Level 3 Conclusions (4B FA23) by Chisako A. Cole

Level 3 Conclusion (sample 2)

chisakoasakawa — 2023-10-03 15:37:45 UTC

Since 1953, nations and individuals have been exercising colonial power over Mount Everest, the Sherpa Indigenous communities, and Nepal itself in pursuit of what many perceive as a great accomplishment of physical fitness and mental fortitude. Under the framework of colonial control set by the British through their administrative and representational control of the region, today’s climbers, touring companies, and the government of Nepal all play a role in the exploitation of the lives and labor of Indigenous Sherpa communities as a result of economic depression and cultural othering.

Further exacerbating these economic, cultural, and colonial pressures, our changing climate is already affecting the weather patterns on Mount Everest, with some even claiming that warmer weather caused the deadly 2014 Khumbu Avalanche (Myers). More broadly, the impacts of climate change and the impacts of the cultural, economic, and colonial pressures could form a feedback loop with Sherpa Indigenous communities at the center paying for our hubris with their lives.

The UN Human Rights Experts argue that climate change more heavily impacts countries that have historically been colonized yet it was their colonizers that produced much of the greenhouse gasses (Achiume). In addition, the Nepalese government is less prepared to respond to climate change due to “histories of colonial domination, and by externally imposed neoliberal and other economic policies in the postcolonial era” (Achiume). The lives and livelihood of Sherpa communities would be directly imperiled by the shortening of the Everest climbing season due to warmer temperatures and by the higher frequency of catastrophic avalanches and storms but also by the loss of income if tourists stopped visiting Nepal and the Everest region. Climate change has the potential to further stress the framework of exploitation to even further hinder Sherpa socioeconomic mobility and land sovereignty. Studying how the Sherpa communities are already being affected and what climate justice would look like for this region could serve as a model of climate reparations that other regions, governments, and communities could also employ.

Introduction + Thesis (sample 2)

chisakoasakawa — 2023-10-03 15:37:45 UTC

In a two-part episode of the Strangers podcast, Sequoia Schmidt tells the story of how her relationship with her mountaineering father changed after he died because she began to participate in an extreme sport just like he did. In the second part of the podcast, Sequoia describes her father's mountaineering philosophy: summiting a mountain is the climbers way of becoming one with the mountain rather than a way of conquering the mountain (Thau). Sequoia's father, Marty Schmidt, made his living leading international mountaineering tours, a profession that usually involves encroaching on Indigenous homelands and religious sites for recreation, including Mount Everest (Thau). In this post-colonial time period, there has been much discussion about the tension between recreational adventure tourism and Indigenous sovereignty.

Due to its notoriety as the highest mountain in the world and its sacredness to many people in South Asia, Mount Everest is an opportune case study to start with when delving into colonial influence on Indigenous communities past, present, and future. To move forward, there has to be further discussion about the role that adventure tourism plays in impacting Indigenous lives and sovereignty with Mount Everest as a starting point. Since 1953, Indigenous Nepalese communities around Mount Everest, such as the Sherpas, have been impacted by the adventure tourism industry. Understanding the history of colonialism in the region can inform us about how the Everest region, its traditional inhabitants, and their cultures are being devalued in the tourism industry today. It can be argued that as a result of the looming colonial history of adventure tourism in Nepal, Sherpa communities are negatively affected through the exploitation of their lives and labor.

Level 3 Conclusion (sample 3)

chisakoasakawa — 2023-10-03 15:37:45 UTC

The dominance of the Korean League of Legends players cannot simply be attributed to one single factor. Although there are many possible explanations for the success of the Korean League of Legends teams, this paper has looked at and analyzed multiple developments of esports in Korea from its history to current. Due to a number of cultural, social, and technological factors, esports was primed to become a significant force in Korean culture and received significant support from the government and administration. Specifically, the Korean government has institutionalized esports and established the direction of esports spectatorship through financial investment, and specialized channels for the general public to watch and enjoy games together. Moreover, the work ethic of many young Korean players is also one of the reasons that led to the success of the Korean LoL team.

What led to the insane work ethics of the Korean LoL players? There could be multiple reasons that led to the insane work ethics of the Koreans, however, I believe that religious and social values might be the reason that led to the hard work and determination of these young Korean players. Cultural specificities and values embedded in Korean history, to some extent, should be emphasized as significant factors that prompted the rapid deployment of esports. In the video “Where Does the "Culture Difference" in Esports Come From?” by Gbay99, the author believes that there are a few distinctive cultural characteristics, based on the mentality of the people, rooted in Korean society and its historical context that are unique contributing elements to the swift deployment of esports. For example, he mentions that in Korea the idea of transcending your personal fate through hard work and determination is prevalent among the Korean generation. This value is similar to Buddism and Confucianism philosophy, which said one can escape from natural suffering found in life through enlightenment which is only achieved through a constant journey of self-improvement(Gbay99). Confucianism has a long record of influence in Korea, and its political and social philosophies can still clearly be seen in today’s Korea regardless of religious affiliation (Herald). Therefore, the beliefs and influences from religions could possibly explain the work ethics of South Korean professional LoL players, which could explain the reasons that Korean are dominating at League of Legends compare to other regions around the world. However, the competitive nature of Korean players can lead to a range of physical and mental issues. A scientific study from Harvard Medical School found that “those who worked more than 55 hours per week had a 13% greater risk of a heart attack and were 33% more likely to suffer a stroke, compared with those who worked 35-40 hours per week” (Ross). Too often, people ignore their health to sacrifice for their careers. While being competitive in e-sports can motivate players to perform better, players should always consider their health above anything else.

There are multiple sources with varieties of perspectives and knowledge in this paper, which includes primary, secondary, and scholarly papers. However, there are currently no scientific studies about the success of the Korean League of Legends. Although it is extremely difficult to find statistics and raw data about the training schedule of the players, there were many articles and interviews of professional players that share their training schedules. This research paper is nonetheless susceptible to the limitations and bias of its sources, despite the fact that a wide range of sources was acquired and cross-referenced to optimize reliability and validity.

Introduction + Thesis (sample 3)

chisakoasakawa — 2023-10-03 15:37:45 UTC

One of the most well-known video games in the world of esports is League of Legends, also referred to as "League" or by its abbreviation "LoL." LoL has quickly developed into the global phenomenon it is today since it first went live in 2009. In 2011, the first-ever League of Legends tournament was hosted consisting of 8 regions that did not include Korea. At that time, no infrastructure had really been established for gamers with prize pools of only $50,000 (Almughrabi). In the following year, the Korean server was released, which allowed Korean organizations to start competing in the game. Although the Korean LoL team did not win that year, they did receive second place.

In 2013, the Korean LoL team come back stronger than ever and stomped the opponent in a 3-0 series. In 2014, the Korean LoL once again retain the World Championship title. Within the next 3 years, the Korean LoL team defeated every other region around the world with both the runner-up and the winner from Korea. Currently, in the 2022 season, both the finalist teams are once again from Korea. What is the reason that led to their domination in League of Legends? Some may believe that the dominance of the Korean team is simply because they are mechanically better and play smarter. However, their successes in e-sports are not so simple.

Presumably, the success of Korean LoL teams was greatly influenced by the explosive growth of the IT infrastructure, the Asian Financial Crisis, and the rise of the PC Bang. Moreover, the insane work ethic and having a high standard for the players may also be the key factors that led to the success of the Korean LoL teams.

level 3 Conclusion (sample 1)

chisakoasakawa — 2023-10-03 15:37:45 UTC

Caster Semenya has become the face of the issue of testosterone because she is the most prominent and celebrated athlete affected by the regulation. Despite this, Semenya has avoided publicly discussing the issue. Following the 2017 IAAF World Championships, she was asked in a press conference about how a new IAAF regulation would affect her future. At the time, the first regulation was still under the CAS’s suspension, and the most recent regulation had not yet been released. She responded,

"Those are the things, issues I don’t focus on. It’s none of my business. It’s their business. So, my business is to train hard and to see what I can come up with in competition. … I’m not even bothered, if I may say. I’m a kind of a person who doesn’t really focus on negativity. I’m a positive person, and I look at things in a positive way. … I do not work for IAAF. I’m Caster Semenya, I’m an athlete" (Nuffin’ Long Athletics, 2017, 13:16).

Although some may see the debate over testosterone to be completely her business, Semenya has continually expressed her desire to simply be allowed to focus on being an athlete. For years, the issue has captivated the IAAF, Semenya’s competitors and fans, queer scholars, medical specialists, and internet trolls. The only person who seemed missing from the conversation is Semenya herself.

Semenya was forced to change her strategy after the IAAF’s release of its 2018 regulation. In defining “Restricted Events” as races that conveniently happen to be the exact range that Semenya runs, this regulation seems to target Semenya directly. Because it threatens to ban her from meaningful competition almost completely, Semenya has had no choice but to fight the regulation. She has turned to the CAS to challenge whether the regulation is legal (Walton, 2018). Although the regulation was supposed to take effect November 1 of this year, the IAAF has agreed to delay this implementation for five months. In return, Semenya and the CAS have agreed to not prolong the proceedings (Eyewitness News, 2018). It’s unclear what the outcome of the coming events will be, but if all goes according to plan, it is possible that the debate over testosterone will come to a conclusive end in March of 2019.

Although every piece of discussion about Semenya’s “case” further sensationalizes and often medicalizes her career and life (Macharia, 2009; Hoad, 2010), Semenya has also received strong support and recognition from notable names in the athletic community. She was sponsored by Nike, who created a touching promotional video that celebrates her strength, speed, and well-deserved success (Nike, 2018). In the video, Semenya asks if it would be “easier” and “simpler” if she were not so successful and therefore a more convenient athlete for Western gender norms. In the end, she concludes “That’s too bad because I was born to do this” (Nike, 00:58). In September, fellow Nike sponsored athlete LeBron James flew to Berlin to support Semenya in a race (ESPN, 2018). In October, Semenya won the Wilma Rudolph Courage Award from the Women’s Sports Foundation and Billie Jean King (CCTV Africa, 2018). In December, she was featured on the cover of Forbes Woman Africa (ForbesWomanAfri, 2018).

This support for Semenya shows that many around the world have a definition of womanhood that is very different from Stéphane Bermon’s. When discussing her CAS challenge of the 2018 regulation, Semenya has commented “This is not about me. I’ve achieved everything I want in life—I’m world champion, Commonwealth champion, African Champion” (Walton, 2018, paragraph 3). Instead, she challenges the regulation for the “next generation. It’s killing them” (Walton, para. 4). From the college level to middle school sports leagues, many athletics organizations developing the next generation of professional athletes have recently tackled questions of inclusion of athletes who do not fit the gender binary (ABC News, 2018; Cobb, personal communication, 2018). While a CAS ruling in Semenya’s favor could pave the way for inclusive regulations on many levels of athletics, no matter what happens in March 2019, Semenya has already successfully weakened the traditional definition of femininity. Her strength, speed, blackness, and success serve as a counterexample that invalidates the definition of womanhood held by men like Bermon. As more and more gender variant people of color rise to cultural prominence and power, a new, inclusive definition of womanhood will eventually replace the narrow Western gender binary. Maybe if this shift can one day permeate the IAAF and other governing organizations, regulations affecting the bodies of women and gender minorities from the Global South will be made by people who arguably have more expertise than any medical specialist: women of color themselves.

Introduction + Thesis (sample 1)

chisakoasakawa — 2023-10-03 15:37:45 UTC

At the age of 18, Caster Semenya competed in her first IAAF World Championships, where she became the 2009 female champion in the 800-meter race. Semenya’s victory by more than two seconds over the next finisher produced more than mere respect from her competitors and viewers; she was faced with criticism and speculation about whether or not she was really a woman (Longman, 2016). Competitors used her “masculine” features to question the validity of her victory. Since then, the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF), the world governing body of track and field, has created multiple regulations that limit the levels of testosterone in athletes who compete in female competitions. How can it be that exceptional athletes can be excluded from competition because of the way they were born?

Many have astutely pointed out that there are a variety of physical and environmental advantages that allow athletes to have such exceptional abilities (Longman, 2016; Longman, 2018; Pūras, Melzer, & Radačić, 2018; Padawer, 2016). Athletes with genetic mutations that cause significantly increased blood hemoglobin levels compete without restriction from sports officials (Longman, 2018). Athletes whose families have poured fortunes into their coaching and training compete alongside those who may not have had the privilege of being able to devote hours a day to training in sports (Karkazis & Jordan-Young, 2018). An equal playing field that the eliminates advantages athletes have over one another is not only impossible to achieve (Longman, 2018), but it would cause competition to lose its meaning. Ironically, the IAAF fixates itself on testosterone regulations in the name of fairness instead of focusing on more pressing issues that actually threaten the integrity of competition, like doping.

International sporting events attempt to provide an equal playing field for athletes of all backgrounds to come together and compete. In many ways, running is one of the sports that comes closest to this mission. It does not require expensive equipment, like gymnastics or fencing, and it is not specific to a single culture, like baseball or skiing. Despite the great diversity of professional track athletes, IAAF leaders—and specifically those who the IAAF has shared to be behind its testosterone regulations—unsurprisingly are all white men. Their testosterone regulations make no mention of race and instead hide behind the supposedly indisputable science. In reality, IAAF leaders use regulations to reinforce a Western definition of femininity that is characterized by whiteness, weakness, and submission to men.

The IAAF’s fixation on implementing a testosterone limit may reflect a fear that strong, gender variant, black and brown bodies will redefine what is female, thus challenging the long-term power of white men. These regulations result in harmful and invasive medical practices towards black and brown athletes. This subtly perpetuates the neocolonial practice of administering harm to people from the Global South in the name of care for those targeted and justice for all.

Level 3 Conclusion (sample 4)

chisakoasakawa — 2023-10-03 15:37:45 UTC

With increased discussion on East Africans’ dominance in distance running, increased attention should be paid to the possibility of overgeneralization, stereotyping, and covert racism. Elite East African distance runners are just one part of the East African population. Just because a majority of elite distance runners come from the East African region does not necessarily mean that everyone in the area has to be a professional endurance runner. Equating distance running with the East African population may lead to dangerous stereotyping. Such an idea implies the genetic predisposition which was proven inconvincible and ignores the hard work and struggles East African elite runners experienced to get to where they are today. This may also convey a notion that East Africans were “born to run” instead of “born to think”, which perpetuates a dangerous racial stereotype that denies East Africans’ intellectual ability and emphasizes their success in power or endurance tasks.

Echoing the concept of stereotype lift discussed in the sociocultural determinants section of the paper, although this may positively contribute to their athletic performance, there is also the risks of internalized racism. Some people may argue that stereotypes are only problematic when certain groups are treated discriminatively due to preconceived notions. However, it’s worth noting that the effect of stereotypes and the fear of confirming or failing to confirm a stereotype may lead to psychological distress that is not observed externally. The endorsement of positive stereotypes may have similar negative psychological effects as the endorsement of negative stereotypes, although positive ones may yield additional benefits in other fields (Czopp, 2008). When East African endurance runners fail to meet the high expectations set by themselves and society, they may face harsher psychological punishments compared to when those high standards do not exist. In a context when the positive stereotype is inaccurate, the targeted population may feel more stress on failing to confirm the stereotype, subjecting them to prejudice and judgment. Since people are less inclined to perceive positive stereotypes as harmful, they are less likely to change their social judgment regarding the stereotypes, making such bias uncorrected and unnoticed. Positive stereotyping also risks equating performance with ability. Since there’re so many different contributors to one’s performance, just because athletes from other regions do not usually perform as well as East African endurance runners in competitions do not mean that they does not have the same ability to excel. Making such an assumption risks overlooking the hard work of all athletes and attributing East African athletes’ abilities as innate rather than acquired. The collective high self-esteem and confidence among East African endurance runners due to the overwhelming success of the group together with other factors discussed in the paper contribute to their athletic excellence.

This leads to the discussion of the “racialization” of other professional sports as well. Looking at Olympic sports, there is almost a white and non-white divide. When examining the racial background of athletes from Canada, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia in the 2016 Rio Summer Olympics, several sports (golf, cycling, diving, sailing, shooting, triathlon, and equestrian) were found to have almost exclusively white athletes among the four countries, while others (basketball) had more non-white participants (Lawrence, 2017). The disproportionate representation of athletes in the media may further perpetuate this divide. In the newspaper coverage of the 2000 Sydney Olympics, Black athletes were overrepresented in strength sports (boxing) with 11% of total representation while only 4% of total metal count in the area. At the same time, white athletes were overrepresented in more skilled sports (gymnastics), with 18% of total representation while no metal in those categories (Hardin, Dodd, Chance, and Walsdorf, 2010). This may also incorrectly lead people to think that Black athletes excel because they are naturally physically fit while white athletes succeed since they have superior skills and sports intelligence, perpetuating the dangerous stereotypes and stereotype threats and undermining Black athletes’ athletic excellence (Stone et al., 1999). When looking at the reasons behind the “racial” divide in sports, further research may focus on the accessibility of athletic facilities. From existing evidence, it can be inferred that sports dominated by Caucasian athletes likely involve a dedicated venue for practice, and even a more specialized one if someone wants to pursue the sport on a professional level. Such funding and venue may not be available or accessible to athletes of other backgrounds, contributing to their lack of representation in those categories. However, future research is needed to confirm this conjecture. Many other factors like historical policies, cultural traditions, and media representation may contribute to and sustain such a trend, which can also be further explored.

Introduction + Thesis (sample 4)

chisakoasakawa — 2023-10-03 15:37:45 UTC

The first appearance of East African countries like Ethiopia, Kenya, and Uganda on the world stage dates back to the 1956 Melbourne Summer Olympics. Shortly after, the world witnessed a surge in podium positions occupied by East African runners for running events of 800 meters and above. The Ethiopian runner Abebe Bikila won the 1960 Rome Olympics marathon barefoot and repeated his success four years later at the 1964 Tokyo Olympics (Entine, 2000). Following the same trend, Kenyan athletes’ dominance started in 1964 when Wilson Kiprugut brought home a bronze medal in the 800 meters game at the Tokyo Olympics and soon after led the country to win seven more medals at the 1968 Mexico City Olympics in events from 800 meters to 10,000 meters (Wilber and Yannis, 2012). From the 1968 Mexico City Olympics to the 2008 Beijing Olympics, the medal counts for Kenyan and Ethiopian runners (Figure 1, dark grey bars, 420 metals in total) are comparable to that of the rest of the world combined (Figure 1, light grey bars, 565 metals in total), excluding the 1976 Montreal Olympics when Kenya and Ethiopia did not participate (Wilber and Yannis, 2012). Such running dominance can be observed outside of the Olympics and in the International Association of Athletics Federations (IAAF) World Cross-Country Championships and road races as well. Looking across the world records board for mid-and long-distance running, the dominance of East African runners continues to shock the world, with East African men and women holding almost all world records for running events from 3000 meters and up, as shown in Figure 2 and 3 below (World Athletics).

Such athletic dominance piqued interest and intense debate among sports enthusiasts and researchers around the globe, leading to intense exploration that tries to explain the phenomenon. Many believe the geographical and racial concentration of elite distance runners in East African countries points to superior genetic predisposition as the main reason for high performance. However, the discussion is not so simple. Making statements that attribute East African’s sporting success predominantly to genetics risks overlooking their hard work and reinforcing the racial stereotype that they are “born to run” rather than “born to think.” In search of a more comprehensive explanation for such outstanding running performance, one can find its answers in physiological, developmental, and sociocultural contexts. Physiological and anatomical advantages that developed as a result of intense training and environmental adaptations give East African runners physical advantages, and the collaborative and ambitious running atmosphere as well as community-orientated motivational factors offer athletes mental support in dominating the endurance running world.

In addition, this paper intends to further examine the topics of race and sports, keeping in mind the racial discrimination that exists across the globe. Although East African endurance runners’ sporting success draws global attention and is widely celebrated, the way people view such success should be evaluated with caution to avoid the potentially dangerous perpetuation of stereotyping, microaggression, and covert racism.