Again other regions in Uganda?

Similar issues with South Sudan: some organisations reaching them would be hard. Problem in accessing them is a challenge.

Questions - how did we get to the organisations that were mapped for Uganda.

Many profiled in the mapping are part of SIHA network

Way they are organised: more project-based and doesn't work to address systemic and institutional issues, heavily donor-dependent and project-based. Limitations in changing the social fabric.

From their own understanding about the "way it is supposed to be done" don't understand that there are alternative approaches to social justice. Old guards of the women's movements tend to focus on projects because that's the way to go about it. Our work experience has taught us that can't independently and project-based initiatives can't achieve institutional and systemic change.

knowledge limitations and gaps. Need exposure to alternative advocacy strategies ("imagining otehrwise"), going out of their comfort zone. and risks of backlash. Also they have been in the space for a long time and understand the political context might not be willing

Eliad Ethiopia Association - do work on policy reform, activities that have long-term impact.

Capacities of feminist movement: navigating the digital space, limitation for all of them in terms of understanding advocacy strategies, manipulating online space and advancing certain discussions.

Issue of: working in siloes. If women's disability organisation - just focus on disabilities, etc. Not a sense of understanding how these concepts are interconnected and understanding the political space, how affects the economy, social fabric, the interconnectedness of various identities and how affects day to day realities of women and women as a collective group.

Covid pandemic: opportunity of women's movement to come together and navigate the online space. NEWAT had a weekly online space "gender in focus" brought a lot of women together, everyone in their diversity - this amounts to a women's movement.

Proposes: in terms of identifying young vibrant feminist groups. Speak to Article 35 feminist initiatives aims to amplify national issues and policies, documenting various GBV that happen across the country, online platform, speaking to key government stakeholders to make sure there are some policy shift. Can speak about the backlash.

SEHA Sea (?) power, online, active on TikTok, similar set up. Facing massive amounts of backlash. Can speak of the space as young feminists.

Challenges older generations (formal, access to funding) and new budding feminist groups operating in the online space.

Marhaouit (?) Southern region of Ethiopia - how young feminist movement is expanding beyond the capital and trying to shift discussion

"ethnic minority group" not accurate - work on advancing political participation of women.

Need to explain the backlash and specific context of Ethiopia: stronger emphasis in terms of the capacity-gap in terms of focusing on movement-building.

Funding women's movement in the 1980s, by UN Women, Ford Foundation huge basket of funding - the funding landscape allowed movement to go in fluid way. Log frames etc. have restricted movement in narrow deliverables. Changing funding landscape.

Active rural movements addressing important issues aren't able to get into the funding model.

Those who structure themselves to fit in funding model, loose bigger issues they are focusing on. Could be one reason why experiencing backsliding. Laws sweeping under our feet (reducing age limit), cutting us unaware. Funding didn't allow that as a movement and political building.

Need a restructuring with how we operate with feminist organising in the South.

Keep in mind Somalia has other federal member states.

None from Puntland, Southwest Somalia - consider other parts of Somalia.

Some organisations concerns: very strong in eg good website but challenge when want to approach them, questions about their physical presences.

Puntland: one organisation approved in their network and their partner has visited and approved them.

Other parts of Somalia: In Kismayo?

SIHA doesn't have physical presence in other parts of Somalia.

• Dr. Hala had comments on SSudan organisations

  • Some organisations were more pol groups that tried to promote the SPLA’s agenda wihtin the general women population

  • During the training in SS, some organisations were found not to be existing in terms of them being vsiible, having offices etc. SIHA was unable to invite them

    • they were unable to participate in the last KOMBOA activity

  • Brought in the WPF that came in and replaced them 

  • Look at the list of the last KOMBOA activity, and for those missing in SP’s mapping we can prioritise for the interview

• SIHA South Sudan team to address comments in the report

Need to get clarity and permission from government to do advocacy campaign.

Feel that it suppresses our ability and efforts to advocate for the rights of the minority groups.

Cultural perceptions around feminist create resistances.

Activists and other movements tend to shy away.

2021, 2022 activism high but now being linked to feminist movement you are associated with supporting homosexuality

Disassociation of political movements with anything to do with gender or rights. Has driven into more service-based delivery, less empowered women joining savings clubs, agricultural activities.

Detracts from structural issues: e.g., can't access finances, the government system, responsiveness of the state as a duty-bearer to them has failed, but they can't question that broader structured.

Addressing the "leaves of the tree not the roots"

More women find themselves poorer, into farming groups, market associations, into charity work. Not questioning the broader structures that force them into these activities.

Civic space has tightened itself into these core governance issues.

Women's movement would want to challenge accountability, the laws and policies, the leadership of the state, but can't do that when can't mention gender.

Idea that it is a Western ideology that spoils women, etc.

Criminal activity to be associated with any queer-related things.

Women's movement becoming increasingly aware of that.

Need: political understanding, studying women's movement.

Learned a lot about Ugandan activists. Learnings and education available for the general movement (what SIHA does). Experience-sharing, how you resist the backlash, what are the tactics we can learn in the Global South?

How negotiate with partners? Need flexible funding, donors need to understand contextual realities and contextual priorities.

Positioning ourselves as equals, negotiating power, tell them what is needed on the ground, diplomacy.

Need sustainable funding to make systemic shift.

Particularly for Ethiopia: challenge fragmented state. Sometimes State uses ethnic, religious, various identities to make women compete with each other as opposed to collaboration.

Refom area: promising gender equality but gone backwards.

solidarity, trust-building for a solid women's movement. recognising women's movement is extremely diverse. Working beyond the class, ethnic, ability divides to come together.

Has to be meaningful capacity-building.

Bear in mind some of these things take time. Not because you train someone in feminist principles, they are not going to change overnight. Deep-rooted in the psyche

Learning from other countries, cross-regional learning and collaboration.

social media: as an opportunity for women's movement to come together despite wherever they are - starting but should be strengthened.

Core SIHA contributions: Horn of Africa women's rights organisation, not many. Southern and East Africa more advanced.

Need networking and learning that speaks to the culture. E.g., language limitations, difficult cross-country collaborations, limited the Ethiopia's women's movement

Funding for cross-border collaboration and networking.

Different marginalisations and power dynamics in regional collaborations (e.g., disabled women can't participate)

Need also physical meet-ups not just virtual interactions

Important to have intersectional meetings and conversations with older feminists in the movement - inter-generational exchanges and support.

In context of changing movement

SIHA better placed to be holding intergenerational dialogues.

Holding virtual and physical spaces where discussions can take place.

Transcend the knowledge that has been accumulated over the years.

Cross-movement dialogues as well.

Focus on a broad thematic areas which are advantages over other network organisations and the number of organisations that SIHA has, the diversity both older established ones and younger nascent ones

having reach and roots where other organisations are not.

e.g., in Sudan and South Sudan - post conflict still major issue.

SIHA better placed to organise and create spaces, with supports from donors and funders who are inclined with such work in terms of building and strengthening the movement.

Need to strengthen how the network, what is movement-building, how should we operate together, how can we move passed this.

Also institutional capacity: manage funding, phones, strategic planning, etc.

Balance both institutional and support to deal with backlash

Understand better their network to identify capacity needs.

Rather than competing for funds, teach to jointly fundraise

Women's movement - have attempted to include ourselves, will not be invited, have to find ways to organise ourselves.

Steering committee in national dialogue - efforts to bring women to be nominated.

Despite efforts, end results not always inclusive of women (commissioners not representative of women). Exclusion by the state

Transitional justice process: wanted to make it gender-responsive.

As SIHA: coalition-building strongest. Process of creating of creating a space with para-legals.

Coalitions are inclusive, nobody is left behind, pay attention of disabilities, make sure have our own checklist, follow intersectional framework.

Exclusion comes also from the global space. Funding from the global space is exclusionary.

Decolonising the donor space. Exclusion happens at that level. Unpacking the layers of exclusion.

Even at the African Union level, of the African continent.

Office Ethiopia: try to get engaged in the conversations in the African Union HQ located Ethiopia.

Write statements in collaborations with other civil society organisations - so that narratives on the issue are locally-owned, issue of ownership, centre the women. engaging grassroots women. Work together with women to break hierarchies, co-create, co-design activities and engagements so that it isn't "beneficiaries" versus providers.

Religion in HoA plays a big role in terms of the moral guidance of the community, the society, many of the laws adopted are religious doctrines.

These spaces and decisions lack women's realities, voices, perspectives.

Broadening what participation and leadership means for women: encourage more presence and voices of women into these spaces.

E.g. family law bills: groups so adamant in resisting these bills have been traditional and religious leaders, saying that they violate their traditional principles, but these traditional principles are highly discriminatory

Many women resist talking about divorce because saying they are preaching to the community to divorce, that it's a private matter, etc.

High feminicides in the region: how 2 institutions have kept women in the private spaces and limiting women to contribute and shape discussion in these spaces.

Assuring that women speak up in those areas to counter the backlash experiencing now.

• Sudanese women have participated to a lot of conference and discussions at the regional level

• And how they participate in the political state

• Are they part of the peace process, part of the peace talks, regionally, and internally 

• Need to monitor how the women agenda is reflected, beyond participation

Women movement not been spared.

Torn between keeping between the political agenda and trying to embody the needs of what the women movement expects of them.

But political agenda - need to keep patronage and personal benefits: women politician failed to keep with the women's movement.

Creates fragmentation and blaming game - women in politics versus women in civil society

But all are affected by eg ineffective health centres, etc.

hard for women activists identify with women politicians.

Who are they representing? Lack of knowledge and understanding on both sides.

Bigger picture - how political regime designed to keep themselves in power through divisive means.

Need to keep the State and politics accountable

Tokenism? Don't come from the women movement, usually used for political influence.

Haven't seen the extent of their influence in advancing the rights of women.

Not just war of Tigray: active conflicts in other regions.

Some women in positions to call out grave atrocities against women that didn't.

Are the women conscious enough? Does their gender create a role in their everyday work? Are they pro-women, do they have feminist considerations?

Mainly nominal, to fill these positions.

Some lobbying with women politicians, at the same time they feel they have been silenced from the state, operating in extremely volatile, need to understanding female politicians' positions. Have inspired a lot of young people. Nominal act sets a precedence. Have to acknowledge the challenges they face, risky situations, women's identities have also been weaponised as propaganda, used to advance the state (targeted based on their ethnic identity). Women often at disjuncture - choosing between being a woman versus their ethnicity

But how the women's movement has to support women's political participation - has to be an ongoing conversations.

Many times women's contributions to projects and policies are attributed to men. Don't receive credit.

• how do they agree on feminist issues? 

• how can they speak for the future of sudan? on accountability? on justice? 

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• Political leadership in the region strives on divide and rule and the women movement has not been spared in that process

  • because the political requires on them to play that patronage, and because they get to personally benefit from that process, they have failed to engage with the women’s movement meaningfully

• But this has resulted in harm done both ways (e.g. women in civil society criticising women in politics as uneducated for instance) but in reality, women are all loosing

  • blame diverts the attention from meaningful conversations on accountability and gender justice

• Who are these women representing? Are their interests represented? 

This is one of the challenges 

They don’t have a power in their political parties

Need to analyse who has potential, who has decision-making power or influence

Local level: where challenge is. Numbers good, but participation is still an issue, lacking because of the backlash of male colleagues.

But missing where issues of women discussed before the council, before the parliament at lower levels.

Pushing for the women's agenda is difficult.

Need male allies.

Area the project could look into: small groups and alliances that have been formed in the political parties and in councils but remains invisible for wider population.