Yellow: Main Frameworks and Theories

Red: Sub-frameworks and Theories

White: Books, Book Chapters, Journal Articles and Publications

Discourse of urban history cannot be seen in isolation of the geographical frame of disasters. Disaster as historical actor and catalyst of different types of change in society, the state, and science

The emergence of Manila as a political unit is inextricably tied to its history as a flood-prone metropolis. Warren & Bankoff

Manila urban history in the American colonial period cannot be treated as a monolith; district studies reveal nuances in urban development and policy implementation.

Architecture typologies reflected the community's need for commerce and businesses; buildings reflected their public purpose.

Twentieth-century expansion of Paco started from poblacion and then outwards to peripheral areas where estate lands were subdivided and converted into housing lots.

Developments during American rule changed role of intramuros radically with its transformation to recreation like aquariums, botanical gardens and tennis courts.

Act 183 blockhouses define American Manila block houses aka bahay ng calapati were structures to determine the boundaries of Manila. Americans drew a convenient straight line from one end to another end and shrunk Sampaloc's vast territory.

Dialectical discourse between American flagship programs on infrastructure and urban planning (tagalabas) and Filipino reactions to colonialism (tagaloob) reveals power dynamics.

Political leaders have always sought to build monumental capitals, with earlier designs influencing those of later cities. The Western design that revolved around a central axis of power became evident in Quezon City.

Compared to Spanish times that Chinese were physically separated from the Filipinos, Chinese were psychologically separated by the Americans by allowing the community to exist as a separate self-sufficient enclave.

Despite the history of Chinese migration to Manila brought by economic opportunities, Chinese Exclusion Act targetted the Chinese women.

Desire to create a city with a soul, a Filipino soul. Street names represented a functional organ of the nation, historical event, name of a patriot region or province of the country.

Unrealized dream of US colonial officials to extend American empire through the production of space, particularly the aesthetic dimensions or what might be called a landscape vision of US empire.

Manila's urbanization program cannot be seen in isolation of US' imperial history.

Viewing American policy and practice in the colonial period and understanding the motivations and achievements of the officials involved as well as the response of high-ranking Filipino leaders to colonial rule.

Mobilization and propaganda convinced a people to internalize a new standard of manhood, as can be gleaned from Commonwealth's leaders' stances on urbanization, particularly Quezon.

This idea of treating the built environment as an expression of historical patterns of production and social and cultural reproduction presenting Baguio as “palimpsest of landscapes”

The invention of Filipino nationality bleeds into a critical discussion of the Filipino's space.

Why did city planning become such a fundamental component of governance at that time and what impact did urban design have upon the local civilization and the construction of nationhood?

The article focuses on Quezon City’s short-lived status as capital. There is a focus on the idea of the sociospatial dynamics -- spatial changes in the city in relation to simultaneous changes in its socio political context that show how the sociopolitical is contingent upon space.

Attention to the peculiar historical geography of the main campus of the University of the Philippines shows socio-spatial relations between universities and Southeast Asian cities.

Filipino politicians and elite conferred upon the city narratives of nationhood but underneath was Quezon's authoritarian regime.

Carriage drivers were seen as relics of a backward past that the progress of modernity would render extinct. However, the cocheros were not easily eradicated, and frustrated colonial authorities tagged them as barriers to modernity.

Colonial Manila continued to be defined during the early American-colonial period (1898–1913) as mobility and public health became intertwined policy areas. Innovations in transport technology and infrastructure were introduced to "cure" Manila's unhealthy geography.

Burnham reaped the benefits of his new status as he resumed the practice of architecture.

Modernization in technology allowed for women to diversify roles in urban colonial Manila, whether it be working or consuming goods.

Rooted in imperialist rhetoric, this article reviews a speech by Woodrow Wilson, that Filipinos were not ready for independence, hence the need for American aid in building Manila back from the ground up.

This article argues that the Proposed Development Plan of the City of Iloilo and Vicinity (The City Beautiful Plan of Iloilo) provided a comprehensive and ideal model on the everyday power relations and social control between Americans and Filipinos. Consequently, these forms of social control in urban spaces downplayed the religious aspects of Spanish colonialism and made it more rational, utilitarian, and civic oriented.

Capital cities play an important role in representing the aspirations and

ideals of a nation, or at least the national government's interpretation of these aspirations and ideals.

Importance of American-period public buildings, which showcased American superiority, and the Filipino urban elites' interpretation and appropriation of American colonial culture and their creation of "American-style" dwellings.