>Nations could work with Oman to develop a comprehensive framework for Indian Ocean cooperation, focusing on maritime security, trade, and cultural exchange. This aligns with Kaplan's view of the Indian Ocean as a critical geopolitical theater.</p><p><br/></p><p>2. Energy Security Initiatives:</p><p>Given Oman's strategic position near major oil shipping lanes, collaborations could focus on ensuring energy security and stable global energy markets, a key theme in "Monsoon."</p><p><br/></p></li><li><p><strong>Multilateral Diplomatic Platforms</strong>:</p><ul><li><p>Oman’s peaceful diplomacy could be complemented by working with other neutral nations to strengthen multilateral forums such as the <strong>United Nations</strong> and the <strong>Non-Aligned Movement</strong>. Collaborative initiatives could focus on conflict prevention, peace-building, and fostering regional cooperation in the Indian Ocean.</p></li></ul><p><br/></p></li></ol>]]></description>
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         <pubDate>2024-10-21 07:39:30 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3179010127</guid>
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         <title>Group: Erin, Fahmi, Rayya, Max </title>
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         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3179012169</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p><strong>Influence and ability of the OIC? </strong></p><p>--&gt; Despite the OIC's high potential (thanks to high resources, large population impacted, territories, ...) it has low impact. It's one of the largest IOs in theory, but very few know about it, even within IR studies. </p><p>--&gt; The OIC creates a space of discussion and negotiation, however they rarely have a unified front on many topics.</p><p>--&gt; Lack of entities within the OIC who have a direct impact on the ground / focus on projects. There's a surprising lack of projects that have been implemented by the OIC due to this.  </p><p>--&gt; OIC does not particularly follow their supposed goals. The states here often protect eachother in other IOs such as the UN Human Rights Council (Human Rights Watch criticised some human rights violations, and OIC states came in support of the state, and "OIC demands that the council "should work cooperatively with abusive governments rather than condemn them."")</p><p>--&gt; Agreements lack a binding element</p><p>--&gt; Economic and territorial integration is complicated. </p><p><br/></p><p><strong>OIC's support to Muslim civilians in Gaza and Palestine</strong></p><p>--&gt; Overall, it's good that they have a unified front on the topic, however there's still too little direct impact. </p><p>--&gt; OIC aided the Islamic Development Bank (IDB) to provide financial assistance for rebuilding infrastructure and providing emergency relief to civilians in the Gaza Strip. </p><p>--&gt; OIC should impove it's crisis-response mechanisms by increasing its capacity for rapid humanitarian intervention. </p><p><br/></p><p><strong>Friends of everybody? Oman's "peaceful and robust foreign policies": Friends not enemies</strong></p><p>--&gt; Oman's opinion is to put aside discussions where there might be differences of opinion (such as shia vs sunni issues...) and prioritise only the discussions which would bring benefits to all. </p><p>--&gt; Oman claims not to cut relation with states because they want open lines of dialogue to be more effective against atrocities, acts as a mediator and negotiator. </p><p>--&gt; It was mentioned in our discussions that there's no such thing as being a true bystander, a state is always complicit in some way shape or form. Active complicity is very common by states who claim to be friends of all. </p><p><br/></p><p><br/></p><p><br/></p><p><br/></p>]]></description>
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         <pubDate>2024-10-21 07:40:59 UTC</pubDate>
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         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3179032794</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p>47-246798 ASOKAN Nithyashree</p><p>39-237408 LI Wangyang</p><p>51-238027 Yuna Nishiyama</p><p>51-248239 Karina Saraswati</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><strong>We have collectively combined the notes we took while discussing:</strong></p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><strong>&nbsp;1.</strong></p><p>One of the example that OIC has advocated in the interest of Muslim communities was on December 19, 2021 OIC held an Extraordinary Session of the OIC Council of Foreign Ministers on the “Humanitarian Situation in Afghanistan” where the conference agreed upon a resolution regarding the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan, which the essence of it was to urge Afghanistan to respect its responsibilities in accordance with international law and Islamic principles, especially regarding the rights of children, women, the elderly and people with special needs</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>On June 20-24, 2022, the International Islamic Fiqh Academy and the OIC Secretariat organized a visit by scholars from several OIC member countries, including Indonesia, to visit Kabul and hold dialogue with Afghan scholars. The main issues discussed were tolerance and moderation as well as women's rights in Islam, including access to education.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Important notes on the visit of the scholars:</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>a. The Taliban welcomed the engagement carried out by the OIC and could understand the OIC's invitation for the Taliban to implement more favorable policies towards women.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>b. The Taliban continued to emphasize the need to respect Afghan culture and traditions.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>-Due to the diversities of actors having totally different political, social, and economic perspectives with limited economic power and low educational level of member states (of which literacy rates are as low as 40%), it has been a limited power despite the large number of states consisting of the IO. Also, among the states, they have their interests; for example, some states have tried to develop and keep a strong relationship with the US and other powerful nations.</p><p>-the various actions and hesitate to show the pro-democratic attitude toward the Arab Spring collectively, which spurred the suspicion and question that what is the OIC for.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>-On the other hand, when the countries can reach a mutual agreement, for example, in ethnic protection like the case of the ethnic/cultural problem in Myanmar, the collective action can be used as a clear voice in international field.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>According to both old and new conditions, the goals and principles of OIC have been addressed, including respect for the territorial integrity, independence, and sovereignty of one another. So, for domestic affairs, such as the Arab Spring that has already occurred, OIC cannot solve the problem at its root, which I believe limit the positive influence of OIC among its memberships. One the other hand, after oppression or loss of composure occurs, OIC can aid and rescue.</p><p>Meanwhile, due to significant geographical differences, different member states may have different views and levels of importance towards the same event due to geopolitical considerations. For example, Indonesia and Maldives may pay less attention to Egypt's internal affairs due to their distance from Egypt. This objective reason may lead to difficulties in unifying the attitude towards the same time within OIC.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><strong>&nbsp;</strong></p><p><strong>2.</strong></p><p>-more collaboration</p><p>-stop or restrict trade relations with Israel</p><p>-collaborate with other organisations to alleviate the impact of the war</p><p>-e.g. 1976. OIC coordinated with Arab leagues</p><p>- Appealing to the ICJ might lead to a positive path “ It should be noted that the OIC had submitted a written legal pleading to the ICJ on 25 July 2023, as well as comments on the pleadings submitted to the Court by states and other international organizations on 25 October 2023, confirming the illegitimacy of the Israeli occupation and its policies based on colonial settlement, forced displacement, racial discrimination, confiscation of lands, and demolition of Palestinian homes, in flagrant violation of international law and relevant United Nations&nbsp;regulations” (from the OIC website)</p><p>-ceasefire – need of third party one of the country OIC member states can do this role and make sure no more common public/ civilians are affected from this (There are articles saying Qatar, Egypt and UAE are planning to regulate this )</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p><strong>3.</strong></p><p>-turkey -Israel trade relations</p><p>-similar ideologies as in what in sense ?</p><p>-a good neighbour, tolerance, dialogue and outward looking and pragmatism ?</p><p>- joint diplomatic initiative to discuss/ promote dialogue</p><p>-promote more inclusivity and dialogue within the member states to strengthen relations and promote unity in diversity.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>As stated in Oman’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs website, Oman's foreign policy principles reflect a commitment to stability, dialogue, and cooperation, emphasizing good relations with neighbours and a pragmatic approach to international engagement.</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>Oman’s and other nations with similar ideologies can work together to promote global peace and stability, by facilitating dialogue and cooperation and engaging on joint concrete initiatives in various issues, not only from security perspective but also economic and socio-cultural aspects.</p><p>&nbsp;I believe that based on Oman's geographical location and its global influence, according to the Ambassador's description of the current foreign policy, which is not to establish enemies but to make friends widely, this is a very wise decision.</p><p>Through dialogue and communication, establishing close ties with countries that are in turmoil, war, or peace can undoubtedly maintain vitality and adaptability in this changing era.</p>]]></description>
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         <pubDate>2024-10-21 07:54:58 UTC</pubDate>
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         <title>Group: Erin, Yuika, Yuna, Sheena, </title>
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         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3190060008</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p><strong>Question 1, Net Zero in the Region</strong></p><ul><li><p>Prioritization towards industrialization, positioning 'industrialization' and 'development' to be renewable focused; push forward energy efficiency as the first priority </p></li><li><p>Easier to achieve net-zero in regions where infrastructure is underdeveloped because they're starting from zero</p></li><li><p>Adoption of technologies, capacity building—not just the will of the states to get to Net-Zero, but whether they have the capacities or not. This is where IOs can come into play. </p></li></ul><p><br/></p><p><strong>Question 2, Carbon Market </strong></p><ul><li><p>Carbon Pricing (definition + general understanding) - emission trading may not be as beneficial as anticipated, but in the end, it ends up incentivizing trading emissions and it doesn't mean reducing the carbon footprint. Many countries don't respect it anyway </p></li><li><p>Vulnerability of emerging markets in emerging countries—if we use externalities into the emerging markets, it could expose vulnerabilities—translating carbon pricing mechanisms, but the market is not established well in an emerging market. </p></li><li><p>No harmonized carbon trading system in different regions (consistency of prices) to make it more effective as a market. Very difficult to price being allowed to produce emissions </p></li><li><p>In developing countries, Southasian countries are on the way of developing economies, and getting investment from developed countries in clean energy. How can we promote investment and incentivize the financial resources to channel to developing countries. </p></li><li><p>Alternative generators—main power grid is often shut in developing countries, and so they have their own local generators. Cost and funding is always an issue. </p></li><li><p>Kyoto Protocol on the international front—main issue is that often times, it's not respected or adhered to (typical of international organizations). Harmonized efforts can help to internalize market externalities. Also have to consider what IOs and regional agreements can do towards renewable energy. Creating mutual funds may be a great solution. </p></li><li><p>Storing energy is also an issue—with renewables, and Vietnam. Kyushu region produces lots of energy, but cannot store it properly. Would be easier to tackle the carbon emission question first. </p></li><li><p>We can warn and recommend future countries to how to develop in a sustainable way. Hope that international organizations (like ERIA) set the stage to facilitate this conversation. Clashes in approaches and setting up balance between the states for emissions to be traded, but what happens after we move past carbon trading? How can we move towards environmental impact type policy? </p></li><li><p>What can ERIA do to incentivize countries to do <em>more</em>? The Study Group seems too big to arrive at one solution, so something more intimate</p></li><li><p>Watanabe-San: We need to have an integral approach towards carbon neutrality and environmental degradation and protecting the value of the local community. Some bottom-up movement and start ups to protect the environment need to go hand in hand with the works of IOs. Involving young people in the works. </p></li><li><p>International environmental law would be very relevant, but difficult to reach legally binding law. Process and ongoing discussion is very important and relevant. </p></li></ul><p><br/></p><p><br/></p><p><br/></p><p><br/></p>]]></description>
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         <pubDate>2024-10-28 07:01:01 UTC</pubDate>
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         <title>Group, Rayya, Arthur, Lena, Anaïs</title>
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         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3190062331</link>
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         <pubDate>2024-10-28 07:03:04 UTC</pubDate>
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         <title>Group Nithyashree Asokan,  Noura Alamadi, Max Whittall, ZOU ZIWEI</title>
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         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3190069855</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p><br/></p><p><strong>How can Asia chart their own pathways to realise Net-Zero while sustaining economic growth? What is the role of technologies and innovation?&nbsp;</strong></p><p><br></p><p><strong>1 . push for investment in improving energy efficiency&nbsp;</strong></p><p><br></p><p>Growth leads to a higher demand for energy, putting more pressure on the already difficult transition to green energy by increasing the amount of renewable energy that has to be produced (Khanna &amp; Khanna, 2020). Growth also increases emissions from other economic activities (Hickel &amp; Kallis, 2020). Moreover, savings from increased energy efficiency are often used to expand production and consumption (Khanna &amp; Khanna, 2020). The so-called rebound effect. Gains in resource efficiency reduce costs, which frees up income and increases demand (Hickel &amp; Kallis, 2020).</p><p><br></p><p>future implementation of unproven negative emission technologies (NET). The majority of IPCC pathways to remain below 2°C rely on BECCS technology. Widely popular with politicians, it assumes that we can continue to emit more now and reduce atmospheric CO2 concentrations later on. Yet, there is no guarantee that this will work at the required scale. Therefore, the very real risk exists that global emissions remain high even though NETs are unable to reduce atmospheric CO2 in the future. This could lock the planet into a high-temperature pathway (Hickel &amp; Kallis, 2020). What is more, at the proposed scale BECCS would be an environmental catastrophe, requiring plantations up to three times the size of India (Fankhauser et al., 2022).</p><p><br></p><p>Without NET and with economic growth, emissions have to be decoupled from GDP at rates of 6.4% per year to stay below 2°C (Hickel &amp; Kallis, 2020). According to empirical evidence and existing literature, these rates of decoupling cannot be achieved. The IPCC estimated that the highest possible decoupling is 3.3% per year (Ibid.).</p><p><br></p><p><strong>2. Provide incentives for the industrial sector to pursue circular economy models&nbsp;</strong></p><p><br></p><p><a rel="noopener noreferrer nofollow" href="http://3.Asia">3.Asia</a> can Invest more in energy efficiency&nbsp;</p><p>4. Energy efficiency could not exactly mean less emission&nbsp;</p><p><a rel="noopener noreferrer nofollow" href="http://5.Bio">5.Bio</a>-energy carbon captures (sort of like capturing CO2 and dumping it into the ground)</p><p>6.We are very far from achieving sustainable economic growth. For example: EVs in India are increasing, more tax reforms and investment by the government in solar/ hydro power etc. But, it again brings us to the question of producing electricity sustainably.</p><p><br></p><p>7. Currently we live in a world where well being depends on economic growth =&gt; but its likely that we cannot achieve decoupling&nbsp; Decouple growth from wellbeing =&gt; donut economics</p><p><br></p><p><strong>How can we internalize market externalities into the market? What is the role of the carbon market in this regard?&nbsp;</strong></p><p><br></p><p>Currently voluntary carbon market =&gt; causes free-riding, and the Social Cost of Carbon is currently much higher than the price paid for credits&nbsp;</p><p>=&gt; we would have to ensure that the marginal external cost is internalized&nbsp;</p><p><br><br></p><p>-&gt; Need to consider how to introduce a mandatory carbon market in an equitable way not to hinder development of targeted industries. (balanced perspective)</p><p>- issues on how to set the guidelines to assess the which industries are more vulnerable</p><p>- is a carbon tax system a more equitable alternative?&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p><br><br></p><p><strong>How can ASEAN promote regional cooperation for the carbon market?</strong></p><p><br></p><p>ASEAN can set standards and come together, have a joint set of rules, goals, a sense of community, attract projects, make it easy for countries to invest.</p><p>Introducing cap-trade, setting limits for carbon emissions, trading emission permits etc.&nbsp;</p><p><br></p><p>Establish an ASEAN carbon fund to support cross-border carbon investment.&nbsp;</p><p><br></p>]]></description>
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         <pubDate>2024-10-28 07:09:04 UTC</pubDate>
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         <title>LI Zongyu, ZHANG Zhan, LI Wangyang, SARASWATI Karina,Chik Sin Cheung</title>
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         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3190076507</link>
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         <pubDate>2024-10-28 07:14:05 UTC</pubDate>
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         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3210737776</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p>group 3: </p><p>Nithyashree ASOKAN 47-246798</p><p>Max WHITTALL 47-249758</p><p>Rayya IBRAHIM</p><p><br/></p><p><br/></p><p>question 1 In which domains NATO and Japan could cooperate more closely?</p><p>-Information and Intel collaboration. Policy advice for a sustainable less energy dependent transformation. Energy and resource trade between friendly countries.</p><p>-collaborate on maritime security</p><p>-collaborate on geothermal energy (like Iceland) become more energy-independent </p><p>-collaborate for Cyber security of energy Grids (protect from future security issues from North Korea and Russia/ south china sea area)</p><p>-collaborate on hydrogen fuel (maybe the future green fuel for aircrafts etc)</p><p><br/></p><p><br/></p><p>question 2 What are the risks and challenges related to the energy transition for Japan?</p><p>we discussed about several possible challenges Japan might face when it comes to transition especially due to its heavy dependency on imported fuel. </p><p>-Japan relies heavily on imported fossil fuels. Transitioning to renewables without robust domestic production could strain Japan’s energy security, especially during global market fluctuations or geopolitical tensions.</p><p>-Developing and integrating renewable energy sources, like offshore wind and solar, require substantial infrastructure investments. Given Japan’s mountainous terrain and limited land, establishing efficient renewable grids is both costly and complex.</p><p>-addressing issues regarding energy governance </p><p><br/></p><p><br/></p>]]></description>
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         <pubDate>2024-11-11 07:01:26 UTC</pubDate>
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         <title>Group: Sheena, Zhan, Erin, Karina</title>
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         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3210743178</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p><strong>Risks and Challenges Related to the Energy Transition for Japan: Balance between S+3E: Safety + Economic Efficiency, Environment, Energy Security. </strong></p><p><br/></p><p>Japan is currently one of the highest importers of energy: approx 90% of their energy is imported. One of the main difficulties is trying to diversify the types of energies used, and where it's from. Japan needs to secure reliable alternatives that meet its needs without exacerbating dependency on any one supplier. Challenging given limited domestic energy resources, complexity of international energy markets, and Japan’s limited storage capacities for alternative energy sources.</p><p><br/></p><p>Economic Costs and Technological Constraints: The shift to renewables requires significant investment in new technologies, grid updates, and infrastructure changes, which are costly and time-consuming. They're currently trying to retrofit existing infrastructure. Also, it costs extra around Japan since they need to consider that all infrastructure that's built needs to be disaster-resistent. </p><p><br/></p><p>Another issue is public opposition to Nuclear Energy, Japan’s energy transition plans also include <em>reconsidering</em> nuclear power as a cleaner energy source. However, public opposition remains strong due to the 2011 Fukushima disaster, making it challenging to increase nuclear capacity despite its potential benefits. Right now it's only about 5% (?) of the energy used, despite promises of 30%~. Balancing public sentiment with energy security and climate goals means that it's looking less and less like a possible avenue for politicians and government entities to pursue. </p><p><br/></p><p><strong>On the question of potential NATO &amp; Japan cooperation</strong></p><p>Confines of the Constitution: Japan can't engage in hard-miltary power, but can contribute via cybersecurity or disaster response procedures, and maritime security. The cooperation needs to be entirely <strong>mutual</strong>. </p><ul><li><p>Cybersecurity: Both NATO and Japan face cybersecurity threats from state and non-state actors. With advanced digital infrastructures, both parties have an interest in strengthening cyber defenses and sharing intelligence. Measures such as collaborative cybersecurity training, information sharing protocols, or joint efforts to counter cyber threats might enhance resilience on both sides.</p></li><li><p>Maritime Security: shared maritime exercises, intelligence sharing on potential threats, and joint patrols to secure critical maritime routes.</p></li><li><p>Disaster Prevention &amp; Climate Change:<strong> </strong>NATO and Japan could exchange best practices in disaster response, humanitarian aid, and climate adaptation strategies.</p></li></ul><p><br/></p><p>--&gt; Important question: <em>Should </em>they cooperate more? NATO is meant to be geared towards European states (it says so on it's own website), so why the shift towards other states? Doesn't it go against their own principle / creation? Ideological views play a large role as to which states are deemed potential members for cooperation.  </p>]]></description>
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         <pubDate>2024-11-11 07:06:06 UTC</pubDate>
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         <title>Group 1: LI Zongyu, BLACHON Anaïs Alma, Yuika Morita, LI Wangyang, ZOU Ziwei</title>
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         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3210747377</link>
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         <pubDate>2024-11-11 07:09:33 UTC</pubDate>
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         <title>Group 4: Sam Chik. Yuna Nishiyama, Noura Alamadi, Arthur Herbosch
</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3210747996</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3017334434/90cda1b49aefc3fe4bdf27ad36c1eef0/IO___Sustainable___GROUP_4_2.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-11-11 07:10:01 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3210747996</guid>
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      <item>
         <title></title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3214676011</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p>Both policy/governance issues and financing gaps are challenges for SDG progress as explored by a multitude of IOs and MDBs; however, I’m inclined to think financing is the more immediate issue that needs attention for reasons that span from addressing inequality and resource allocation to funding prioritizations.</p><p><br/></p><p>It’s well established that capital flow is limited in developing countries due to widening investment gaps, particularly in areas like infrastructure and healthcare—with regards to policy and governance, without financing, even coherent policies can’t be implemented and issues like weak governance and lack of data are only additions to the core issue. There are like issues in misuse of funds and lack of prioritization among donors, so stronger financial mechanisms and collaboration are necessary to address these gaps. Stronger financial mechanisms to attract FDI (ex: Rwanda’s Kigali Innovation City to attract global tech firms), leveraging remittances (PH’s push for lower remittance costs through digital channels have increased flows for SDG related needs), innovative financing (diaspora bonds to fund infrastructural projects, WBG’s MIGA to reduce risks for private investors), and strengthened institutions to attract capital given clear policies and strong institutions to discourage volatile investments.</p><p><br/></p><p>All in all though, this is not to negate the process of stronger cooperation and coordination between each SDG objectives since financing mechanisms only work with good governance and coordination! </p>]]></description>
         <enclosure url="" />
         <pubDate>2024-11-13 07:12:02 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3214676011</guid>
      </item>
      <item>
         <title>LI Wangyang(39-237408), Erin HAYES (51-2409717), Karina SARASWATI (51-248239), ASOKAN Nithyashree (47-246798)</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3214679880</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p><strong>Which do you think is the biggest issue (challenges and/or opportunity) for better prioritization and operationalization of SDGs:&nbsp;</strong></p><p><strong>(1) adopting a whole-of-government approach and better recognizing the interlinkages between all the policy issues, OR&nbsp;</strong></p><p><strong>(2) the real obstacle is not policy but rather finance needed to implement them (a.k.a. “means of implementation”).</strong></p><p><br></p><p>I think cooperation is very important because both aquatic animals and many animals on land do not change their migration routes based on political divisions of countries. It requires joint cooperation from many countries to protect their habitats. When conducting such multi country cooperation, funding arrangements are a matter that needs to be discussed.</p><p><br></p><p>Importance sector: private sectors with huge economic investment.&nbsp;</p><p>NGOs: China, Japan,South Korea collaboration to protect diverse migrant birds together organized by NGOs from each country funded by donation from companies and individuals.</p><p><br></p><p>Different countries would have different answers for the biggest issues for better prioritization and operationalization of SDGs, whether its adopting a whole-of-government approach or SDG financing.&nbsp;</p><p><br></p><p><strong>SDG Fatigue: Normalisation undermines Investment and Power</strong></p><p><br></p><ul><li><p>The normalisation of the SDGs has, paradoxically, reduced states’ motivation to invest in them. As following the SDGs has become the baseline expectation rather than an ambitious goal, many governments no longer view it as going “going above and above.” This shift has dampened the sense of urgency and ambition that originally drove action, resulting in a lack of willpower rather than true financial shortfall.&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>The financial struggle, therefore, stems not from a lack of resources but from a decreased willingness to allocate funds towards SDGs, now seen as routine rather than aspiring goals.&nbsp;<br></p></li></ul><p><strong>Importance of the whole of government approach</strong></p><ul><li><p>could improve the integration of policies, ensuring that they align with all the SDG &nbsp; goals. Since the SDGs are interconnected, we need interlinked policies that keep these connections in mind. The main concern however is that if the policies work with limited coordination, it could lead to duplicated efforts, misaligned priorities and even counterproductive policies. The Whole-of-gov approach could help mitigate these issues.<br></p></li></ul><p><strong>Financial: means of implementation</strong></p><ul><li><p>LOTS of money is needed, however, most of this money is in the private sector. We need to find ways in which we can motivate them to intervene in SDG issues. The current challenges are:&nbsp;</p><ul><li><p>Public and private investment shortfalls</p></li><li><p>NGOs and Nonprofits are not being ‘fit for purpose’ due to a lack of funds.&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>inequitable distribution of funding: low &amp; middle-income countries often lack access to the same levels of international financing, widening the gap in SDG achievement.</p></li><li><p>dependence on foreign aid</p></li></ul></li></ul><p><br><strong>Inter-dependence of both the whole-of-government approach and financing:</strong></p><p><br></p><p>The whole government approach and the financing issues could be an inter-connected issue/ obstacle when it comes to the implementation of a policy and achieving the targets. It depends on the country, how developed an economy is, how small/ big or easy the governance is to connect and adopt policies etc. Moreover, the importance of the private-sector could play a huge role in driving swift policy actions and achieving the goals. Funding opens doors to large-scale programs, technology adoption, and robust infrastructure development, driving measurable sustainable development progress.</p><p><br></p><p>Maybe for some SDGs, a whole-of-government approach can lead to good results.</p><p><br></p>]]></description>
         <enclosure url="" />
         <pubDate>2024-11-13 07:15:22 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3214679880</guid>
      </item>
      <item>
         <title>Group 4 - Sam Chik and Yuika Morita</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3214698646</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<ol><li><p><br/></p></li></ol><ul><li><p>The main issue should be the finance needed to implement the policies rather than the efficiency of the government/ whole of government approach. While also a stable government and leadership is required.</p></li><li><p>This is because that profitability is a good incentive for the successful implementation of the policy based on market mechanisms, (e.g. Carbon pricing and tax) To maintain the proper market function the government needs to intervene to ensure the profitability of the instruments.&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>Adopting the whole government approach is also important, but the finance more important than the government as without funding resources, none of the projects can be implemented. E.g. the implementation the Nature Based Solution Project for the coastal protection, the construction itself will need sufficient fundings.&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated financial shortfalls. The 2024 Financing for Sustainable Development Report indicates that the SDG financing gap in developing countries has grown to between $2.5 trillion and $4 trillion</p></li></ul>]]></description>
         <enclosure url="" />
         <pubDate>2024-11-13 07:30:40 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3214698646</guid>
      </item>
      <item>
         <title>LI Zongyu, Blachon Anaïs Aliocha Rayya Ibrahim</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3214706319</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3028719952/f63df9bdca71ca49795ba3bdb65990f7/11_13_Discussion.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-11-13 07:37:01 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3214706319</guid>
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         <title>Room 2: Lena Bilonoha, Arthur Herbosch, Zou Ziwei, Noura Alamadi
</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3214709506</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3028679715/3db494508e4d79e5dddcb11bd3eb80ed/IO_for_Sustainable_Dev___Nov_13.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-11-13 07:38:50 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3214709506</guid>
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         <title>Group 1 - Li Wangyang, Lena Bilonoha, Anaïs Blachon</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3232579595</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3084071253/c1a027685829a3ee50459a6fcc765baf/ICRC___Group_1.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-11-25 07:34:52 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3232579595</guid>
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         <title>Room 4: LI Zongyu, Noura Alamadi, Sheena Leong, Max Whittall</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3232579680</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3084134339/923f36e332a8c3233a75d914ab27f1cc/11_25_Discussion.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-11-25 07:34:56 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3232579680</guid>
      </item>
      <item>
         <title>Group 2 </title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3232579862</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p>Fathimath Rayya IBRAHIM</p><p>Karina SARASWATI</p><p>Erin HAYES</p><p>Nithyashree ASOKAN </p><p><br/></p><p><strong>Discussion questions:</strong></p><ol><li><p><strong>Can the ICRC navigate an increasingly polarised geopolitical environment strictly adhering to humanitarian principles? What are the risks and benefits?</strong></p></li></ol><p><strong>Not a question of “Can they” but “How can they?” → MUST navigate this polarised environment by adhering to humanitarian principles</strong></p><p><br/></p><p>A brief summary of our discussion: </p><p><br/></p><p><strong>Risks</strong></p><p>Restriction to access</p><p>Neutral stance could be misunderstood</p><p>Safety of personnel - it can be quite dangerous</p><p><strong>Benefits</strong></p><p>Humanitarian impact</p><p>Legitimise their cause</p><p>Adhere to Geneva convention</p><ol start="2"><li><p><strong>How does the new technology affect the ICRC’s work?</strong></p></li></ol><ul><li><p>It can improve ICRC operational efficiency, by using drones or satellite images to assess the conflict grounds</p></li><li><p>Digital tools can help the ICRC engage with affected populations in conflict areas or train staff in areas where physical access is limited due to security concerns.</p></li><li><p>Ethical issues surrounding surveillance</p></li><li><p>Cybersecurity issues, hacking</p></li></ul><p><strong>Risks of new technology:&nbsp;</strong></p><ul><li><p>As Lethal Autonomous Weapons (LAWs) become more and more accessible and less expensive to create and use, it can lower the costs of war as less and less soldiers of the military die. Lowering the cost of war can create dangerous situations in which it is more likely to become used as a foreign policy tool, rather than pursuing further efforts in diplomacy, for example</p></li><li><p>LAWs would also make accountability much harder to determine and allocate.&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>Depending on the efficiency of these LAWs, there might be cases in which civilians &amp; medical personnel are not appropriately distinguished from active combatants, creating ethical issues and breaches of IHL.&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>It is important to limit the development of technology (especially in warfare and developing weapons). Use of AI has several risks and uncertainties that requires international attention&nbsp;</p></li></ul>]]></description>
         <enclosure url="" />
         <pubDate>2024-11-25 07:35:05 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3232579862</guid>
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         <title>Group3 (ZHANG Zhan, NISHIYAMA Yuna, and Yuika Morita)</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3232583104</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p>(1)Can the ICRC navigate an increasingly polarized geopolitical environment strictly adhering to humanitarian principles? What are the risks and benefits?</p><p><br></p><p>&lt;Benefits&nbsp;&gt;</p><ul><li><p><strong>Neutrality is quite important as an organization working during a war&nbsp;</strong></p></li></ul><p><strong>(with trust) </strong><br>Neutrality is not just a guiding principle for the ICRC—it is the foundation of its operational access and trust. In war zones where mistrust is rampant, the ICRC’s commitment to neutrality enables it to be seen as a non-threatening entity by all parties. This trust allows the organization to negotiate access to people in need, even in areas controlled by hostile or suspicious actors.</p><p><br></p><ul><li><p><strong>ICRC can be the organization providing support instead of the government</strong><br>Governments involved in conflict are often viewed as partial or even complicit in the suffering. The ICRC provides a credible alternative for delivering humanitarian assistance without the political baggage of state involvement. This independence enhances its acceptance among affected populations, who may distrust aid distributed by governments or state-affiliated organizations.</p></li></ul><p><br></p><ul><li><p><strong>Can work on-site, apart from the society and political situation&nbsp; </strong><br>The ICRC’s ability to work on-site, focusing solely on humanitarian needs, allows it to function effectively without being encumbered by the broader societal or political tensions. This operational independence ensures that its actions are directed at alleviating suffering rather than navigating complex political dynamics.</p></li></ul><p><br></p><ul><li><p><strong>Independent from the UN and the governments</strong><br>The ICRC’s independence from the United Nations and governments is a key advantage in polarized or politically sensitive situations. Unlike UN agencies, which are subject to political bargaining and member-state influence, the ICRC’s autonomy ensures it can act based solely on humanitarian priorities. This independence strengthens its reputation as a principled actor.</p></li></ul><p><br></p><p>&lt;Risks&nbsp;&gt;</p><ul><li><p><strong>Hospital attacks cannot be peanalized </strong><br>While the ICRC works tirelessly to protect medical facilities under international humanitarian law (IHL), it lacks the power to enforce these laws or prosecute violations. Hospital bombings and attacks often go unpunished, leaving the ICRC reliant on advocacy and diplomacy, which may have limited impact in ensuring accountability.</p></li></ul><p><br></p><ul><li><p><strong>Cannot talk and speak out in the international field <br>To maintain neutrality, the ICRC refrains from openly condemning parties to a conflict, even when clear violations of IHL occur. This self-imposed restraint can be perceived as silence in the face of atrocities, potentially diminishing its moral authority on the global stage.</strong></p></li></ul><p><br></p><ul><li><p><strong>Internal conflict and terrorism cannot be dealt with by IHL, excluding international conflicts&nbsp; <br>Modern conflicts often involve non-state actors, insurgencies, and terrorist groups, which fall outside the traditional scope of IHL designed for international conflicts. This limits the ICRC’s ability to address the humanitarian needs arising from such situations, as its mandate does not fully encompass them.</strong></p></li></ul><p><br></p><ul><li><p><strong>Safety risks for staffs <br></strong>The ICRC’s staff often work in dangerous environments where their neutrality may not be respected.</p></li><li><p><strong>Access to media and SNS is limited</strong></p></li></ul><p>To avoid compromising its neutrality, the ICRC limits its use of media and social platforms for advocacy or fundraising. While this approach preserves its impartiality, it also curtails its ability to generate public awareness and mobilize global support for its work.</p><p><br></p><ul><li><p><strong>Limited access to certain conflict zones ex. North Korea and South Korea</strong></p></li></ul><p>Despite its neutral stance, the ICRC is not always granted access to conflict zones. In regions like North Korea or parts of South Korea, political sensitivities or government restrictions can impede its efforts to deliver aid, leaving significant humanitarian needs unmet.<br></p><p>(2)How does the new technology affect the ICRC’s work?&nbsp;</p><ul><li><p>AI technologies&nbsp;</p><ul><li><p>For tracking staff and leveraging resources&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>Data collection and needs and assessment capabilities&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>translation and communication&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>media fake news by the AI&nbsp;</p></li></ul></li><li><p>Cyber attack technologies&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>Autonomous weapon systems&nbsp;</p></li><li><p>Cooperate with the specific companies? (bidding process in public agency, so it would be much stricter)&nbsp;</p></li></ul>]]></description>
         <enclosure url="" />
         <pubDate>2024-11-25 07:37:25 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3232583104</guid>
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         <title>Group 1. ZongYu, Nithyashree, Sheena, Erin</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3242246642</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3115404009/a91a211523eafab85be06c25bc7215a9/12_2_IOs_Discusion.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-12-02 07:03:50 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3242246642</guid>
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         <title>Group 4. Lena Bilonoha, Fathimath Rayya Ibrahim, Zhang Zhan, Arthur Herbosch</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3242281519</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3115517270/19e79a1862d047167e1d0bc957082569/Group4_WB_12_2.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-12-02 07:35:05 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3242281519</guid>
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         <title>Group 2 Max, Sam, Yuna, Karina (Please ignore the previous submission with the wrong groupmate name)</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3243870020</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3120470878/0b95d972cc290411878df56d735ee101/20241202_IO__Group_2.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-12-03 03:13:22 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3243870020</guid>
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         <title>Room 1: Lena Bilonoha, Erin Hayes, Nithyashree Asokan </title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3252092285</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p><strong>Discuss the transition  from the Organisation of Africa Unity to Africa Union. What was the role and mandate of the OAU? </strong></p><p><strong>Role of OAU: </strong></p><p>-Advocating for the decolonization of Africa and ending apartheid </p><p>-Promoting Pan-Africanism and Unity, the OAU was formed at a time when African countries were emerging from colonialism, and its core mandate was to foster solidarity and unity among newly independent African nations.</p><p>-Better political and economic cooperation</p><p>-Safeguarding sovereignty of these new states, and upholding their territorial integrity &amp; non-interference principles</p><p>-Encourage unity </p><p><br/></p><p><strong>Why was it necessary to transition to Africa Union?</strong></p><p><br/></p><p>-Transition according to the evolving needs of the continent and changing contexts: End of colonialism and apartheid required a shift in focus to other types of socio-economic development and governance</p><p>-Improvement of capacity in terms of globalisation</p><p>Global standing and representation </p><p>-Need for a broader mandate: addressing issues like poverty, conflict, globalisation and integration which all needed a more comprehensive organisation</p><p>harmonising policies </p><p>-Due to the structural weaknesses of the OAU (which lacked legal and institutional mechanisms), they needed to transition to AU. </p><p>Is nice that they transitioned rather than made a new organisation, as it keeps the ‘root’ and ‘essence’ of the organisation (against decolonisation) </p><p><br/></p><p><strong>The AU is a Continental Organisation of 55 Member States, yet it does not have the physical presence in all its Members, how does the operate and implement its policies?</strong></p><p><br/></p><p>RECs: Regional Economic Communities which serve as building blocks for the AU policies to encourage regional-level implementation</p><p>-They have some specialised agencies as well </p><p>Regular summits &amp; meetings to ensure coordination and decision-making</p><p>-They try to encourage member state collaboration and rely on national govs to implement AU decisions</p><p>-Importance of digital communication to bridge gaps</p><p><br/></p><p><strong>What are some of the ways the AU could improve its footprints and visibility in the global arena?</strong></p><p><br/></p><p>-Strengthening internal coordination, promoting local or regional economic communities </p><p>-More strategic partnerships (like international organisation; WHO for support in health sector)</p><p>-Mobilising african diaspora </p><p>-Investment in infrastructure (building connectivity between major cities in the continent promoting trade, funding more projects like PIDA etc. )</p><p>-Promote pan-african identity to reinforce sense of unity and shared goals to reinforce AU’s legitimacy </p><p>-Second identity vision as unity </p><p>-Capacity building, investment in strengthening AU’s operational and technical capabilities..</p><p>-Promoting green financing, ensuring focus on sustainability.</p>]]></description>
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         <pubDate>2024-12-09 07:17:57 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3252092285</guid>
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         <title>Noura Alamadi, Anaïs Blachon, Zongyu Li, Arthur Herbosch</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3252094905</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3147550551/8a4ebf52de80aabb86bbdab0b8b09756/_room_4IO__African_Union.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-12-09 07:20:44 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3252094905</guid>
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         <title>Group 2: Sheena, Zhan, Wangyang</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3252098409</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3147548741/61a329f893f506e773ac909df089dde4/IO_Dec__9th.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-12-09 07:24:07 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3252098409</guid>
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         <title>Group 3: Sam ,Karina ,Yuika </title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3252111749</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3147617483/7925cd322dbd7a219837495531d85400/IO__Group_3_20241209.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-12-09 07:36:59 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3252111749</guid>
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         <title>Room 3: LI Zongyu, ASOKAN Nithyashree, Karina SARASWATI,  Arthur HERBOSCH</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3261705254</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3178358491/3793cd3e9266d7d47bfd357c1bbabff5/12_16_Discussion.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-12-16 06:50:49 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3261705254</guid>
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         <title>Room 4: Max Whittall, Erin Hayes, Sheena Kanon Leong, Noura Alamadi</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3261745042</link>
         <description><![CDATA[<p><strong>Discussion Questions:</strong></p><ul><li><p><strong>1. How can international organizations like WFP ensure neutrality while addressing pressing humanitarian needs in politically sensitive contexts?</strong></p><p><br/></p></li><li><p>Adherence to humanitarian principles is a must, (how we ensure this is a bit more complicated), what this means is that we need to prioritise neutrality and impartiality, and independence of organisations like WFP in order to maintain credibility and avoid politicisation.&nbsp;</p><ul><li><p>Enshrining and not compromising&nbsp;</p></li></ul></li><li><p>Language: being very careful with the type of language used to avoid conflict.<br></p></li><li><p>Engaging with all stakeholders with clear communication. I think establishing dialogue with all parties involved, regardless of their political stance to ensure access to affected populations without having to align with any side. Clear communication is needed to establish clear objectives, operational principles, and make the criteria for aid distribution clear to prevent misinterpretation of intentions. <br></p></li><li><p>Encourage needs-based assessments, and trying to use impartial data&nbsp;<br></p></li><li><p><strong>2. What strategies should WFP adopt to maintain operations amidst political challenges?</strong></p></li></ul><ul><li><p>Diplomatic engagement, language&nbsp;</p><p><br/></p></li><li><p>Emphasising the need of local partnerships, collaborating with NGOs as the speaker mentioned. Helping encourage grassroot operations, especially since these local organisations often have a better understanding of the conflict and crises at hand, than third parties do. <br></p></li><li><p>Acquiring diversified funding where possible, in order to avoid over-reliance on one donor since having few donors might make the organisation less neutral if they feel their operations might be put on hold.<br></p></li></ul><ul><li><p><strong>3.What strategies can promote long-term sustainability when operating in such politically volatile environments?</strong></p></li></ul><p><br/></p><ul><li><p>The three arms of the WFP: emergency relief, resilience and recovery, <em>food systems strengthening—</em>strengthening local capacity and local sourcing, post emergency relief</p></li><li><p>Short-term food aid can cause dependencies and over-reliance, destroying local food-markets, causing issues in the long-term. In order to address this, long-term sustainable practices are needed.<br></p></li><li><p>Capacity-building, training and empowering local communities to take ownership of food security initiatives and foster self-reliance, no matter where. <br></p></li><li><p>Advocacy, working with govs and international bodies to address some of the root issues of food insecurity like poverty and inequality, as well as the conflict itself.&nbsp;</p></li></ul>]]></description>
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         <pubDate>2024-12-16 07:00:18 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3261745042</guid>
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      <item>
         <title>Room 1: Lena Bilonoha, Anaïs Blachon, Rayya Ibrahim, Zhan Zhang</title>
         <author></author>
         <link>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3261790619</link>
         <description><![CDATA[]]></description>
         <enclosure url="https://padlet-uploads.storage.googleapis.com/3178301277/52e84c836914f86b44c425ee08e1ff04/Group_1___WFP.pdf" />
         <pubDate>2024-12-16 07:12:50 UTC</pubDate>
         <guid>https://padlet.com/fursaemily/vqnkw2ogseukagw8/wish/3261790619</guid>
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