Grammarly blogger Haily Spikes, says due to widespread usage of I could care less and its interchangeable use with I couldn't care less, both expressions have become acceptable and are often considered to convey the same meaning. Some even argue that I could care less is a sarcastic variation of I couldn't care less. Essentially, the advice is that either phrase can be used in conversation without causing confusion, as both are widely understood (Spinks). On an even deeper google drive, Patricia T. O’Conner and Stewart Kellerman from the blog Grammarphobia, attempt to identify the origins of the widely used phrase. Although the Oxford English Dictionary categorizes it as an American English error from the 1960s that excludes the negative element, couldn't, the authors argue that instances of the phrase can be found in Canadian and Australian newspapers as far back as the 1940s. They even emphasize the variation of the negation of the phrase such as “no man could care less” (1900); “few could care less” (1915); “no one could care less” (1917); “nobody could care less” (1925); “neither of them could care less” (1954); “I don’t believe they could care less” (1955), and so on (O’Conner, Kellerman). 

If both I could care less and I couldn't care less are interchangeably used, what's the big deal? Society has always been defined by systems, holding rules in place to manufacturer concordance. Grammar will always be a topic of discussion, especially in English classrooms. However, the world is bigger than a classroom, and colloquialisms will mold new vocabulary that transcends rules in place. Though the phrase "I could care less" isn't extremely called out, it is still frowned upon by many. This is a product of standard language ideology, a prescriptive behavior that forces people of all demographics to speak a certain way, upholding a hierarchy to say more. As an aspiring linguist, I propose that the phrase isn't wrong, because if it is in people’s vernacular, there's no denying its existence and semantics.

Matjaž Ezgeta, faculty member from the University of Maribor, denotes in their research essay “Internal Grammatical Conditioning in African-American Vernacular English” that the dropping of the ‘s’ may occur in phrases containing ‘doesn't’ and ‘has’ as well. Using ‘don't’ instead of ‘doesn't’ as in "She don't cry," and ‘have’ instead of ‘has’ as in "She have it" is frequently used among AAVE speakers. Additionally, Ezgeta highlights that irregular verbs may be regularized, leading to the generalization of first and second person verb forms onto the third person singular, such as "I see it, he see it, they see it," or "I was, he was, they was," and "I have, he have, they have." Although both linguistic variants of the third person singular in AAVE and AAE are valid in existence, the dropping of the ‘s’ is not widely expected in work sectors and educational institutions. This is because of, yet again, the standard language ideology. Often, AAVE is not accepted and viewed as a real English dialect, but instead as an ungrammatical variant of English. This view has jeopardized AVVE’s acceptance in public domains, such as work sectors, thus giving rise to code switching for speakers of this variant of English. 

The dropping of ‘s’ is a linguistic characteristic unique to AAVE. However, I often find myself using this characteristic. Perhaps because Chicano English (my English dialect) and AAVE are two English variations that find themselves in proximity. I may not have grown up with AAVE in my household, however it has influenced my language acquisition in English. The dropping of the ‘s’ is definitely a linguistic variation I find myself using. I believe the way someone talks is a reflection of their grammatical upbringing. The use of the third person singular in both AAVE and AAE expresses the same idea, but in different grammatical structures that reflect the speaker’s linguistic background, and I think that is beautiful.

I recall exploring the amenities of my living assignment abroad in Argentina. Fascinated with the linguistic variation around me, different from the Spanish I speak, something else caught my attention. When exploring the gymnastic utilities of Concord Callao, I noticed the rules and regulations were communicated in three different languages: Spanish, English, and Portuguese. I knew that Northern Argentina borders Brazil, where Portuguese is the official language, but I didn't know how common it was to see signage transmitted in a language other than Spanish, specifically in the capital of Buenos Aires. After months living in Argentina, I began to notice flea market prices advertised in Argentine pesos and reais (Brazilian currency). It seemed that Brazilian tourism during my summer stay abroad, January through May, was high. Intrigued so much as an aspiring linguist learning Portuguese, I took advantage of speaking the language to anyone who understood. 

As reported by the Buenos Aires Herald, tourism in Buenos Aires experienced a rebound following the pandemic. The Buenos Aires City government claimed that in 2022, the city welcomed 1.5 million foreign visitors. A significant portion of these arrivals, nearly a quarter at 24.5%, originated from Brazil, with Uruguay 19% and Chile slightly over 10% following closely behind. The report highlighted that tourists typically spend an average of six nights in the city, with the majority (77%) opting for hotel accommodations. This is why you may see rules and regulations translated for visitors' needs and understanding. Furthermore, Palermo and the San Telmo market area emerged as the most sought-after tourist destinations. This observation resonates with my own experiences abroad, particularly in San Telmo's markets where prices and marketing efforts were tailored towards the Brazilian demographic, reflecting their prominent presence in the Latin American tourism landscape. Overall, I find these findings to be consistent and insightful, given that the geographical features, climate, and resources of an area can influence the lifestyle and livelihoods of its people, ultimately impacting their linguistic and cultural development.

Despite standard European Spanish institutionally constraining Puerto Rican Spanish via The Royal Spanish Academy (Spain's official royal institution with a mission to ensure the stability of the Spanish language). Puerto Rican Spanish has transcended Caribbean waters and has found itself in the mouths of many non-Puerto Rican Spanish speaking populations due to music. Though this occurrence is frequent, Puerto Rican Spanish seems to only be widely accepted in a musical context, and not so often in a broader, institutionalized sense. Perhaps this is because Puerto Rico has politically been confined by the United States as a commonwealth, where English has influenced the Spanish language variant found on the island. This peculiar circumstance has altered the Caribbean Spanish in a way where the Royal Spanish Academy leaves no space for acceptance in its regulations. Music as a symbol of resistance and liberal expression, however, has generated popularity for the Spanish variant. Words like Janguear (from hang out), Parquear (from park), and Pichear (to pitch or throw) might not have room for acceptance at an institutional level, but are commonly and colloquially used in everyday speech and music. 

The Puerto Rican Spanish variant holds covert prestige in reggaeton, as the genre is crafted by Puerto Rican Spanish. It holds positive attributes in music, having its own nominations in musical categories and award academies. However, when it comes to work and education sectors, the Spanish variant is less praised than that of the European variant because it is seen as an amalgamated dialect, a Spanish variant influenced by many languages. It is important to recognize that Puerto Rican Spanish serves as a linguistic testament to the island's intricate political history. The European Spanish variant is often looked at as the standard, holding overt prestige. This may be because of Spanish still holding colonial power, through institutions like The Royal Spanish Academy. Though the Puerto Rican Spanish variant is a blend of indigenous Taíno, Spanish colonial, African, and American influences, the language reflects centuries of cultural exchange and power dynamics, and that is something worth recalling and celebrating in the context of identity.

The use and concept of the telephone epitomize long-distance communication. The morphology of the word 'telephone,' deriving from the Greek roots tēle meaning ‘far’ and phonē meaning ‘sound,’ encapsulates the precise function of the technological device—communication from or at a distance (Britannica). However, this word doesn't seem to be as popular anymore. It appears that younger generations refer to this device solely as ‘phone,’ rendering the word ‘telephone’ obsolete. According to The Google Ngram Viewer, the use of 'telephone' has declined since 1991. Its downward trajectory seems to intersect with the word 'phone' around 1995. But why? Examining The Google Ngram Viewer graph, it's evident that both 'telephone' and 'phone' have coexisted in literary use. However, the word 'phone' began its upward trajectory around 1990. My hypothesis is that it is only recently that 'phone' has been used as a noun (an apparatus), as 'phone' as a verb has always existed alongside 'telephone.' Therefore, I suggest that 'phone' as the apparatus noun is the spike we are observing on The Google Ngram Viewer graph. 

These findings demonstrate a shift in the usage of a word, suggesting that all languages evolve over time, gradually manifesting change. The exhibited data indicates a generational shift, and possibly even internal linguistic evolution. Society plays a pivotal role in assigning significance to concepts and words. The use of 'phone' as a noun to describe a communication device may signify a transition from its original verb form, meaning to speak or summon. While this is a hypothesis, it wouldn't be far-fetched if true. Language is highly susceptible to change, and it falls upon its users to instigate such transformations.

Such transformations can certainly peak, and linguistically, we can track this by maintaining records of the high percentage usage of terms, words, and phrases in a corpus of literature. The invention of the pager, an early wireless telecommunications device that receives and displays textual and voice messages, serves as a perfect example for showcasing fad data. The term 'pager' was coined by Motorola, a telecommunications company, in 1959. This may explain the incline seen on The Google Ngram Viewer graph between the years 1930-1963. But how does the word 'pager' date back to then if Motorola coined the term in 1959? Well, pagers (also known as beepers) were used by the Detroit Police Department when they successfully put a radio-equipped police car into service early on (Communication gadgets). Though this device was not the same as those produced by Motorola, it still fell under the category of telecommunication. However, the pager, as a social communication device for the public, reached its peak in the early 2000s. The modeled graph shows the word 'pager' reaching its climax in the year 2000. Perhaps Motorola had competition in telecommunication production at the time. This would explain the rapid decline of the word ‘pager’, as Motorola stopped producing them in 2001.

The evolution of telecommunication has incredibly shaped civilization, revolutionizing the way we connect, communicate, and interact with one another. From the advent of the telephone to the proliferation of smartphones and the internet, each advancement has not only expanded our capacity for instantaneous global communication but has also influenced the way we speak. If language is a vulnerable factor and is easily susceptible to change, and technology advances at a rapid rate, then there is no doubt that both variables impact one another frequently.

A study conducted by UCLA observed the usage of filler words among college students in California, encompassing both men and women. The survey findings highlighted a notable difference in filler word usage between genders, with women utilizing fewer filler words compared to men. Specifically, males, as they quote, displayed a ratio of 9.651 words per filler word, while “females” exhibited a ratio of 11.885, indicating a discrepancy of 2.233 in filler word usage between genders (Are Filler Words Considered Feminine?). Additionally, the study noted distinct preferences in filler word choice, with women often favoring "like," a term that, while increasingly gender-neutral, is still associated with the "valley girl" stereotype. On the other hand, men tended to use words like "yeah" instead of the stereotypically feminine "like." This observation underscores prominent gender norms and roles in society, influencing conversational behavior as we can observe from this study. Furthermore, geographical location may also play a role in the likelihood of one gender using a specific filar word over another, given the association of the valley girl archetype with the West Coast. Moreover, interpreting this data requires caution, as the study's analysis used "male" and "female" interchangeably with "men" and "women," overlooking the distinction between sex and gender.

In reconsidering Deborah Tannen's concept of modeled language, particularly her notion of a rapport style, it's plausible to link the use of filler words with this communicative style. Filler words, being spontaneous and potentially elongating communication, may indicate a sense of authenticity and rawness to dialogue. Tannen's argument emphasizes that women tend to leverage language for nurturing and maintaining relationships, embodying what she terms a "rapport style." However, the findings from the UCLA study suggest that “male” college students use filler words more frequently than their “female” counterparts, prompting me to inquire about what are the specific filler words employed in rapport-style communication and in report style communication. 

Storytelling may even vary by gender, revealing insights into societal norms and communication patterns. Differences in narrative styles prompt questions about engagement levels and gender roles within our society, highlighting the intricate dynamics of gender and communication. Another interesting finding I encountered while researching gender-based differences in language is the duration of storytelling of ASL signers. Heather M. Hamilton, an undergraduate researcher from Bloomsburg University of Pennsylvania, found that one gender was more brisk in telling a common childhood story than the other. She asked ten participants to narrate the story of Goldilocks and the Three Bears while being video recorded in an empty room. Hamilton measured the duration of each participant's story and calculated the average duration within each group for comparison. The case study showed that “females” signed their stories on average for longer than “males” signed theirs. The range in story lengths for males was from 0:50 to 4:50, measuring the average of the male participants’ stories at 2:35 (minutes and seconds). On the other hand, the range in story lengths for females was from 0:50 to 7:30, averaging their stories at 4:26 (minutes and seconds) (Gender variation in ASL). Though this study only focused on the variations that exist within the language and not on examining the reasons behind them, it has made me wonder about the variables that may have encouraged these outcomes. For example, is it possible that Hamilton’s gender identity could have influenced how participants reacted to instructions? Furthermore, how exactly did this study classify male and female, as it also used them interchangeably with men and women. 

Gender identity greatly affects how people communicate with each other, with gender roles playing a big role in how we speak. Since childhood, societal norms instruct how men and women should talk, which affects how we communicate with one another. These expectations don't just dictate language usage, but also shape how people see and recognize one another. Although society sets these expectations, it can also change it, and we see these gender norms being challenged with the evolution of gender identity, ultimately challenging the way we speak as a collective as well.  

Van Herk, the author of the book "What Is Sociolinguistics?", delves into the concept of ethnography of communication, which entails the components of a speech event. He highlights that the contextual environment of a speech event, its participants involved, and the mode of communication utilized, is crucial in crafting an understanding of unspoken rules that govern the discourse. Herk refers to this as communicative competence. Under the same umbrella of ethnography of communication, he also illuminates how language functions extend beyond referential interactions, the exchange of mere information. Just as language can serve an expressive function too, conveying the sentiments of the speaker to the hearer. Others include directive function, when the speaker inspires action, and phatic function, the establishment of a social relationship between two participants in a given discourse. However, I believe Herk constructs his analysis based on compositional and spoken language. Given that technology has advanced astronomically over the years and has fundamentally altered the way society communicates, there is no doubt that visuals used in everyday speech events, like emoticons, emojis, and digital stickers, have adopted Herk’s idea of functions of language. 

For many young people, emojis have become a primary means of communication, allowing us to express sentiments without always resorting to words. Occasionally, emotions like excitement or anticipation are challenging to articulate through text alone. That's why my friends and I often include the monkey emoji covering its eyes at the end of our messages, particularly when we're discussing a thrilling upcoming event or idea. This emoji adds an extra layer of enthusiasm to our words, serving as a vivid expression of our excitement. There's something uniquely impactful about the monkey's playful gesture—it symbolizes the thrill we share within our social circle.

An emoji I often use, exclusively, to convey sentimentality is the yellow heart emoji. I employ this visual cue to convey friendly messages, intending it to express trust, solidarity, and sympathy—qualities I value in a friendship. My choice of the yellow heart emoji stems from a childhood memory; I recall learning from an elementary teacher that different-colored roses symbolize distinct relationships. For instance, red roses signify romantic companionship, while yellow roses denote camaraderie. Therefore, I use the yellow heart emoji to signify my comfort and intention to nurture a deeper connection. This is why I consider this emoji to serve a phatic function in communication.

The red exclamation mark emoji is a powerful tool for delivering clear and concise information. Its presence instills a sense of urgency and importance in the message, ensuring that the intended meaning is communicated effectively. In today's world flooded with text-based communication, visual cues such as the red exclamation mark emoji offer a swift and effective way to highlight key points or warnings. Visual elements are more attention-grabbing than plain text, ensuring that crucial information is neither overlooked nor misunderstood. Whether in professional emails or casual chats, incorporating the red exclamation mark emoji provides a visual emphasis that elevates the impact and clarity of the message. 

While Herk’s analysis primarily focuses on compositional and spoken language, it's evident that the functions of language he delineates also apply to these visual elements. Emoticons, emojis, and digital stickers not only convey information but also serve expressive, directive, and phatic functions, enriching interpersonal communication in the digital age. As we continue to navigate the complexities of linguistic expression in an increasingly interconnected world, a comprehensive understanding of sociolinguistic frameworks remains essential for effective communication across diverse cultural contexts and technological platforms.