According to John Stuart Mill, people have historically accepted various forms of governance as natural, but this does not imply that they are correct or just. For example, the domination of men over women is a universal tradition, but this does not mean it should be considered natural. Similarly, the domination of one race or class over others has often been accepted as natural, but Mill argues that it is neither fair nor just. Therefore, "unnatural" often simply means "unusual," and because people perceive the customary as natural, this can perpetuate injustices and inequalities. At the same time, he notes the existence of different natures among people, with some having free natures and others having slave natures. For instance, while the Greeks were considered to have a free nature, barbarian races like the Thracians and Asians were seen as having a slave nature.

In contrast to thinkers like Rousseau, he questions the natural justice of domination and emphasizes the necessity of preserving equality by granting women the same opportunities for development as men. At the same time, Mill emphasizes the importance of understanding the influences that shape human character and highlights that many commonly held beliefs about gender are based on superficial observations and prejudices. He criticizes the tendency to attribute certain characteristics to entire groups of people based on limited evidence or societal norms.

According to Rousseau, the roles that men and women played were naturally determined by their differences, with men usually taking on more active and public roles and women occupying more passive and domestic roles. On the other hand, Mill defended equality of opportunity and freedom for women from male-imposed societal dictates or restrictions, as well as their right to define their roles and professions.

Monarchy may not be as durable as the subjection of women for various reasons. Firstly, monarchies often rely on a single individual or family to maintain power, making them vulnerable to internal conflicts, external pressures, and revolutions. Unlike deeply entrenched social systems like the subjection of women, monarchs can be overthrown or changed more easily as they do not permeate every aspect of society and are not dependent on the actions of a single ruler.

Mill argues that the subjection of women is one of the most enduring forms of injustice due to a variety of factors that contribute to its permanence. He points out that the system to which women are subject is universal, unlike absolute monarchy, which has been rejected by some prosperous nations throughout history. This universality demonstrates that the subjection of women is deeply embedded in social structures and norms across cultures and periods. She also emphasizes that it is the male half of the human race that directly benefits from the subjection of women. Unlike absolute monarchy, where power is concentrated in the hands of a single person, the subjection of women provides immediate satisfaction to the dominant group (men) and reinforces its continuity. This common good for a broad segment of society creates a strong incentive to maintain the status quo. Finally, the dynamics of women's subjection operate within close personal relationships, such as families, that encourage control and make resistance difficult. Those who benefit from the subjection of women are strategically positioned to prevent uprisings or challenges, utilizing constant surveillance and intimate power dynamics to maintain the status quo. Together, these factors contribute to the enduring nature of women's subordination, cementing women's status as one of the most enduring forms of injustice, even during social evolution and change.

What are public and private spheres? And how are they related to gender inequality?

The public and private spheres are conceptual divisions that delineate different aspects of social life based on gender roles. The public sphere encompasses activities related to politics, economics, and public discourse, traditionally associated with men. It is regarded as the domain of citizenship and public life. In contrast, the private sphere refers to the realm of the household, family, and personal relationships, traditionally associated with women. It is considered outside the realm of politics and citizenship.These spheres are intimately linked to gender inequality. The division between public and private spheres reinforces and perpetuates traditional gender roles and power imbalances. Women have historically been confined to the private sphere, limiting their access to political power, economic opportunities, and public decision-making processes. This relegation of women to the private sphere assigns them the role of caregivers and devalues their contributions to society. It reinforces the notion that women's primary role is within the family, while men are expected to participate in public and political life. This gendered division restricts women's full and equal participation in society and has been a significant driver of gender inequality.

Overcoming gender inequality requires challenging and dismantling the division between the public and private spheres. It needs to recognize and address the structural and cultural barriers that limit women's opportunities and perpetuate gender roles. Achieving gender equality within democratic societies necessitates reimagining the public and private spheres as interconnected and interdependent, where individuals have equal access to the political, economic, and social spheres of life, regardless of gender. It requires transforming societal norms, policies, and institutions to promote genuine inclusivity and ensure that women's voices and experiences are fully recognized and valued in all aspects of public and political life. Overall, Pateman's analysis underscores the interconnectedness of the public-private divide and gender inequality and highlights the need for transformative change to create a more just and equitable society.

According to Pateman, one of the biggest failures of liberal writers regarding gender equality is their neglect of addressing sexual inequality and the patriarchal structure of the liberal state within the framework of democratic theory and practice. Liberal theorists of democracy, whether they support or critique the existing system, often overlook the challenges that arise when attempting to extend liberal principles to women while preserving the division between private and political life, a central tenet of liberal democracy. They fail to consider whether concepts like freedom and consent hold the same meaning and relevance for women as they do for men, thereby implicitly assuming that "individuals" and "citizens" are exclusively male.

This failure is significant because it still perpetuates the marginalization and subordination of women within democratic societies. By not addressing sexual inequality, liberal writers fail to challenge the prevalent social norms, practices, and convictions that undermine the formal political equality of women. They disregard the fact that, despite legal reforms and the introduction of universal suffrage, deeply rooted beliefs and social structures continue to restrict women's full participation and perpetuate gender-based discrimination. By neglecting to confront these issues, liberal theorists overlook the systemic barriers that hinder women from attaining genuine equality within democratic systems.

Sweden's feminist foreign policy (FFP) is the oldest and most comprehensive, focusing on women's rights, resources, and increased female representation. It covers foreign and national security policies, development cooperation, and trade and promotion. The policy is based on the principle of the "Three Rs" and includes annual action plans addressing human rights, conflict prevention, and economic empowerment. However, it has been criticized for focusing solely on women and ignoring LGBTQIA+ rights.
Canada's journey towards a feminist foreign policy began in 2017 with the launch of the Feminist International Assistance Policy (FIAP). Canada adopts a broad feminist approach with sectoral policies such as the Trade Diversification Strategy and the Second National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security. Luxembourg's government announced in 2018 that it would implement a feminist foreign policy, focusing on social and political representation of women, equal opportunities in education, employment, social services, health, land and property rights, women's sexual and reproductive health and rights, and the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and intersex people.
France's feminist foreign policy, also known as "feminist diplomacy," is based on three principles: comprehensive, rights-based, and gender-based. The comprehensive approach emphasizes gender inclusion in diplomatic priorities, while the rights-based approach integrates human rights principles into humanitarian and development policies. The gender-based approach incorporates gender equality perspectives into all policies.
Mexico's feminist foreign policy started in 2019 with the speech of the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the United Nations General Assembly. The policy aims to integrate the gender perspective in all areas of foreign policy, combat gender-based violence, and contribute to the foreign policy development of women.
Spain moved up to the sixth position in the world rankings for feminist foreign policy by releasing the Feminist Foreign Policy Guide in 2021. This guide mandates structural changes within the Foreign Service to align internal practices with equity and equal opportunity principles.

At the Generation Equality Forum in Paris, Najla Mangoush, Libya's Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of International Cooperation, pledged to adopt a feminist foreign policy. This made Libya the first African country to take steps in this direction. While Mangoush emphasized that feminist foreign policy will play an important role in ensuring the stability of Libya, she based the roots of the policy on women, peace, and security. Libya plans to implement this policy through various reforms.

Feminist foreign policy has become more widely known in recent years, with countries such as Mexico and Libya adopting it. This demonstrates the opportunities created by a feminist perspective in the field of global cooperation. However, critics raise concerns about the implementation of these policies and the persistence of inequalities. The development of feminist foreign policy requires deeper research and improvements in areas such as intersectionality, rights, resources, representation, research, reporting, and access. At its core, feminist foreign policy prioritizes peace, gender equality, and environmental integrity while challenging colonialist, racist, patriarchal, and male-dominated power structures.

Violence against women in politics is a global problem that affects elected officials, journalists, activists, and voters. Despite efforts to address this issue through normative statements, action plans, and training programs, it remains a significant challenge. Women in politics face various forms of violence, including physical assault, intimidation and harassment, aimed at silencing them and discrediting their leadership. These attacks often stem from misogynistic attitudes and aim to preserve traditional gender roles and undermine democratic institutions. Cultural factors and the capacity of the state also affect the prevalence and forms of violence against women in politics. In this article, violence against politically active women is classified in five main forms: physical, sexual, psychological, economic and symbolic. These forms aim to exclude women from public life and can often overlap or escalate if one form does not achieve its intended effect. Addressing this multifaceted issue requires comprehensive strategies at national, regional and global levels to protect women's rights and ensure their full participation in political life. Additionally, violence against politically active women includes physical, sexual, psychological, economic and symbolic violence, targeting women as women, undermining democracy and deterring their participation in public life. Perpetrators of violence can include political opponents, criminals, community and religious leaders, security forces, and even women's party colleagues and family members. At the same time, addressing violence against politically active women is vital to upholding democratic principles and human rights. Joint efforts are needed to expose and condemn such violence and to create environments where women can freely and safely participate in politics.

Feminist Security Theory (FST) challenges conventional notions of state protection for women, arguing that the state is complicit in perpetuating gender-based violence and structural inequalities. While the state may offer limited protection, FST contests the idea of protection as a justification for state power, likening it to a protection racket that reproduces hierarchies and structural violence. Moreover, FST criticizes the state's denial of women's agency as societal protectors, reinforcing their role as protected despite potential threats from their ostensible guardians. Structural violence, a key concept in FST, highlights the economic and environmental insecurity faced by individuals due to political and economic oppression. FST emphasizes the need to politicize and challenge such structures while advocating for global economic restructuring to address issues like gendered division of labor and environmental degradation. Additionally, FST rethinks the traditional concepts of peace and war, interrogating the conflation of peace with security and the masculine associations with war. It explores women's roles in wartime, recognizing their experiences as victims, protesters, promoters, and participants. Wartime sexual violence, often overlooked in traditional international relations discourse, is analyzed as a political and symbolic tool used to achieve political goals. Moreover, FST examines women's participation in peace movements and the military, highlighting both the benefits and challenges they face. Masculinity is also scrutinized within FST, revealing how hegemonic masculinities sustain security practices and perpetuate gendered power dynamics. Overall, FST offers a critical lens through which to understand and challenge the gendered dimensions of security, peace, and conflict.

The definition of this concept in the field of research and the nature of the relationship between the elements of the gender regime are important. In political science, the concept of "system" in the study of international relations is used to explain the nature of relations between states, and then it turns into the concept of "regime". The nature of the relationship between the elements of the gender regime is also important, and the models range from simple one-dimensional scales to complex structure. It is argued that there is a gender regime transformation from home to public in industrial countries, and the differences of this transformation are examined in three main types: market-oriented, welfare state-oriented and regulatory policy-oriented. To understand the consequences of this transformation, the distinction between the form of gender regime and the degree of gender inequality is important. Moreover, there are two main debates about the potential of the EU to create a gender regime in the context of globalization. The first is whether globalization reduces political and social differences; the second is the necessity of spreading similar values around the world. These debates are considered in the context of social inclusion and feminism, two important political activities and institutions that ensure the uniqueness of the EU. Feminism in Europe generally does not target the state and prefers to establish independent feminist organizations instead of the state. However, in recent years, it has been stated that the focus of feminist politics has turned to the state and legal regulations. An understanding of the EU's mandates and policy-making processes is important for assessing the impact of feminism. It has been stated that feminism is effective in the EU, especially in issues such as employment, and it has been stated that the spheres of influence of the EU's gender equality policies have expanded. There are three types of political pressure groups in civil society to advance women's political interests, such as feminist movements, elected women's representatives, and gender units in the government bureaucracy. The EU's gender equality policies and institutional structure have taken various measures to increase women's political influence and promote gender equality. Among these, the gender equality unit of the EU Commission and the role of the EU Parliament are important. Shortly, the EU's powers are broad and complex, but its equality policies are increasingly deepening and broadening.

Since the establishment of the Republic in 1923, Turkey has undergone reforms toward modernization and Westernization, including granting women rights like suffrage and legal equality with men. However, the closure of the Turkish Women's Union in 1935 signaled the end of the first wave of feminism. Political turmoil until the 1980s hindered women's political participation, but after the second wave of feminism, women, particularly urban, middle-class professionals, began advocating for change, addressing issues like violence against women. Women's movements led to the establishment of organizations, research centers, and programs focusing on women's issues. The state also took steps to improve women's rights and signed international treaties against discrimination. Since the 1990s, the feminist movement has been influenced by political Islam and Kurdish nationalism, leading to polarization within the movement. Kurdish and Islamist feminists emphasized community-specific issues and critiqued mainstream Turkish feminism. Globalization and NGO-led feminist movements have further shaped contemporary trends in Turkey's feminist movement. Women's NGOs are increasingly effective in promoting social development and rights, but criticisms have emerged regarding their profit-driven nature and hierarchical structures. While the NGOization of feminism has increased interest in women's rights, it has also sparked debates about the effectiveness and direction of these initiatives.

Feminist performance activism has deep roots in historical movements and is inspired by second-wave feminism and women's activism for a variety of social causes. Examples include the "Miss America" ​​protest in 1969; activists parodied beauty pageants by crowning a live sheep and throwing items symbolizing the oppression of women into the "Freedom Trash Can." Similarly, WITCH (International Women's Terrorist Conspiracy from Hell) challenged gender norms in 1968 by dressing as witches and "bewitching" the New York Stock Exchange. In 1985, Guerrilla Girls emerged in response to a museum exhibition that excluded female artists; She used humor and provocative clothing, such as gorilla masks, to challenge assumptions about women. These historic actions influenced contemporary groups such as Code Pink, whose performances recalled the "Women's Pentagon Protest" of 1980 and included symbolic puppets representing different stages of protest. This continuity highlights the enduring power of feminist performance activism to challenge norms and draw attention to social issues. This feminist performance activism is divided into groups such as Code Pink, Raging Grannies, and Missile Dick Chicks.

Firstly, Code Pink uses performance as a core strategy to engage women in activism and support its agenda. The color pink, symbolizing inclusivity and accessibility, is used at the center of the performances. By making pink clothing readily available, including free items from second-hand stores, participation is encouraged without a significant financial commitment. Their performances range from highly structured actions, such as forming the word "peace" with naked bodies, to more spontaneous and fluid activities, such as walking with giant puppets. These performances blur the lines between artists and observers, inviting participation and emphasizing collective action. Code Pink's performances aim to increase participation and expand the organization by presenting a non-threatening image of female activists as pacifist caretakers. The use of pink reassures observers as it challenges gender norms by combining civil disobedience with traditional feminine imagery.

Raging Grannies, on the other hand, uses performance as a form of activist expression. He uses satire and songs to convey political messages. They emerged in Victoria, British Columbia in 1986 and have spread globally, forming "crowds" of activist groups. Their philosophies emphasize the power of older women to challenge societal norms and address a variety of social and environmental issues. Their performances often include traditional grandmotherly attire, including floral dresses and shawls, reinforcing their old lady identities. At the heart of their activism is the rewriting of familiar folk tunes with politically charged lyrics. These satirical songs are performed during protests, inviting the audience to participate and blurring the lines between performers and observers. Raging Grannies challenge stereotypes of older women and break gender norms by maintaining the character of maternal and caring figures while delivering confrontational lyrics. Their performances aim to subvert expectations by highlighting the wisdom and agency of older women in social and political activism.

Missile Dick Chicks, a New York-based artist-activist group, employs a distinct presentation strategy compared to Code Pink and Raging Grannies. They challenge gender norms broadly, wearing bright red, white, and blue costumes with "Missile Dicks" extending from the pubic area. Each costume involves significant time and material investment. Their formal performances include singing and dancing routines with lyrics altered to reflect anti-war and anti-Bush sentiments. Unlike Code Pink and Raging Grannies, who use traditional or maternal imagery, Missile Dick Chicks deliberately undermine gender norms, portraying stereotypical conservative housewives in patriotic attire with exaggerated negative traits. Their costumes link militarism with masculinity and satirize women who support the militaristic and capitalist status quo. Through their bold and provocative performances, they challenge societal expectations and confront gendered notions of power, war, and activism, emphasizing the intersection of gender, militarism, and capitalism to provoke thought and spark debate.

Feminist performance activist groups such as Code Pink, Raging Grannies, and Missile Dick Chicks found success by effectively integrating their gender-focused messages into the anti-war movement. Their performances attracted the attention of the mass media and protesters alike and contributed to the legitimation of their agenda through media coverage. These groups used different strategies to attract audience attention. While Code Pink encouraged participation with less formal performances, the Raging Grannies and Missile Dick Chicks preferred to create a formal distinction. The success of each is evident in their high visibility, media attention, popularity and rapid growth. However, as performances become more formal, a situation may arise where boundaries between participants and audiences become rigid and spontaneous participation may be inhibited. Therefore, to attract new supporters, it is important for performance activist groups to rely on accessible and transferable costumes and fluid performance boundaries. In the future, important questions will arise regarding the role of feminist organizing within social movements addressing issues such as war and militarism. Additionally, debates regarding the strength of the narrowly structured feminist concept of the women's movement will continue. Exploring these issues through further scholarly work will help us better understand the dynamics of contemporary activism and its impact on social change.