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Processos criativos no planejamento de experiências significativas de aprendizagem a partir de obras de arte (1)

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Vittore Carpaccio
Retrato de um Nobre Veneziano, 1510

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Teoria da Arte como Imitação

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Edward Hopper, "Quarto de Hotel"
Essa e outras obras do autor, tratam ,em tom melancólico, o estilo de vida americano. Pode ser usada no estudo da crise de 29.

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Henri Matisse
Interior with a Young Girl (Girl Reading)
1906

A filha de Matisse frequentemente serviu como modelo para as obras do artista. Nesta obra, ela está sentada quieta, absorta na sua leitura. Assim como a garota esta concentrada, segundo Matisse, é necessário tempo e atenção para analisar o que está ao redor dela como as cores que se complementam e os móveis do quarto.

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Pedro Américo
O voto de Heloísa
1880
Uma das versões que traz a história da personagem retratada, Heloísa, está disponível neste link a seguir: https://pt.slideshare.net/amadeuw/abelardo-e-heloisa-os-amantes-imortais

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Edvard Munch

Noruega, 1894

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Giacomo Balla
Itália, 1912

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O quadro acima faz parte do movimento futurista, surgido pouco antes da Primeira Guerra Mundial. Através das obras futurista é possível compreender a percepção das pessoas que viveram a virada do século XIX para o XX, onde a ideia de velocidade, transformação e ciência ganharam força e criaram a crença de que a humanidade havia atingido seu ápice. A mesma crença levou os europeus a Primeira Guerra Mundial, e a velocidade, transformações e ciência se colocaram a serviço da morte.

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Execução de Tiradentes

Alberto da Veiga Guignard,
1961

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* Obra "A liberdade guiando o povo".
* Autor: Eugène Delacroix
* Ano da Obra: 1830
Tal obra é de extrema relevância, para o entendimento acerca dos conceitos de manifestação, liberdade, autonomia de povos, conceitos de justiça e igualdade de sujeitos também. Dessa forma, uma aplicação prática desse estudo poderia ser vista em uma aula sobre os direitos conquistados pelos povos ao longo do tempo e a importância da união de pessoas, em prol da democratização de direitos, princípios e equidade.

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Coleta de dados sobre a obra e os temas centrais aos quais ela remete. Idéias, vídeos, filmes, links, textos, poemas, músicas, quadrinhos, atividades, planos de aula, etc.

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Diego Rivera
Forças Subterrâneas, 1926

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Autor: Diego Rodríguez de Silva y Velázquez
Título:  Las Meninas
Ano: 1599
Las Meninas é um dos maiores trabalhos, senão o maior, de Velázquez e chama a atenção por causar surpresa em quem o observa porque o que vemos é um provável reflexo da imagem que Velázquez pintava. Entre vários e vários pontos, o protagonista da pintura é o pintor e não seus "musos".

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This is one of Velázquez`s largest paintings and among those in which he made most effort to create a complex and credible composition that would convey a sense of life and reality while enclosing a dense network of meanings. The artist achieved his intentions and Las Meninas became the only work to which the writer on art Antonio Palomino devoted a separate section in his history of Spanish painters of 1724, entitling it In which the most illustrious work by Don Diego Velázquez is described. Since then the painting has never lost its status as a masterpiece. From Palomino we know that it was painted in 1656 in the Cuarto del Príncipe in the Alcázar in Madrid, which is the room seen in the work. He also identifies most of the figures of the court servants grouped around the Infanta Margarita, who is attended by two of the Queen`s meninas or maids-ofhonour: María Agustina Sarmiento and Isabel de Velasco. In addition to that group, we also see the artist himself working on a large canvas, the dwarves Mari Bárbola and Nicolasito Pertusato, the latter provoking a mastiff, and the lady-in-waiting Marcela de Ulloa next to a guardadamas (attendant), with the chamberlain José Nieto standing in the doorway in the background. Reflected in the mirror are the faces of Philip IV and Mariana of Austria, the Infanta`s parents who are watching the scene taking place. The figures inhabit a space that is modelled not just through the laws of scientific perspective but also through aerial perspective. In the definition of this space the multiplication of the light sources plays an important role.

Las Meninas has one meaning that is immediately obvious to any viewer: it is a group portrait set in a specific location and peopled with identifiable figures undertaking comprehensible actions. The painting`s aesthetic values are also evident: the setting is one of the most credible spaces depicted in western art; the composition combines unity and variety; the remarkably beautiful details are divided across the entire pictorial surface; and finally, the painter has taken a decisive step forward on the path to illusionism, which was one of the goals of European painting in the early modern age, given that he has gone beyond transmitting resemblance in order to successfully achieve the representation of life or animation. However, as is habitual with Velázquez, in this scene in which the Infanta and the court servants pause in their actions on the arrival of the King and Queen, there are numerous underlying meanings that pertain to different fields of experience and which co-exist in one of the masterpieces of western art that has been the subject of the most numerous and most varied interpretations. One study, for example, has focused on the royal status of the Infanta, which thus endows the entire painting with a political content. There are also, however, important references of an art-historical nature that are expressed through the presence of the painter himself and the paintings hanging on the rear wall, while the inclusion of the mirror makes this work a consideration on the act of seeing and ensures that the viewer reflects on the laws of representation, the limits between painting and reality and his or her own role within the painting.

This richness and variety in the content, combined with the complexity of the painting`s composition and the variety of actions depicted, make Las Meninas a portrait in which the artist deploys representational strategies and pursues aims that go beyond the habitual ones in this genre, bringing it closer to history painting. In this sense, it is one of the key works through which Velázquez championed the potential of the pictorial genre to which he had devoted his activities since he arrived at court in 1623.

Portús Pérez, Javier, Diego Velázquez 'Las Meninas'. En: Velázquez y la familia de Felipe IV, [1650-1680], Madrid, Museo Nacional del Prado, 2013, p.126-129 n.16

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This is one of Velázquez`s largest paintings and among those in which he made most effort to create a complex and credible composition that would conv...

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Autor: Jacques Louis David
Título: A morte de Sócrates
Ano: 1787

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L. N. [Alexandre Lenoir]. L'ombre de Rubens au sallon, ou l'école des peintres, dialogue critique. 1787, pp. 37, 41 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 371, pp. 97, 101; McWilliam 1991, no. 0451], finds the background too prominent; notes that the sharpness and murderous effect ["effet meurtrier"] suggest a colored sculpture, not the sweet harmony of a painting.

Observations critiques sur les tableaux du sallon de l'année 1787. Paris, 1787, pp. 15-17 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 373, pp. 157-59; McWilliam 1991, no. 0439], offers unstinting praise especially of the figure and expression of Socrates, mentioning the admiration of the crowd.

[Jean-Baptiste Pujoulx]. Les grandes prophéties du Grand Nostradamus sur le grand salon de peinture de l'an de grâce 1787. 1787, pp. 17-19 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 374, pp. 193-95; McWilliam 1991, no. 0427], admires the four principal figures but finds the painting less harmonious than others of David.

L[ouis]. B[onnefoy]. de B[ouyon]. Lanlaire au salon académique de peinture. 1787, p. 24 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 375, p. 244; McWilliam 1991, no. 0450], draws attention to the clarity of the composition.

Tarare au sallon de peinture. 1787, pp. 19-20 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 376, pp. 275-76; McWilliam 1991, no. 0444], as worthy of Raphael, a modern masterpiece.

[Louis François Henri Lefébure]. Encore un coup de patte, pour le dernier, ou dialogue sur le salon de 1787, première partie. 1787, pp. 23-26 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 378, pp. 319-22; McWilliam 1991, no. 0426], finds great faults (such as the colossal scale of the meditating philosopher) balanced by sublime beauties.

Jean-Baptiste Claude R[obin]. L'ami des artistes au sallon. Paris, 1787, pp. 36-38 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 379, pp. 374-76; McWilliam 1991, no. 0419], stresses the individuality of the figures; publishes Duchofal's poem in homage to David.

Lettre d'un amateur de Paris à un amateur de province sur le sallon de peinture de l'année 1787. Paris, 1787, pp. 11-13 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 381, pp. 411-13; McWilliam 1991, no. 0435], admires the drawing, expressions, and color, but finds that the figures should be better united with the background.

Critès. La plume du coq de Micille, ou aventures de Critès au sallon. 1787, p. 38 n. 2 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 382, p. 462 n. 2; McWilliam 1991, no. 0440], as one of David's most ordinary paintings.

La bourgeoise au sallon. 1787, pp. 16-17 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 384, pp. 524-25; McWilliam 1991, no. 0422], states that it shows David deploying all the resources of his genius.

Merlin au salon en 1787. 1787, pp. 15-20 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 385, pp. 547-52; McWilliam 1991, no. 0438], finds the poses overstudied and the finish excessive, the effect not sufficiently generalized.

Mr. A. B. C. D. . . . Ah! Ah! ou relation véritable . . . de la conversation . . . au sallon du Louvre, en examinant les tableaux qui y sont exposés. 1787, p. 13 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 386, p. 585; McWilliam 1991, no. 0420].

Inscriptions pour mettre au bas de différens tableaux exposés au sallon du Louvre en 1787. 1787, p. 11 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 387, p. 603; McWilliam 1991, no. 0428].

[Jacques Antoine Dulaure]. Critique des quinze critiques du salon, ou notices faites pour donner une idée de ces brochures. 1787, pp. 7, 10-13 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 390, pp. 683, 686-89; McWilliam 1991, no. 0424], finds the criticisms of "Merlin" excessive.

[Charles Albert Demoustier]. Le bouquet du sallon. [1787], p. 5 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 388, p. 613; McWilliam 1991, no. 0421].

[Louis Abel Beffroy de Reigny]. Le cousin Jacques hors du sallon; folie sans conséquence à l'occasion des tableaux exposés au Louvre en 1787. 1787, pp. 45-47 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 389, pp. 661-63; McWilliam 1991, no. 0423].

[Observations du journal de Paris sur l'exposition des tableaux du Louvre en 1787]. [1787] [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 394, pp. 765-66; McWilliam 1991, no. 0430] , questions the use of a slate-colored background.

[Observations contenues dans les Petites affiches de Paris]. [1787] [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 395, p. 807; McWilliam 1991, no. 0419A], mentions the enthusiastic reception of the picture.

[Observations tirées du Mercure de France]. [1787] [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 396, pp. 836-38, transcribed from edition of September 22, 1787, p. 177; McWilliam 1991, no. 0437], notes that the head of Socrates follows an antique bust.

[Observations contenues dans l'Année littéraire]. [1787] [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 397, pp. 863-65], as the finest history painting of the Salon; mentions the calm of Socrates versus the affliction of his followers.

"Exposition des tableaux au salon du Louvre en 1787." Journal général de France ([1787]) [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 402, pp. 957-61; McWilliam 1991, no. 0434], believes the artist was particularly concerned with the legibility of the figures.

"Exposition des peintures, sculptures et gravures." Journal encyclopédique ([1787]) [Collection Deloynes, vol. 50, no. 1360, pp. 393-94; McWilliam 1991, no. 0433], singles out the contributions of Vien and David.

M. C***. Examen des critiques qui ont été publiées sur l'exposition des tableaux au Salon du Louvre en 1787. 1787, pp. 22-24 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 400, pp. 926-28; McWilliam 1991, no. 0445], praises Peyron but favors David.

Thomas Jefferson. Letter to John Trumbull. August 30, 1787, comments that "the best thing is the Death of Socrates by David, and a superb one it is".

Count Stanislas Kostka Potocki. Lettre d'un étranger sur le sallon de 1787. [1787] [see Revue Universelle des Arts 16 (1862), pp. 377-79, and Zoltowska 1974, pp. 34, 36-38], calls Socrates god-like, and observes that Peyron's painting of the subject is much inferior.

[John Boydell]. "Observations on the State of the Arts in Paris." The World (October 2, 1787), p. 2 [reprinted in Bordes 1992], as the greatest work of art since the Sistine Chapel and Raphael's stanze in the Vatican.

Jean Germain Drouais. Letter to David. June 13, 1787 [published in David 1880, pp. 41-42], writes from Rome that he has heard the painting is superb.

Jean Germain Drouais. Letter to David. August 10, 1787 [published in David 1880, p. 42], implies that David wrote expressing concern that his figure of Socrates would be too cold and pale in tone for a man of advanced age.

Jean Germain Drouais. Letter to David. December 19, 1787 [published in David 1880, p. 51], writes enthusiastically about the painting, which he had seen in an engraving of the Salon installation.

The World (October 11, 1787), p. 2, names David among the most distinguished artists in the 1787 exhibition, mentioning this picture.

The World (October 18, 1787), p. 2, as having "particular excellence"; reports in error that "the original price, to Mons. Chatelet, was 150 Guineas. Since the Exhibition opened, 1000 Guineas have been offered, and refused!".

General Evening Post (September 8-11, 1787), p. 3 [as Extract of a Letter from Paris, Sept. 3].

"Extract of a letter from Paris, Sept. 18." Morning Chronicle and London Advertiser (September 26, 1787), p. 3, notes that Boydell took "great notice" of it.

"Arts: Extract of a Letter from Paris, Sept. 3." The Gazetteer and New Daily Advertiser (September 12, 1787), p. 3.

J. H. Meister. "Suite de la notice des tableaux exposés cette année au Louvre." (November 1787) [reprinted in "Correspondance littéraire, philosophique et critique par Grimm, Diderot, Raynal, Meister, etc.," ed. M. Tourneux, Paris, 1881, pp. 165-67], describes the picture at length and offers criticisms and, on balance, admiration.

J. H. Meister. "Fin de la notice des tableaux exposés cette année au Louvre." (December 1787) [reprinted in "Correspondance littéraire, philosophique et critique par Grimm, Diderot, Raynal, Meister, etc.," ed. M. Tourneux, Paris, 1881, p. 184].

Sir Brooke Boothby. Letter to Sir Joshua Reynolds. January 26, 1788 [published in Schnapper 1989, p. 573], observes that "M. David tho' a remarkably modest person is ambitious of fame. He wishes to have a picture seen in England, and would send either the Horatii or the Socrates . . . .".

"Extract of a letter from Paris, April 3." Public Advertiser (April 18, 1788), p. 2, as purchased by the Duke of Orleans.

The Star (December 18, 1788), p. 3, states that David "defers his attempt on London til next summer".

Louis François Henri Lefébure. Vérités agréables ou le salon vu en beau. Paris, 1789, pp. 15-16 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 16, no. 415, pp. 173-74; McWilliam 1991, no. 0465], compares the two versions, calling Peyron's painting, a royal commission, the work of "a profound philosopher," and David's that of "a great logician".

[Louis Petit de Bachaumont]. Mémoires secrets. Vol. 36, London, 1789, pp. 318-20, 346-47, compares Peyron's painting unfavorably to David's.

Explication des peintures, sculptures et gravures, de messieurs de l'Académie Royale, dont l'exposition a été ordonnée par sa majesté. Paris, 1791, p. 17, no. 88 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 17, no. 432].

M. D . . . [Philippe Chery]. Explication et critique impartiale de toutes les peintures, sculptures, gravures, dessins, &c., exposés au Louvre d'après le décret de l'Assemblée nationale, au mois de septembre 1791, l'an III de la Liberté. Paris, 1791, p. 37, no. 299 [reprinted in Anatole de Montaiglon, "Le livret de l'exposition faite en 1673 . . . suivi . . . des livrets . . . jusqu'en 1851," Paris, 1852; Collection Deloynes, vol. 17, no. 436, p. 171], as a masterpiece.

Jean Joseph Pithou de Loinville. Le plaisir prolongé, le retour du Salon chez soi et celui de l'abeille dans sa ruche. Paris, 1791, p. 39, no. 299 [Collection Deloynes, vol 17, no. 437, p. 243; McWilliam 1991, no. 0496], as beyond praise.

"De l'exposition de 1791, en général et particulièrement de celle des tableaux déjà connus par les précédentes expositions." Chronique de Paris ([September-October 1791]) [Collection Deloynes, vol. 17, no. 452, p. 601; McWilliam 1991, no. 0475], mentions the "Horatii" and "Brutus," as well as "Socrates".

Philippe Chery. Lettres analitiques, critiques et philosophiques, sur les tableaux du Sallon. Paris, 1791, pp. 59-60 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 17, no. 441, pp. 419-20; McWilliam 1991, no. 0485], as painted between the artist's "Horatii" and his "Brutus," better than the latter and inferior to the former.

André Chénier. "Sur la peinture d'histoire." Journal de Paris (March 20, 1792) [reprinted in G. Walter, ed., "Oeuvres complètes," 1940, p. 284], describes David as nourished by constant study of Italian masterpieces.

André Morellet. Mémoire pour les citoyennes Trudaine veuve Micault, Micault veuve Trudaine et le citoyen vivant Micault-Courbeton fils. Paris, 1794, p. 79, names Trudaine the elder as the one who commissioned this picture.

T. C. Bruun Neergaard. Sur la situation des beaux-arts en France, ou lettres d'un Danois à son ami. Paris, 1801, pp. 89, 96 [Collection Deloynes, no. 642; McWilliam 1991, no. 0618], states that Plato is seated beside Socrates; notes that many people criticized the picture for figures too closely resembling antiquity and faulted the artist for the highly finished drawing, but observes that censure may be a form of praise.

Joseph Farington. Journal entry. September 20, 1802 [published in Garlick, K., and Macintyre, A., eds. "The Diary of Joseph Farington," vol. 5, New Haven, 1979, p. 1861], mentions having seen in David's rooms in the Louvre "a drawing of the death of Socrates made by one of the Pupils of David".

C[harles]. P[aul]. Landon. Annales du musée et de l'école moderne des beaux-arts 3 (1803), pp. 147-48, ill. (C. Normand's engraving), as in the collection of Micault de Courbeton, brother-in-law of Trudaine, for whom it was painted.

[Pierre Jean-Baptiste Chaussard]. Le Pausanias français, ou description du salon de 1806. Paris, 1806, pp. 155-56 [reprinted in "Notice historique sur Louis David, peintre," Revue universelle des arts 18 (1863-64), pp. 119-20], states that the artist told him the pose of the mourning Crito was based on the position assumed by Uncle Harlowe during the reading of Clarissa's will in Richardson's novel Clarissa; as bought by "MM. de Trudaine".

The Historic Gallery of Portraits and Paintings, or, Biographical Review. London, 1807, vol. 1, pp. 255-56, ill. opp. p. 255 (W. Cooke's engraving) [paraphrase of Landon 1803].

Joachim Le Breton. Rapport sur les beaux-arts. 1808, pp. 43-44 n. 1, pp. 50, 105 [reprinted in "Rapports à l'Empereur sur le progrès des sciences, des lettres et des arts depuis 1789," vol. 5, "Beaux-arts," Paris, 1989, pp. 94-95 n. 31, pp. 100, 146].

William Hayley. The Life of George Romney, Esq. London, 1809, p. 149, states that when he and Romney saw this picture in 1790 it "imprest us with considerable respect for [David's] talents".

Notice sur la vie et les ouvrages de M. J.-L. David. Paris, 1824, pp. 32-34, relates that Napoleon, through David, tried to buy the painting from Trudaine for 60,000 francs; relates also that Trudaine had paid 10,000.

A[imé]. Th[omé de Gamond]. Vie de David. Paris, 1826, pp. 31, 129-30, 162.

A. Mahul. Annuaire nécrologique, ou complément annuel . . . année 1825. Paris, 1826, pp. 118, 135, as belonging to the marquis de Vérac.

P[ierre-]. F[rançois]. T[issot]. "Exposition de peinture au profit des grecs." Le Constitutionnel (June 5, 1826), p. 3.

P[ierre]. A[lexandre]. Coupin. Essai sur J. L. David, peintre d'histoire . . . Paris, 1827, pp. 19, 46, 53, observes that David included Plato at the foot of the bed in the scene of Socrates's death although he was absent; identifies the disciple who touches the master as Crito, and relates the anecdote about André Chénier suggesting that Socrates should be shown extending his hand toward the cup.

Stamati Bulgari. Examen moral des principaux tableaux de la galerie du Luxembourg en 1818, et considérations sur l'état actuel de la peinture en France. Paris, 1827, pp. 6-8 [first published 1818; see Saunier 1913, p. 380 n. 1].

Stamati Bulgari. Sur le but moral des arts. [1827], pp. 2, 6, 10 [see Rosenthal 1900, p. 12].

Ch[arles]. Gabet. Dictionnaire des artistes de l'école française, au XIXe siècle. Paris, 1834, p. 178.

Charles de Pougens and Louise B. de Saint-Léon. Mémoires et souvenirs. Paris, 1834, p. 27.

Charles Blanc. Histoire des peintres français au dix-neuvième siècle. Paris, 1845, vol. 1, pp. 171-73, 203, 209.

Baudelaire-Dufays [Charles Baudelaire]. "Le musée classique du Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle." Le corsaire-satan (January 21, 1846) [reprinted in Y.-G. Le Dantec and C. Pichois, eds., "Baudelaire: Œuvres complètes," Paris, 1961, pp. 868-69; reprinted in English in J. Mayne, trans. and ed., "Art in Paris, 1845-1862: Salons and Other Exhibitions Reviewed by Charles Baudelaire," London, 1965, pp. 34-36], calls it admirable, but with a commonplace look reminding him of Duval-Lecamus, père.

?A. H. Delaunay. "Exhibition de l'association des artistes peintres, sculpteurs, architectes et graveurs." Journal des artistes (January 11, 1846), pp. 9-10 [reprinted in "Le baron Taylor, l'association des artistes et l'exposition du Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle en 1846," Fondation Taylor, 1995, p. 169].

T. Thoré. "Études sur la peinture française depuis la fin du 18° siècle: À propos de l'exposition de la Société des peintres . . . David . . ." Le constitutionnel (February 9, 1846) [reprinted in "Le baron Taylor, l'association des artistes et l'exposition du Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle en 1846," Fondation Taylor, 1995, pp. 206-8], observes that with David begins the reaction against the monarchy; calls Socrates a precursor of Christ; notes that the picture continues the philosophical tradition in French art of which Poussin is the best representative.

T. Thoré. "Études sur la peinture française depuis la fin du 18° siècle: À propos de l'exposition de la société des peintres. M. Ingres." Le constitutionnel (March 10, 1846) [reprinted in "Le baron Taylor, l'association des artistes et l'exposition du Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle en 1846," Fondation Taylor, 1995, pp. 222, 224], calls it an Apotheosis which impels the viewer to take the side of Socrates and of truth.

Delécluze. "Exposition des ouvrages de peinture dans la Galerie des beaux-arts, boulevard Bonne-Nouvelle, 22." Journal des débats (January 28, 1846) [reprinted in "Le baron Taylor, l'association des artistes et l'exposition du Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle en 1846," Fondation Taylor, 1995, pp. 237-38, 240], sees in this picture David's reaction to the Rococo and his return to the study of antiquity and the works of Le Sueur and Poussin.

Ch[arles]. Lenormant. "Exposition au profit des artistes malheureux." Le correspondant (1846) [reprinted in "Le baron Taylor, l'association des artistes et l'exposition du Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle en 1846," Fondation Taylor, 1995, pp. 277-78], comments on the animation of the figure of Socrates.

Miette de Villars. Mémoires de David, peintre et député à la Convention. Paris, 1850, pp. 36, 100, 189, 232, asserts that David was careless in preparing his canvases, citing this picture painted on a red canvas which showed through; states that Napoleon offered 80,000 francs for the picture; adds that the Trudaine heirs, not wanting to deprive the public, agreed to exhibit it for a year or two.

V[ictor]. Cousin. Lectures on the True, the Beautiful and the Good. New York, 1854, pp. 147-48.

E[tienne] J[ean] Delécluze. Louis David, son école & son temps. Paris, 1855, pp. 119, 348-49, 399 [reprinted in "Louis David, son école & et (sic) son temps," Paris, 1983], as perhaps David's most perfect composition, superior to his Horatii.

Henri Delaborde. "Peintres et sculpteurs modernes de la France. David et l'école française: 'Louis David, son école et son temps,' par M. Delécluze." Revue des deux mondes, 2nd ser., 10 (May 15, 1855), pp. 752-53 [reprinted in "Etudes sur les beaux-arts en France et en Italie," Paris, 1864, vol. 2, pp. 181, 183], admires its severe beauty and nobility but finds the execution cold.

Amédée Cantaloube. "Les dessins de Louis David." Gazette des beaux-arts 7 (1860), pp. 291-92, mentions drawings for the figures of the disciples, including Plato, in the Vinchon collection.

Ernest Chesneau. "Le mouvement moderne en peinture: Louis David." Revue européenne 15 (1861), pp. 82-83, 91, finds fault with this picture.

Ernest Chesneau. La Peinture française au XIXe siècle: Les Chefs d'école. Paris, 1862, pp. 11-14, 29, calls some poses unnatural, in particular that of Socrates, and emphasizes the reliance on Roman sculpture.

Charles Blanc. Histoire des peintres de toutes les écoles: École française. Vol. 2, Paris, 1862, pp. 6-7, 15, ill. p 13 ( the engraving by A. H. Cabasson and J. Quartley).

Jules Renouvier. Histoire de l'art pendant la Révolution. Paris, 1863, pp. 10, 76, 82, 85, 289, 291.

Théodore Lejeune. Guide théorique et pratique de l'amateur de tableaux. Vol. 1, Paris, 1864, p. 385.

Jean du Seigneur. "Appendice à la notice de P. Chaussard sur L. David." Revue universelle des arts 18 (1864), pp. 361-62, notes that it has been on view for some time ("pendant longtemps") at the Musée du Luxembourg.

L.-J. [J. L. Jules] David and Jacques Louis David. Notice sur le Marat de Louis David suivie de la liste de ses tableaux dressée par lui-même. Paris, 1867, pp. 35, 42, no. 26.

Paul Mantz. "Exposition en faveur de l'oeuvre des Alsaciens et Lorrains." Gazette des beaux-arts, 2nd ser., 10 (September 1874), pp. 200-202, ill. (engraving by Cabasson and Quartley), supposes in error that the Socrates exhibited in Paris in 1874 was a second smaller version and that it was also lent by David to the Salon of 1791.

L[ouis]. Clément de Ris. Les amateurs d'autrefois. Paris, 1877, p. 419.

J. L. Jules David. Le peintre Louis David, 1748-1825. Vol. 1, Souvenirs & documents inédits. Paris, 1880, pp. 41-42, 45-51, 637, notes that the desire to outdo Peyron, who had been commissioned to paint the same subject by the king, induced David to push this painting to an inappropriate degree of finish; doubts that the gesture of Socrates was the idea of Chénier; publishes an appreciation of the picture sent to the artist by "Le Courier Anglais," and identified in error as by Sir Joshua Reynolds; publishes a poem presented to Trudaine as well as three letters from Drouais, in which it is mentioned.

Théodore Gosselin. Histoire anecdotique des salons de peinture depuis 1673. Paris, 1881, p. 102.

J. L. Jules David. Le peintre Louis David, 1748-1825. Vol. 2, Suite d'eaux-fortes d'après ses oeuvres gravées par J. L. Jules David, son petit-fils. Paris, 1882, ill. (etching).

Ernest Choullier. "Les Trudaine." Revue de Champagne et de Brie 14 (1883), p. 468, states that it was painted for the elder Trudaine, who offered 2,000 écus but paid 3,000.

Léon Rosenthal. La peinture romantique. Paris, 1900, p. 7 n. 4, pp. 12, 102.

Olivier Merson. La peinture française au XVIIe siècle et au XVIIIe. 2nd ed. Paris, [1900], p. 326.

Léon Rosenthal. Louis David. Paris, [1904], pp. 33-36, 44, 165, ill. opp. p. 30, compares it to Poussin's "Testament of Eudamidas," but finds it lacks the humanity of the earlier work.

Charles Saunier. Louis David. Paris, 1904, p. 35.

J. J. Tikkanen. "Die Beinstellungen in der Kunstgeschichte." Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicæ 42, no. 1 (1912), p. 67.

Louis Hautecœur. Rome et la renaissance de l'antiquité à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Paris, 1912, p. 162.

Léon Rosenthal. "L'exposition de David et ses élèves au Petit Palais." Revue de l'art ancien et moderne 33 (May 1913), pp. 340-41, observes that the puerility of intention and the porcelain-like surface were criticized by amateurs in 1787.

Charles Saunier. "David et son école au palais des beaux-arts de la ville de Paris (Petit Palais)." Gazette des beaux-arts, ser. 4, 9 (May 1913), pp. 373, 380 [misnumbered 273, 280], calls it severe and cold, although not to David's contemporaries and disciples.

Otto Grautoff. Nicolas Poussin: Sein Werk und sein Leben. Munich, 1914, vol. 1, p. 302, sees details from Poussin's "Washing of the Feet" in this picture and in that of Peyron.

Georges Grappe. "La psychologie de David." L'art vivant 1 (December 15, 1925), p. 29.

Raymond Régamey. "David." L'art vivant 1 (December 15, 1925), pp. 4-5, as from the moment David attained the maximum austerity.

André Salmon. "David révolutionnaire." L'art vivant 1 (December 15, 1925), p. 22.

William T. Whitley. Artists and Their Friends in England, 1700-1799. London, 1928, vol. 2, p. 101.

W. R. Valentiner. Jacques Louis David and the French Revolution. New York, 1929, p. 14, finds the composition too studied.

Richard Cantinelli. Jacques-Louis David, 1748-1825. Paris, 1930, pp. 24, 104, no. 52, pl. 18, observes that although the picture was an immense success in 1787, and can be compared with Poussin in its gravity and simplicity, it lacks his breadth and naturalism; states that it belongs to the vicomtesse Fleury.

Bryson Burroughs. "A Picture by Jacques Louis David." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 26 (June 1931), pp. 140-44, ill.

"'Perfect,' said Reynolds of Metropolitan's Masterpiece by David." Art Digest 5 (July 1, 1931), p. 11, ill.

E. Bonnardet. "Comment un Oratorien vint en aide à un grand peintre." Gazette des beaux-arts, 6th ser., 19 (1938), pp. 311-15, ill., assumes that the picture was commissioned in March 1786 by Trudaine de Montigny; publishes a letter dated April 8, 1786, by Jean Félicissme Adry, a classicist who, at David's request, wrote that he would study David's sketch ("contempler votre esquisse") and also suggested the choice of attitudes for Socrates's disciples: immobility for Plato, strong emotion for Crito, and grief for Apollodorus; notes that Adry also indicated ancient models for the portraits of Socrates and Plato, as well as for the composition-suggesting an engraving after a Roman marble with the Death of Meleager reproduced by Montfaucon (fig. 1) as an example.

Ch[arles]. P[icard]. "David et l'antique." Revue archaeologique 12 (July-December 1938), p. 112.

Klaus Holma. David, son evolution et son style. Paris, 1940, pp. 50-51, 55, 117-18 nn. 41-47, p. 126, fig. 9, compares the figures to antique statues; comments on Grautoff's comparison of the composition to Poussin's "Washing of the Feet", noting that David has not achieved Poussin's profundity; suggests the gestures of the disciples may have been inspired by Leonardo's Last Supper, and the gesture of Socrates by that of Zeus in Raphael's School of Athens; mentions a wash drawing with the vicomtesse Fleury.

Edgar Wind. "The Sources of David's 'Horaces'." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 4 (1940-41), p. 133 n. 6 , mentions that Diderot wrote the "Death of Socrates" as a pantomime.

Jacques Maret. David. Monaco, 1943, pp. 8, 117, no. 41, ill.

E[dgar]. W[ind]. "A Lost Article on David by Reynolds." Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 6 (1943), pp. 223-24.

Gaston Brière. "Sur David portraitiste." Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire de l'Art Français, années 1945-46, (1948), p. 179.

Michel Florisoone. David. Exh. cat., Orangerie des Tuileries. [Paris], 1948, pp. 49-50, no. M.O. 21, states that an analagous composition and a drawing are in the collection of the vicomtesse Fleury; mentions two pencil studies of the figures at the right in the Narbonne museum.

Michel Florisoone. "Premières conclusions à l'exposition David." Musées de France (November 1948), pp. 258-60.

Helen Rosenau. The Painter Jacques-Louis David. London, 1948, pp. 51, 72.

Douglas Cooper. "Jacques-Louis David: A Bi-Centenary Exhibition." Burlington Magazine 90 (October 1948), p. 279.

Art Treasures of the Metropolitan: A Selection from the European and Asiatic Collections of The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Exh. cat., The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, 1952, p. 232, no. 139, colorpl. 139.

Walter Friedlaender. David to Delacroix. New York, 1952, p. 17, fig. 4.

Jean Adhémar. David: Naissance du génie d'un peintre. [Monte Carlo?], 1953, pp. 42-43, 59-60, pls. 1, 12, 13, 17, 19, 20, reproduces studies after classical monuments made by David in Rome, some relating to this painting.

Louis Hautecœur. Louis David. Paris, 1954, pp. 90-96, 98, 112, 116, 189, 219, 238, 285, 291, 294, 297, 301, 303, cites other examples of the subject in French painting; adds that Trudaine owned a sketch (11 x 18 in.) for the picture that was "seized during the Revolution at the same time as the painting".

Josephine L. Allen and Elizabeth E. Gardner. A Concise Catalogue of the European Paintings in The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, 1954, p. 27.

Theodore Rousseau Jr. "A Guide to the Picture Galleries." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 12, part 2 (January 1954), pp. 6, 45, ill.

Charles Sterling. The Metropolitan Museum of Art: A Catalogue of French Paintings. Vol. 1, XV-XVIII Centuries. Cambridge, Mass., 1955, pp. 191-96, ill., states that Charles Michel Trudaine de la Sablière commissioned the painting; identifies the source as Plato's Phaedo; observes that the composition follows the tradition established by Poussin's "Death of Germanicus" and "Testament of Eudamidas"; notes that in 1795 the Committee of Public Instruction ordered an engraving of the picture as propaganda directed against Robespierre; states that "a smaller but exact repetition" belongs to the heirs of Viscountess de Fleury; provides extensive bibliography.

René Crozet. "David et l'architecture néo-classique." Gazette des beaux-arts, 6th ser., 45 (1955), p. 219.

Walter Pach. "The Heritage of J.-L. David." Gazette des beaux-arts, 6th ser., 45 (February 1955), pp. 103-4.

Jean Seznec. Essais sur Diderot et l'antiquité. Oxford, 1957, pp. 19-20, fig. 9, traces the subject in the literature and painting of the period, noting that it was chosen for the 1762 Prix de Rome competition; remarks that David and Peyron represent the moment from the pantomime conceived by Diderot in his "Traité de la poésie dramatique" of 1758.

Anita Brookner. "Aspects of Neo-Classicism in French Painting." Apollo 68 (September 1958), pp. 71-72, finds Peyron's Socrates a better composition but observes that David has a sense of theatre and a commitment to the events of his age.

Jack Lindsay. Death of the Hero: French Painting from David to Delacroix. London, 1960, pp. 55-57, 61, fig. 2, states that Plato is based on a beggar sketched by David in Rome.

André Salmon. "Le 'Socrate' de David et le 'Phédon' de Platon." Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire 40 (1962), pp. 90-111, ill. opp. p. 100, relates it to Plato's "Phaedo," observing that David follows the details of the setting faithfully but takes some liberties with the characters; discusses the Greek inscription, the chain, lyre, and lamp.

Edgar Munhall. "Les dessins de Greuze pour 'Septime Sévère'." L'Oeil no. 124 (April 1965), p. 59, fig. 16.

Robert Rosenblum. Transformations in Late Eighteenth Century Art. Princeton, 1967, pp. 73-76, 103, 125-26, fig. 74, notes that the combination of archaeological realism with the realism of the materials distinguishes David's vision from Poussin's.

Anita Brookner. "J. L. David - A Sentimental Classicist." Stil und Überlieferung in der Kunst des Abendlandes. Berlin, 1967, vol. 1, pp. 188-89, pl. I/45, states that iconographically the subject goes back no further than Diderot but that formally it has its origins in Poussin; finds the sacrifice "not so much stoical as eucharistic," with twelve disciples present.

H. W. Janson and Joseph Kerman. A History of Art and Music. Englewood Cliffs, N.J., [1968], pp. 158-59, fig. 202, find it "more 'Poussiniste' than Poussin himself," with the lighting and realistic detail derived from Caravaggio.

Hugh Honour. Neo-classicism. Baltimore, 1968, p. 72.

Calvin Tomkins. Merchants and Masterpieces: The Story of The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, 1970, p. 224 [rev., enl. ed., 1989].

Frank Anderson Trapp. The Attainment of Delacroix. Baltimore, [1970], p. 202, ill.

Robert L. Herbert. David, Voltaire, 'Brutus' and the French Revolution: An Essay in Art and Politics. New York, 1972, pp. 39, 48, 68, suggests that the frieze-like arrangement of the figures was inspired by the paintings of Herculaneum and Pompeii.

Peter Tomory. The Life and Art of Henry Fuseli. New York, 1972, p. 90.

Sarah B. Sherrill. "Current and Coming - Neoclassical Art." Antiques 102 (September 1972), p. 338, ill.

Christopher Neve. "Neo-Classicism's Icy Star." Country Life 152 (September 7, 1972), p. 568, fig. 1.

Jeffery Daniels. "A Man's World." Art and Artists 7 (November 1972), pp. 28-29, ill.

Arlette Sérullaz in The Age of Neo-Classicism. Exh. cat., Royal Academy of Arts. [London], 1972, pp. xxvi, 41-42, 44, no. 63, pl. 2.

Hope Benedict Werness. "Essays on van Gogh's Symbolism." PhD diss., University of California, Santa Barbara, 1972, p. 125.

René Verbraeken. Jacques-Louis David jugé par ses contemporains et par la postérité. Paris, 1973, pp. 24-25, 28-30, 33, 46, 54-55, 80-82, 85 n. 58, pp. 87, 88 n. 11, pp. 94, 106, 108, 149 n. 54, pp. 150, 245.

et al. Dessins français du Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York: De David à Picasso. Exh. cat., Musée du Louvre. [Paris], 1973, p. 31, discuss the studies for this painting.

Daniel Wildenstein and Guy Wildenstein. Documents complémentaires au catalogue de l'oeuvre de Louis David. Paris, 1973, document nos. 162, 180, 188-89, 191-92, 195, 303, 327, 352, 1165, 1167, 1543, 1810, 1929, 1931, 1938, 2039, 2049 (20), 2062 (97), 2080; five sketches for the drapery, no. 2062 (97).

Anita Brookner. Jacques-Louis David: A Personal Interpretation. London, 1974, pp. 8, 11-14, pl. 1b.

Meir Stein. "Un chef-d'oeuvre retrouvé de Peyron." Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire de l'Art Français, année 1973, (1974), pp. 235-37, observes that Peyron and David employed the same gesture for Socrates in their paintings.

Robert Herbert. "Baron Gros's Napoleon and Voltaire's Henri IV." The Artist and the Writer in France: Essays in Honour of Jean Seznec. Ed. Francis Haskell et al. Oxford, 1974, p. 67 n. 59, observes that David studied Moreau-le-Jeune's engraving of the subject, dated 1785, for Voltaire's "Socrate" [see Oberreuter-Kronabel 1986, pl. 2].

Robert Rosenblum. "'L'Épidémie d'Espagne' d'Aparicio au salon de 1806." Revue du Louvre et des musées de France 24 (1974), pp. 433, 435, ill.

Maria Evelina Zoltowska. "La première critique d'art écrite par un Polonais: 'Lettre d'un étranger sur le salon de 1787' de Stanislas Kostka Potocki." Dix-huitième siècle no. 6 (1974), pp. 335, 337, 339-40 [reprinted in "Stanislas Kostka Potocki, David, Denon et le Salon de 1787 . . . ," Antemurale 24 (1980), pp. 13, 16, 20, 45 n. 60, p. 49 nn. 89-92, p. 50 nn. 93-98, ill. p. 54].

Pierre Rosenberg. The Age of Louis XV: French Painting, 1710-1774. Exh. cat., Toledo Museum of Art. [Toledo], 1975, p. 33.

Seymour Howard. Sacrifice of the Hero: The Roman Years. A Classical Frieze by Jacques Louis David. Sacramento, 1975, p. 110 n. 88.

Charles McCorquodale. "From David to Delacroix." Art International 19 (June 15, 1975), p. 25.

Antoine Schnapper et al. in French Painting, 1774-1830: The Age of Revolution. Exh. cat., Detroit Institute of Arts. Detroit, 1975, pp. 40-42, 166, 359, 367-68, 411, 562, no. 32, ill. p. 82 [French ed., "De David à Delacroix: La peinture française de 1774 à 1830," Paris, 1974, pp. 40, 42-43, 168, 359, 367-68, 409, 555, no. 32, pl. 36].

René Huyghe. La Relève de l'imaginaire. La Peinture française au XIXe siècle: Réalisme, romantisme. Paris, 1976, pp. 71, 73, 120.

Diane Kelder. Aspects of "Official" Painting and Philosophic Art, 1789-1799. PhD diss., Bryn Mawr College. New York, 1976, pp. 18, 22-23, 35, 53-54, 121, 144, pl. 2.

Arnauld Brejon de Lavergnée in The Eye of Thomas Jefferson. Exh. cat., National Gallery of Art. Washington, 1976, pp. xxviii, 154, 190, 377, no. 331, ill. (color).

Lydie Huyghe in René Huyghe. La Relève de l'imaginaire. La Peinture française au XIXe siècle: Réalisme, romantisme. Paris, 1976, p. 447.

Frances Suzman Jowell. Thoré-Bürger and the Art of the Past. PhD diss., Harvard University. New York, 1977, p. 125.

Michael Fried. "Francis Haskell, Anthony Levi, and Robert Shackleton, eds., 'The Artist and the Writer in France: Essays in Honour of Jean Seznec'." Art Bulletin 59 (June 1977), pp. 289, 291, sees David's history paintings of the 1780s as exemplifying extreme states of absorption in an action or state of mind, as well as pictorial autonomy from the world of the viewer.

George Levitine. Girodet-Trioson: An Iconographical Study. PhD diss., Harvard University. New York, 1978, pp. 8, 35-36, 70, states that Girodet helped David paint some of the figures in the background.

Thomas Crow. "The 'Oath of the Horatii' in 1785: Painting and Pre-revolutionary Radicalism in France." Art History 1 (December 1978), pp. 429-30.

Steven A. Nash. "David, Socrates and Caravaggism: A Source for David's 'Death of Socrates'." Gazette des beaux-arts, 6th ser., 91 (May-June 1978), pp. 202-6, fig. 1, discusses as David's point of departure a Death of Socrates by a seventeenth-century Caravaggesque painter then in the Giustiniani collection, Rome (fig. 2; later Kaiser Friedrich Museum, destroyed in World War II); publishes a drawing after the Giustiniani picture (fig. 3; Nationalmuseum, Stockholm), as "attributed to" David and almost certainly bound into David's album before he painted his Death of Socrates.

Bernard Dunstan. "Looking at Paintings." American Artist 43 (September 1979), pp. 64-65, ill. (black and white and color).

Howard Hibbard. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, 1980, p. 385, fig. 693 (color).

Anita Brookner. Jacques-Louis David. New York, 1980, pp. 29, 44, 46, 79-80, 82-86, 90, 99, 103, 112, 135, 167-68, fig. 43, as the epitome of French Neoclassical style.

Michael Fried. Absorption and Theatricality: Painting and Beholder in the Age of Diderot. Berkeley, 1980, pp. 136, 157, 160, 193 n. 81, p. 232 n. 60, p. 239 n. 102, p. 240 n. 108, comments on the "translation of the principal action away from the main axis (that of the vanishing point) as a means of retarding the viewer's grasp of what is taking place and thereby heightening the dramatic impact".

Michael Fried. "Representing Representation: On the Central Group in Courbet's 'Studio'." Art in America 69 (September 1981), p. 168.

Norman Bryson. Word and Image: French Painting of the Ancien Régime. Cambridge, 1981, pp. 205, 226, 233-35, 240, fig. 78, points out that "Socrates was a polemical figure in Enlightenment France because he raised the question of whether a high standard of morality could be achieved outside Christianity".

Philippe Bordes. "Dessins perdus de David, dont un pour 'la Mort de Socrate,' lithographiés par Debret." Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire de l'Art Français, année 1979, (1981), pp. 179, 181-84, fig. 8, nn. 19-21, publishes as fig. 7 a lithograph (Musée des Beaux-Arts, Rennes) by David's pupil Jean-Baptiste Debret after a lost preparatory study.

Philip Conisbee. Painting in Eighteenth-Century France. Oxford, 1981, pp. 107-8, ill.

Meir Stein. "Et genfundet hovedværk af Peyron." Kunstmuseets Årsskrift 1977-1980 (1981), pp. 21-27, 30 nn. 31, 44.

Antoine Schnapper. David. English ed. New York, 1982, pp. 59, 72, 77, 80-84, 86, 100-101, 130, 174, fig. 39 [French ed., "David, témoin de son temps," Fribourg, Switzerland, 1980, pp. 59, 72-73, 76, 80-84, 86, 100-101, 128, 174, 178, fig. 39], draws attention to a sketch in David's Berlin album [Kupferstichkabinett, inv. 79 d 30a, folio 23] as a source for the gesture of Socrates.

Pierre Rosenberg and Udolpho van de Sandt. Pierre Peyron, 1744-1814. Neuilly-sur-Seine, 1983, pp. 124-26, fig. 113, state that when Trudaine commissioned this picture in March 1786, the subjects of pictures commissioned in the name of Louis XVI were already known; conclude that David suggested the subject and that in his rivalry with Peyron he put all his effort into the Socrates, neglecting a royal commission.

Philippe Bordes. Le Serment du Jeu de Paume de Jacques-Louis David: Le peintre, son milieu et son temps de 1789 à 1792. Paris, 1983, pp. 21-22, 95 n. 39, pp. 131-32, publishes the complete French text of the "courier anglais" 1787; states that Trudaine commissioned from David a Death of Socrates of the size favored by Poussin.

Luc de Nanteuil. Jacques-Louis David. New York, 1985, pp. 24, 58, 60, 63, 68, 94, 106, 132, colorpl. 12.

Philippe Ariès. Images of Man and Death. Cambridge, Mass., 1985, p. 102, fig. 157.

Thomas E. Crow. Painters and Public Life in Eighteenth-Century Paris. New Haven, 1985, pp. 215-16, 243-47, fig. 117, argues that the initiative for the choice of subject came from David, who wished to surpass Peyron effortlessly at the point of the latter's maximum strength".

Antoine Schnapper in 1770-1830: Autour du Néo-Classicisme en Belgique. Ed. Denis Coekelberghs and Pierre Loze. Exh. cat., Musée Communal des Beaux-Arts d'Ixelles. [Brussels], 1985, p. 30.

Gabriele Oberreuter-Kronabel. Der Tod des Philosophen: Zum Sinngehalt eines Sterbebildtypus der französischen Malerei in der zweiten Hälfte des 18. Jahrhunderts. Munich, 1986, pp. 27-28, 33, 60-84, 91-94, 142-43 nn. 195, 206, p. 144 nn. 109, 211, p. 146 nn. 230, 232-33, p. 147 nn. 236, 244, p. 148 nn. 266-67, p. 149 nn. 268-69, p. 177, ill. on cover (detail), fig. 27, notes similarities to the engraving by Moreau le jeune (fig. 2) exhibited in the Salon of 1785; publishes entries from an "inventaire des objets reservés pour la Nation" from the Trudaine residence [Archives Nationales, Paris, F17 1267 (T, No. 190)] where this picture is no. 1 and no. 13 is "La première pensée de la mort de Socrate. esquisse peinte composition de 9 figures. Sur toile, hauteur 11 pouces sur 18."; identifes a Greek votive relief in the Vatican Museums (fig. 32) as the source for the drawing by David that inspired Socrates' gesture.

Yvonne Korshak. "'Paris and Helen' by Jacques Louis David: Choice and Judgment on the Eve of the French Revolution." Art Bulletin 69 (March 1987), pp. 102-3, fig. 2.

Albert Boime. A Social History of Modern Art. Vol. 1, Art in an Age of Revolution, 1750-1800. Chicago, 1987, pp. 405, 407-11, 417, 430, fig. 5.3.

Jean-Jacques Lévêque. L'art et la Révolution française, 1789-1804. Neuchâtel, Switzerland, 1987, pp. 220-21, ill. (color).

Thomas Puttfarken. "Whose public?" Burlington Magazine 129 (June 1987), p. 399.

Donna Marie Hunter. "Second Nature: Portraits by J.-L. David, 1769-1792." PhD diss., Harvard University, 1988, pp. 230, 273 n. 14, pp. 336, 348, 425-26 nn. 95-97, notes that Potocki's "praise for a single artist coupled with a harsh assessment of the French school at large outraged certain academicians".

Yvonne Korshak. "Discussion: An Exchange on Jacques Louis David's 'Paris and Helen'." Art Bulletin 70 (September 1988), p. 520.

Philippe Bordes. David. Paris, [1988], pp. 49, 52, 110, ill. pp. 50-51 (color).

Régis Michel. David: L'art et le politique. Paris, 1988, pp. 44-47, 170, ill. (color, overall and details).

Fred Licht in Goya and the Spirit of Enlightenment. Exh. cat., Museo Nacional del Prado. Boston, 1988, p. lxxvii, fig. 1.

Philippe Bordes and Régis Michel, ed. Aux armes & aux arts!: Les arts de la Révolution, 1789-1799. Paris, 1988, pp. 13, 15, 26, 36.

Norman Bryson. "Centres and Margins in David." Word & Image 4 (January-March 1988), pp. 44, 48, fig. 1.

Dorothy Johnson. "Corporality and Communication: The Gestural Revolution of Diderot, David, and 'The Oath of the Horatii'." Art Bulletin 71 (March 1989), p. 111.

Gilles Néret. David: La terreur et la vertu. Paris, 1989, pp. 32, 35, 139.

Bernard Noël. David. Paris, 1989, pp. 20, 24, 26, ill.

Jean-Jacques Lévêque. La vie et l'oeuvre de Jacques-Louis David. Paris, 1989, pp. 82, 84, ill. p. 85 (color).

Brigitte Gallini in La Révolution française et l'Europe, 1789-1799. Exh. cat., Galeries nationales du Grand Palais. Paris, 1989, p. 293, comments on the general preference for history subjects during the revolutionary period following the lead of David.

Warren Roberts. Jacques-Louis David, Revolutionary Artist: Art, Politics, and the French Revolution. Chapel Hill, 1989, pp. 19, 32, 34, 111, 123, 204, fig. 6, discusses the picture in the context of the société Trudaine.

Alan Wintermute in 1789: French Art During the Revolution. Ed. Alan Wintermute. Exh. cat., Colnaghi. New York, 1989, pp. 112, 114, 116-19, fig. 1, states that the Princeton replica was clearly made in David's shop and proposes Girodet as the copyist.

Carol S. Eliel in 1789: French Art During the Revolution. Ed. Alan Wintermute. Exh. cat., Colnaghi. New York, 1989, p. 58, mentions the depiction of the scroll and beakers on the floor as examples of David's interest in texture and effects of light.

Jean-François Heim, Claire Béraud, and Philippe Heim. Les salons de peinture de la Révolution française, 1789-1799. Paris, 1989, p. 174, ill. p. 175.

Nina Athanassoglou-Kallmyer. French Images from the Greek War of Independence, 1821-1830: Art and Politics under the Restoration. New Haven, 1989, pp. 39, 157.

Antoine Schnapper in Jacques-Louis David, 1748-1825. Exh. cat., Musée du Louvre, Paris and Musée National du Château, Versailles. Paris, 1989, pp. 18-19, 21, 122-23, 160, 178-81, 186, 197-98, 329-30, 571-73, 577, 601, 635, fig. 44, publishes a newly discovered drawing signed and dated 1782 (no. 76, private collection), which he considers to be evidence that David attempted the subject before Trudaine's commission; observes that the date is supported by the fact that the verso of the drawing depicts Horace and Camille in the poses in which they appear in a 1781 drawing (cat. no. 52); notes that Debret's 1844 lithograph follows the 1782 drawing.

Stephanie Carroll. "Reciprocal Representations: David & Theater." Art in America 78 (May 1990), pp. 203, 259, states that the Horatii and the Socrates were staged as "tableaux vivants" on October 31, 1789, at the Théâtre Ombres Chinoises "in what contemporary accounts called parodies".

E. D. Lilley. "Jacques-Louis David and Joshua Reynolds: A Note and a Query." British Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies Bulletin no. 21 (Summer 1990), pp. 10-13.

Philippe Bordes. "Paris and Versailles: David." Burlington Magazine 132 (February 1990), p. 154, calls the signature and date of 1782 on the recently discovered drawing additions.

Philippe Bordes Institute of Fine Arts, New York University. Lecture. October 28, 1991, suggests that the print dealer John Boydell was the author of the praise-filled review of October 2, 1787, that appeared in Journal of the World; suggests that Reynolds translated the review and mailed it to David.

Colnaghi in America: A Survey to Commemorate the First Decade of Colnaghi New York. Ed. Nicholas H. J. Hall. New York, 1992, p. 33.

Colin B. Bailey in The Loves of the Gods: Mythological Painting from Watteau to David. Exh. cat., Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth. New York, 1992, pp. 509-10.

José-Luis de Los Llanos. Fragonard et le dessin français au XVIIIe siècle dans les collections du Petit Palais. Exh. cat., Petit Palais. Paris, 1992, p. 100.

Philippe Bordes. "Jacques-Louis David's Anglophilia on the Eve of the French Revolution." Burlington Magazine 134 (August 1992), pp. 482, 484, 487, 490, ill., publishes the entire original text of the October 2, 1787, Boydell article in The World, explaining that the letter attributed incorrectly to Reynolds is a translation of Boydell's piece.

Patrick Matthiesen and Guy Stair Sainty. Fifty Paintings, 1535-1825, to Celebrate Ten Years of Collaboration between The Matthiesen Gallery, London, and Stair Sainty Matthiesen, New York. London, 1993, pp. 186, 194.

Gerald Carr. "David, Boydell and 'Socrates': A Mixture of Anglophilia, Self-Promotion and the Press." Apollo 137 (May 1993), pp. 307-8, 310-13, 315, fig. 1 (color), attributes the October 2, 1787, article to Boydell; reviews the circumstances which caused David to cancel his visit to London.

Dorothy Johnson. Jacques-Louis David: Art in Metamorphosis. Princeton, 1993, pp. 66-68, 86, 97, fig. 37.

Garry Apgar. "Jacques-Louis David (1748-1825) . . . A Critical View." Apollo 137 (May 1993), pp. 304, 306.

Edouard Pommier. "David et le patrimoine." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, p. 568.

Seymour Howard. "Crise et classicisme: David et Rome." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, p. 50.

Udolpho van de Sandt. "David pour David: 'Jamais on ne me fera rien faire au détriment de ma gloire'." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, pp. 130, 137 n. 35.

Colin Bailey. "'Les grands, les cordons bleus': Les clients de David avant la Révolution." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, pp. 145, 151, fig. 65.

Michael Fried. "David et l'antithéâtralité." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, pp. 207-8, 211, 216, 223 n. 17, fig. 65.

Lina Propeck. "David et le portrait du roi." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, p. 309.

Philippe Bordes. "'Brissotin enragé, ennemi de Robespierre': David, conventionnel et terroriste." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, p. 343, fig. 65.

Alex Potts. "De Winckelmann à David: L'incarnation des idéaux politiques." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, fig. 65; vol. 2, pp. 649, 652.

Neil McWilliam. "Les David du XIXe siècle." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 2, p. 1132 n. 14.

Hubertus Kohle. "La modernité du passé: David, la peinture d'histoire et la théorie néo-classique." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, fig. 65; vol. 2, pp. 1095, 1100-06, 1110.

Adrian Rifkin. "Un effet David? Les mots de l'art et le statut de l'artiste." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, fig. 65; vol. 2, p. 1085.

Alvar González-Palacios. "Jacques-Louis David: Le décor de l'antiquité." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, fig. 65; vol 2, pp. 938-39.

Antoine Schnapper. "David et l'argent." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 2, pp. 915, 917.

Sylvain Laveissière. "'Date obolum Picturae': Prud'hon, David du pauvre?" David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, fig. 65; vol. 2, p. 904.

Klaus Herding. "La notion de temporalité chez David à partir du Marat." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, pp. 434, 436.

Alain Pougetoux. "'Un élève de David et son plus favori': Georges Rouget." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, fig. 65; vol. 2, p. 885.

Thomas E. Crow. "Girodet et David pendant la Révolution: Un dialogue artistique et politique." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 2, p. 854.

Jean-Rémy Mantion. "David en toutes lettres." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, fig. 65; vol. 2, pp. 809, 812-13.

Norman Bryson. "David et le 'Gender'." David contre David. Ed. Régis Michel. Paris, 1993, vol. 1, fig. 65; vol. 2, p. 722.

Thomas E. Crow. "A Male Republic: Bonds between Men in the Art and Life of Jacques-Louis David." Femininity and Masculinity in Eighteenth-Century Art and Culture. Ed. Gill Perry and Michael Rossington. Manchester, 1994, pp. 205, 211-13, 217 n. 18, fig. 35, identifies this painting as one in which Greek same-sex "eros" is central; describes it as a tribute to "one ideal of leisured, disinterested masculine fellowship," and links this ideal to the egalitarian environment of David's studio in the 1780s.

Gill Perry and Michael Rossington. "Introduction." Femininity and Masculinity in Eighteenth-Century Art and Culture. Ed. Gill Perry and Michael Rossington. Manchester, 1994, p. 8.

Michael Kimmelman. "At the Met with Roy Lichtenstein: Disciple of Color and Line, Master of Irony." New York Times (March 31, 1995), p. C27.

Bruno Foucart in "La critique artistique devant l'exposition du Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle." Le baron Taylor, l'Association des artistes et l'exposition du Bazar Bonne-Nouvelle en 1846. Paris, 1995, pp. 26, 29, ill. p. 43.

Thomas E. Crow. Emulation: Making Artists in Revolutionary France. New Haven, 1995, pp. 95-103, 108, 140, 183, 316 nn. 50, 54, 60, colorpl. 72, argues that Girodet "was called in to paint several of the secondary figures".

Heino R. Möller. "Jacques-Louis David, Johannes Grützke und der Sterbende Sokrates." Zeitschrift für Ästhetik und Allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft 40 (1995), pp. 249-71, fig. 1, analyzes it at length in comparison with Johannes Grützke's 1975 painting of the same subject.

Katharine Baetjer. European Paintings in The Metropolitan Museum of Art by Artists Born Before 1865: A Summary Catalogue. New York, 1995, p. 385, ill.

Michael Kimmelman. "At the Met with Leon Golub and Nancy Spero." New York Times (January 5, 1996), p. C5.

Garry Apgar. "David and After." Art in America 84 (February 1996), pp. 25, 27, 29.

Joseph Geiger. "Giambettino Cignaroli's Deaths of Cato and of Socrates." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 59, no. 2 (1996), p. 275 n. 41.

Valérie Bajou in La Grèce en révolte: Delacroix et les peintres français, 1815-1848. Exh. cat., Musée des Beaux-Arts, Bordeaux. Paris, 1996, p. 270.

Dorothy Johnson. The Farewell of Telemachus and Eucharis. Los Angeles, 1997, pp. 10, 12, fig. 10.

Sophie Monneret. David et le néoclassicisme. Paris, 1998, pp. 73, 78; ill. in color pp. 76-77, as a posthumous homage to Diderot.

Luc Ferry. Le sens du beau. Paris, 1998, p. 88, fig. 49 (color).

Michael Kimmelman. Portraits: Talking with Artists at the Met, the Modern, the Louvre and Elsewhere. New York, 1998, pp. 90-92, ill. [text similar to Kimmelman 1995].

[Robert B. Simon]. Figure and Fantasy in French Painting, 1650-1800. Exh. cat., Berry-Hill Galleries. New York, 1999, p. 64.

Simon Lee. David. London, 1999, pp. 70, 99-105, 108, 116, 144, 217, colorpls. 66-67, describes the unfinished replica in Princeton as probably painted with Girodet's assistance.

Alan Hyde. Our Homosocial Constitution: Some Sexual and Political Themes in Paintings Admired by the Founding Fathers. June 1999, pp. 3, 7, 12-13, 23 n. 49, 27 n. 90 [see http://www.andromeda.rutgers.edu/~hyde/homo.htm].

Mary Vidal. "David's 'Telemachus and Eucharis': Reflections on Love, Learning, and History." Art Bulletin 82 (December 2000), p. 717 n. 12.

Warren Roberts. Jacques-Louis David and Jean-Louis Prieur: Revolutionary Artists. Albany, 2000, pp. 240-41.

William Vaughan in "Terror and the 'Tabula Rasa': David's 'Marat' in its Pictorial Context." Jacques-Louis David's "Marat". Ed. William Vaughan and Helen Weston. Cambridge, 2000, p. 84.

Andrea Kirsh and Rustin S. Levenson. Seeing Through Paintings: Physical Examination in Art Historical Studies. New Haven, 2000, p. 262.

Claudia Einecke in Final Moments: Peyron, David, and "The Death of Socrates". Exh. cat.Omaha, 2001, pp. 20-25 nn. 5-6, pp. 29, 31, 33, 35, 42, fig. 3, describes this picture's "'semaphoric' figures whose postures and gestures 'signal' emotions rather than enact them".

Pierre Rosenberg in Final Moments: Peyron, David, and "The Death of Socrates". Exh. cat.Omaha, 2001, pp. 5, 10-12, fig. 3.

Pierre Rosenberg in "David e la collezione Giustiniani." Caravaggio e i Giustiniani: Toccar con mano una collezione del Seicento. Ed. Silvia Danesi Squarzina. Exh. cat., Palazzo Giustiniani. Milan, 2001, p. 104.

Giovanna Capitelli in "La collezione Giustiniani tra Settecento e Ottocento: Fortuna e dispersione." Caravaggio e i Giustiniani: Toccar con mano una collezione del Seicento. Ed. Silvia Danesi Squarzina. Exh. cat., Palazzo Giustiniani. Milan, 2001, p. 117.

Robert Rosenblum. "David and Monsiau: Bonaparte tames Bucephalus." Mélanges en hommage à Pierre Rosenberg: Peintures et dessins en France et en Italie, XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles. Paris, 2001, p. 401.

Dorothy Johnson. "Delacroix's Dialogue with the French Classical Tradition." The Cambridge Companion to Delacroix. Ed. Beth S. Wright. Cambridge, 2001, p. 114, fig. 37, as one of the best known eighteenth-century deathbed images that derived from seventeenth-century French classical prototypes.

René Démoris and Florence Ferran. La peinture en procès: l'invention de la critique d'art au siècle des Lumières. Paris, 2001, pp. 316, 392.

Kenneth Lapatin. "Picturing Socrates." A Companion to Socrates. Ed. Sara Ahbel-Rappe and Rachana Kamtekar. Malden, Mass., 2001, pp. 141-43, 148, fig. 8.34.

Stephen Bann. "Entre philosophe et critique: Victor Cousin, Théophile Gautier et l'art pour l'art." L'invention de la critique d'art. Ed. Pierre-Henry Frangne and Jean-Marc Poinsot. Rennes, 2002, pp. 138-39.

Pierre Rosenberg and Louis-Antoine Prat. Jacques-Louis David, 1748-1825: Catalogue raisonné des dessins. Milan, 2002, vol. 1, pp. 50, 67, 70-72, 79, 88, 97-101, 109-10, 182, 226, 344, 429, 454, 560, 657, under nos. 52, 81, 81a, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 984, fig. 52b; vol. 2, pp. 756, 1173, 1191, 1214, 1221, discuss related drawings.

Steven Conn. "Narrative Trauma and Civil War History Painting, or Why are These Pictures so Terrible." History and Theory 41 (December 2002), p. 24.

Bennard B. Perlman. American Artists, Authors, and Collectors: The Walter Pach Letters, 1906-1958. Albany, 2002, pp. 17, 71, 119, 124, 126-27, 130, 349, ill. p. 125, publishes correspondence between Walter Pach and Bryson Burroughs concerning Pach's role in securing this painting for The Met.

Catherine Guégan. "Du héros et du grand homme: Alexandre, Socrate et les critiques du Salon de 1787." Orages: Litterature et Culture 1760-1830 2 (2003), pp. 28, 34-36, 39-42, ill.

Anthony F. Janson. "Book review of 'Nineteenth-Century European Art' by Petra ten-Doesschate Chu." Nineteenth-Century Art Worldwide 2 (Autumn 2003) [http://www.19thc-artworldwide.org/autumn03/265-nineteenth-century-european-art-by-petra-ten-doesschate-chu], criticizes Chu for failing to mention how the picture "departs from historical reality" and "the fact that Socrates himself was already seen as a martyr for truth in Greek times".

Jean-Pierre Poirier. La science et l'amour: Madame Lavoisier. Paris, 2004, p. 105.

Margaret A. Oppenheimer. The French Portrait: Revolution to Restoration. Exh. cat., Smith College Museum of Art. Northampton, Mass., 2005, p. 53.

Dorothy Medlin in "André Morollet and the Trudaines." Social history; Morellet; Social Anthropology; History of the Book. Oxford, 2005, p. 122 n. 39.

Katharine Baetjer in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York: Chefs-d'œuvre de la peinture européenne. Exh. cat., Fondation Pierre Gianadda. Martigny, 2006, pp. 16-17 [Catalan ed., Barcelona, 2006, p. 17].

Pierre Rosenberg. Only in America: One Hundred Paintings in American Museums Unmatched in European Collections. Milan, 2006, pp. 17, 156, ill. (color).

Darcy Grimaldo Grigsby. "The First Painter and the Prix Décennaux of 1810." David after David: Essays on the Later Work. Ed. Mark Ledbury. Williamstown, Mass., 2007, p. 21.

Michel Hilaire in Laure Pellicer and Michel Hilaire. François-Xavier Fabre (1766-1837): De Florence à Montpellier. Exh. cat., Musée Fabre, Montpellier. Paris, 2008, p. 248-50, fig. 1 (color), includes it in a discussion of Fabre's 1802 Socrates (Musée d'Art et d'Histoire, Geneva).

Mary Sprinson de Jesús. "Adélaïde Labille-Guiard's Pastel Studies of the Mesdames de France." Metropolitan Museum Journal 43 (2008), pp. 159, 164.

Joyce Carol Polistena. The Religious Paintings of Eugène Delacroix (1798-1863): The Initiator of the Style of Modern Religious Art. Lewiston, New York, 2008, p. 54.

Satish Padiyar. "Who Is Socrates? Desire and Subversion in David's 'Death of Socrates' (1787)." Representations 102 (Spring 2008), pp. 27-52, fig. 1.

Marie-Odile van Caeneghem. "Les Lavoisier par Jacques Louis David: Un tableau prémonitoire." Sparsae, hors série, no 4. (2009), p. 73.

Earl A. Powell III in Philip Conisbee. French Paintings of the Fifteenth through the Eighteenth Century. Washington, 2009, p. XI.

Horton A. Johnson. "The Poison in the Cup." Pharos (Spring 2011), pp. 27-29, ill. (color).

Lucile Roche. "Le 'Portrait de M. et Mme Lavoisier' par Jacques-Louis David [1788]: Les antinomies du paraître." Master's thesis, Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, 2011-12, pp. 6, 9 n. 26, pp. 11, 72 n. 115, pp. 83, 91-92, 94, 98 n. 107, pp. 103, 105, 111, 113, fig. 124.

Marie-Josèphe Bonnet. Liberté, égalité, exclusion: femmes peintres en révolution, 1770-1804. Paris, 2012, pl. 3 (Martini's engraving).

Antoine Schnapper. David, la politique et la révolution. Paris, 2013, pp. 58-61, colorpl. II, ill. pp. 74-75 (color).

Philippe Bordes. Hilaire Ledru (Oppy, 19 février 1769-Paris, 2 mai 1840): Indigence et Honneur. Paris, [2015], pp. 14, 24.

Eugenio Riccòmini. 1789 e dintorni: L'arte negli anni della rivoluzione francese. Bologna, 2015, p. 59, fig. 50 (color).

Revolution. Christie's, New York. April 13, 2016, unpaginated, under no. 11.

Kathryn Calley Galitz. The Metropolitan Museum of Art: Masterpiece Paintings. New York, 2016, pp. 426, 429, no. 308, ill. pp. 322, 426 (color).

Mehdi Korchane in De l'alcôve aux barricades, de Fragonard à David: Dessins de l'École des Beaux-Arts. Ed. Emmanuelle Brugerolles. Exh. cat., Fondation Custodia. Paris, 2016, p. 160.

Louis-Antoine Prat. "Quelques nouveaux dessins de Jacques-Louis David (1748-1825)." De David à Delacroix: Du tableau au dessin. Ed. Pierre Rosenberg. Paris, 2016, pp. 111-12.

Yuriko Jackall in America Collects Eighteenth-Century French Painting. Exh. cat., National Gallery of Art. Washington, 2017, pp. 7, 10, 25 n. 3, p. 297.

Philippe Bordes in America Collects Eighteenth-Century French Painting. Exh. cat., National Gallery of Art. Washington, 2017, pp. 106-8, 110, 112, 118 nn. 29, 30, 36, 42, fig. 5 (color).

Melissa Hyde in America Collects Eighteenth-Century French Painting. Exh. cat., National Gallery of Art. Washington, 2017, p. 85, 89 n. 108.

Humphrey Wine. The Eighteenth Century French Paintings. London, 2018, pp. 21, 142.

Sébastien Allard and Côme Fabre in Delacroix. Exh. cat., The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, 2018, p. 100.

Neil Jeffares. Minutiae at the Met. March 29, 2019, unpaginated [https://neiljeffares.wordpress.com/2019/03/29/minutiae-at-the-met/].

Neil Jeffares. "Foreign Legion." Apollo 189 (April 2019), p. 102.

Katharine Baetjer. French Paintings in The Metropolitan Museum of Art from the Early Eighteenth Century through the Revolution. New York, 2019, pp. 306-17, 379, no. 106, ill. pp. 14, 307-8 (color, overall and details).

Charlotte Hale in Katharine Baetjer. French Paintings in The Metropolitan Museum of Art from the Early Eighteenth Century through the Revolution. New York, 2019, p. 315.

Carol Santoleri in Katharine Baetjer. French Paintings in The Metropolitan Museum of Art from the Early Eighteenth Century through the Revolution. New York, 2019, p. 31.

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Jacques Louis David | The Death of Socrates | The Metropolitan Museum of Art

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L. N. [Alexandre Lenoir]. L'ombre de Rubens au sallon, ou l'école des peintres, dialogue critique. 1787, pp. 37, 41 [Collection Deloynes, vol. 15, no. 371, pp. 97, 101; McWilliam 1991, no. 0451], finds the background too prominent; notes that the sharpness and murderous effect ["effet meurtrier"] suggest a colored sculpture, not the sweet harmony of a painting.

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Tarsila do Amaral
Operários
1933

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Autor: Marc Ferrez
Título: Rua do Ouvidor
Ano: 1890

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Autor: Paul Cézanne
Título: Young Italian Woman at Table
Data: 1895-1900

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Autor: Victor Meirelles
Título: A Primeira Missa no Brasil
Ano: 1860

Tal quadro pode ser utilizada para discutir questões relacionadas à questão da catequização dos indígenas, a visão europeia do "selvagem pacífico" e perpassar pela temática social dos impactos da catequização indígena pra sociedade que viria a se formar.

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Autor: Bia Simionato
Titulo: Devoro o tempo, mas ele ainda não me satisfaz
Ano: 2020

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Autor: Lluis Rigalt
Titulo:Night Landscape with Ruined Monastery
Ano:1850

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Autor: Charles Chaplin
Título: O Grande Ditador (The Great Dictator)
Ano: 1940

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Autor: Candido Portinari
Título: O café
Data: 1935
Link para visualização: http://artenarede.com.br/blog/index.php/o-cafe-de-portinari/

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Autor: Pink Floyd
Título: The Wall
Ano: 1979

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Autor: João Câmara Filho
Título: Uma confissão
Ano: 1971

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Autor: Diego Rivera
Ano: 1920
Mural retrata o processo de colonização da América espanhola

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A ideia é trabalhar a temática Regimes Totalitários partindo da apresentação destas três obras de arte. Um álbum musical, um filme e uma obra nacional que aborda um dos aspectos do totalitarismo que é a ditadura.

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At the Moulin Rouge, The Dance
Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec
1890, Paris
115 x 150, pintura a óleo

Escolhi esta pintura para falar sobre os anos que precederam a primeira guerra mundial, as grandes mudanças na vida pública europeia em comparação com o século XVIII e a ideia de "belle epoque"

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Título: Hercules and the Hydra
Autor :Antonio Pollaiuolo
Data:  1475

Usaria esta pintura para explicar um pouco mais sobre os mitos gregos.
A pintura retrata um dos Dozes Trabalhos de Hércules .

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Novembro de 1932. Publicada no Munchener Post.

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Abenteuer eines Fräuleins (A senhorita inglesa/Aventuras de uma senhorita)

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Abenteuer eines Fräuleins (A senhorita inglesa/Aventuras de uma senhorita)

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Paul Klee
1922

Pressão estética/visão distorcida de nós mesmos nos apps (filtros, etc)

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Jean Baptiste Debret, 1827

Período Joanino, Missão Artística Francesa e a encomenda de um Brasil: como as obras de Debret nos descrevem as relações no Brasil do século XIX.

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Unos cuantos piquetitos! (Umas facadinhas de nada)

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Unos cuantos piquetitos! (Umas facadinhas de nada)

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Frida Kahlo,
1935.

Intertextualidade. A obra abaixo foi pintada após a artista ler sobre um feminicídio local no jornal.
(A quantas obras a imagem abaixo te remete? Por exemplo, Death By A Thousand Cuts, Rita.)

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Utilizaria para falar sobre narrativa e metalinguagem.
link: https://twitter.com/silvazuao/status/1238439908357832704?s=20

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Criança morta”, 1944, ost, 176 X 190cm – Portinari

Utilizaria a pintura em sala de aula para debater acerca das contextualizações e significados da morte ao longo do tempo e os sentimentos que a mesma teve em nosso cotidiano.

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O que a agua me deu
1938
Frida Kahlo

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As alucinações e fantasias da artista permeiam profusamente este quadro. Ele mostra um devaneio na banheira, em que as imagens de morte, dor e sexualidade flutuam na superfície da água.

Como muitos outros de seus quadros, este é uma espécie de autorretrato, com as pernas de Frida Kahlo representadas do ponto de vista da banhista, mostrando seus pés deformados com o dedão do pé direito rachado.

As lesões resultantes de um sério acidente de trânsito, quando ela tinha 15 anos, destruíram suas esperanças de se tornar médica.

Esta pintura, considerada sua obra mais surrealista, também é a mais complexa, com uma multidão de detalhes minúsculos e irracionalmente dispostos.

Numa certa época amante de Leon Trotsky, ela teve um casamento turbulento com o pintor Diego Rivera. Kahlo tornou-se quase um figura de culto, em parte porque, a partir de meados da década de 1940, acamada por causa de sérios problemas de coluna, continuou pintando, muitas vezes com dores terríveis, até sua morte.

Agora que você sabe mais detalhes sobre essa obra de Frida Kahlo, experimente fazer uma releitura dela ou criar uma cena que represente seu autorretrato, que conte algo sobre sua história, usando o material colorido que mais gostar.

Fotografe seu trabalho e compartilhe sua experiência conosco através das redes sociais, usando a #historiadasartestalento

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As alucinações e fantasias da artista permeiam profusamente este quadro. Ele mostra um devaneio na banheira, em que as imagens de morte, dor e sexualidade flutuam na superfície da água. Como muitos outros de seus quadros, este é uma espécie de autorretrato, com as pernas de Frida Kahlo representadas do ponto de vista da banhista, mostrando seus pés deformados com o dedão do pé direito rachado.

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Obra Massacre na Coreia, 1951, Pablo Picasso

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Massacre na Coreia, de Pablo Picasso 1951

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Essa obra pertence a "fase social" de Tarsila, influenciada pelos efeitos da crise de 29 e sua aproximação com o comunismo. A arte dialoga com o marxismo, a precarização e a massificação do trabalho.

Ela lembra "O Operário em Construção", de Vinícius de Moraes, e também as músicas de Luiz Gonzaga que falam da relação do sertanejo com a migração.

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Obras que podem ser trabalhadas junto da pintura: Vidas secas; morte e Vida Serverina e Os Sertões. Podemos organizar uma atividade transdisciplinar com professores de História, Portugues e Arte, por exemplo.

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Releitura

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Esse quadro de Guignard, é um dos vários a retratar a morte do inconfidente Tiradentes. Pedro Américo e Portinari também representaram esse momento. Acho que a obra é uma maneira de falar sobre a Inconfidência mineira em sala de aula e também abordar a mitificação da figura de Tiradentes.

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“Velocidade e euforia, angústia e vertigem eram temas recorrentes entre 1900 e 1914, quando as cidades explodiram em suas dimensões e as sociedades foram transformadas, a produção em massa entrou para a vida cotidiana, os jornais tornaram-se impérios das comunicações, o público de cinema contava-se às dezenas de milhões e a globalização trazia aos pratos dos britânicos carne da Nova Zelândia e cereais do Canadá, aniquilando a venda de velhas classes fundiárias e promovendo a ascensão de novos tipos: engenheiros tecnocratas, as classes urbanas.” - BLOM, Philipp. Os anos vertiginosos: mudança e cultura 1900-1914. Rio de Janeiro: Record, 2015.

- Discutir a transformação na percepção do tempo.

- Olhar do artista conectado ao seu tempo e as mudanças ocorridas nele.
- Experiências históricas: modernismo e concretismo no Brasil - Poema Velocidade Ronaldo Azevedo.

- Trechos do filme: O Grande Gatsby

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Apresentação da abertura da novela A Escrava Isaura (2004) para retratar as obras do artista de maneira acessível aos alunos.

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Abertura A Escrava Isaura (TV Record 2004) - Alta Qualidade

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Minha ideia principal é usar essa tela para falar sobre a importância dos retratos ao longo da história, talvez explorar a fixação do homem com sua própria imagem, trazer ao conhecimento dos alunos o primeiro "selfie" da história e explorar a cultura dos selfies.

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Minha ideia principal é usar essa tela para falar sobre a importância dos retratos ao longo da história, talvez explorar a fixação do homem com sua própria imagem, trazer ao conhecimento dos alunos o primeiro "selfie" da história e explorar a cultura dos selfies.

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Coldplay - Viva La Vida (Official Video)

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Eu usaria essa tela para discutirmos o que contribui para o nosso bem estar e contrapor com o nosso consumo exacerbado de tecnologia e redes sociais. Os habitos da população atual são um resultado do nosso consumo excessivo sem tempo para processamento da informação e reflexão. Assim questionaria quantas vezes por semana nós paramos para dedicar nos desacelerar, refletir ou simplesmente pensar em nada.

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A obra pode ser trabalhada junto da leitura de um dos maiores diálogos de Platão, Fédon. O diálogo dá abertura para se discutir princípios éticos e morais, e abre a possibilidade de conversar com os alunos sobre o que é a morte, e o que seria uma filosofia para a morte. A partir disso, o tema pode ser trabalhado dentro de diversas correntes da filosofia.

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Ao explorar as visões de si e a importância dos retratos ao longo da história, pode-se explorar também qual discurso escolhemos abordar. Frida Kahlo faz alusão a isso na obra abaixo, ao retratar "suas duas metades", moldadas de acordo com suas heranças culturais e o modo como era vista pela sociedade.

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Pablo Picasso
1957
Essa é uma das reinterpretações que Picasso fez da obra de Velázquez. É interessante analisar o contraste que há entre as técnicas, utilizadas pelos pintores, do quadro original, e das obras produzidas a partir do mesmo quadro.

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Dá para relacionar com o mural do Diego Rivera colocado aqui por uma outra pessoa.

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Lembrou um trabalho do artista Leandro Assis, ele sempre posta muitos quadrinhos com importantes críticas sociais.

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#06 | Design, precarização do trabalho e caminhos anticapitalistas pt. 1

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Na primeira parte do sexto episódio da temporada 01 do Clandestina, Laís Fonseca e Letícia Barros recebem Maria Carvalho para falar sobre design, precarização do trabalho e caminhos anticapitalistas, pautando questões como o contexto histórico de surgimento do design, relações entre capitalismo e comunicação, o que ocuparia o lugar do design em uma sociedade pós-capital e Bullshit Jobs.

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Hieronymus Bosch
"O navio dos loucos"
1490-1500

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Retrato de Sór Juana Inés de la Cruz. Miguel Cabrea, 1750.

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Nathalia, de que forma você usaria os quadros em sala de aula?

os que você escolheu, no caso

Então, estava conversando até com o Felipe mais cedo que ao escolher as obras eu tinha deixado passar o detalhe

que seriam para uma aula

daí escolhi mais pelo sentimento, mas sem deixar de pensar a historicidade delas também. creio que seriam muito bem utilizadas para falar sobre as consequências da Revolução Industrial e posteriormente a emergência da  Grande Guerra, sabe? A ansiedade das pessoas retratadas em Munch, uma multidão que vaga como em um cortejo fúnebre (bem colocado pela Kenia no comentário), e a persistência da memória de Dalí que nos mostra como o excesso de futuro da ansiedade pode conviver com as recordações, a memoria que persiste. essa ansiedade no fim do século XIX, também pode remeter ao início da psicanálise com Freud, por exemplo

pois até então os sofrimentos psíquicos eram tratados apenas como histeria

enfim, muitas questões

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Continuidades: a obra e o atual cenário brasileiro.

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Continuidades: a obra e o atual cenário brasileiro.

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Apenas para conhecimento, porque você aparentemente gosta de filosofia, gostaria de recomendar um quadrinho que trata das biografias de alguns filósofos notáveis, o título é Action Philosophers!

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Volteeeeei! Pra falar sobre outra questão que me conecta com esse quadro: a educação de meninas. Toda vez que eu trago esse assunto à tona na sala de aula, eu uso esses dois vídeos: 1. Esse curta maravilhoso produzido aqui mesmo no Brasil https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yFpoG_htum4&t=4s e essa chamada da ONG The Girl Effect, que me dá até um arrepio na espinha https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1e8xgF0JtVg&t=37s

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Florence + The Machine - What The Water Gave Me

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Um quadro com um título poético e belo como esse, não podia dar em outra coisa senão um livro de poemas inspirado por Frida Kahlo.

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What the Water Gave Me contains fifty-two poems in the voice of the Mexican painter Frida Kahlo. Some of the poems are close interpretations of Kahlo's work, while others are parallels or version homages where Petit draws on her experience as a visual artist to create alternative 'paintings' with words. More than just a verse biography, this collection explores how Kahlo transformed trauma into art after the artist's near-fatal bus accident. Petit, with her vivid style, her feel for nature and her understanding of pain and redemption, fully inhabits Kahlo's world. Each poem is an evocation of 'how art works on the pain spectrum', laced with splashes of ferocious colour. 'Their apparent shared sensibility makes the ventriloquism of these poems entirely unforced, and while Kahlo's voice is subtly distinguished from Petit's own, both women have a way of taking painful, private experiences and transmuting them, through imagery, into something that has the power of folklore. They capture the unsettling spirit of Frida Kahlo and her work perfectly.' Poetry London 'No other British poet I am aware of can match the powerful mythic imagination of Pascale Petit.' Les Murray Times Literary Supplement

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What the Water Gave Me: Poems After Frida Kahlo

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What the Water Gave Me contains fifty-two poems in the voice of the Mexican painter Frida Kahlo. Some of the poems are close interpretations of Kahlo's work, while others are parallels or version homages where Petit draws on her experience as a visual artist to create alternative 'paintings' with words.

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Frida Kahlo's What the Water Gave Me (Lo que el agua me dio in Spanish) was completed in 1938. The painting is also sometimes called What I Saw in the Water.

It is oil on canvas, with of dimensions 91 x 70.5 cm (35.8 x 27.7"). The piece is a reflection of the artist's life, and depicts various images arising from grey bathwater, under which her legs and feet are visible. What the Water Gave Me was depicted in Kahlo's first solo exhibit at the Julien Levy Gallery in New York City in 1938. In a conversation with Levy, she said that the painting was an image of the passing of time, reflecting childhood games in the bathtub and the sadness of what had happened to her in the course of her life. Although she has often been considered a Surrealist, Kahlo herself rejected this description, saying: "They thought I was a Surrealist, but I wasn't. I never painted dreams. I painted my own reality."

Kahlo's distinctive style is recognisable in this work. However, unlike many of her other paintings, there is no central focus to the image. The clearly defined imagery contrasts to the scattered composition of the elements. We understand that the different elements attest to the immense suffering and trauma that Kahlo suffered, and the ambiguous feelings she had about her life's trajectory.

The depiction of Kahlo's own legs in a bath in What the Water Gave Me also confronts the problem of the female body usually being depicted as an object of the male gaze. Here, her body is the object of her own gaze. There is sexual imagery in the painting, but it represents Kahlo's sexuality as she herself considers it, rather than rendering it pleasing to the viewer's eye. It has belonged to the private collection of Daniel Filipacchi, a Surrealist art collector, for more than two decades. Despite limited accessibility for public viewing, it is a crucial piece in understanding the development of Kahlo's thought, as well as her skill and technique as an artist.

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Frida Kahlo's What the Water Gave Me (Lo que el agua me dio in Spanish) was completed in 1938. The painting is also sometimes called What I Saw in the Water. It is oil on canvas, with of dimensions 91 x 70.5 cm (35.8 x 27.7").

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Com a capitulação japonesa em Agosto de 1945, as potências vitoriosas dividiram o território coreano de forma arbitrária - para Norte do paralelo 38.º situava-se a zona administrada pela União Soviética; para Sul, mandavam os EUA

De um lado, um grupo de mulheres, algumas grávidas, outras com crianças pelo colo, encaram os seus agressores - militares com uma aparência mecanizada, empunhando engenhos que são amálgamas de armas de várias épocas, desde espadas a metralhadoras. Pablo Picasso transformou os rostos das vítimas que aguardam a execução em máscaras que lembram o teatro grego. É o cinzento que domina, tal como em Guernica (1937) também sobre a guerra. Picasso pintava Massacre na Coreia (1951) quase em cima do acontecimento. A obra retrata um dos episódios que melhor simboliza a carnificina que marcou o primeiro grande conflito após a II Guerra Mundial e que, em termos técnicos, persiste até hoje.

Na pintura, Picasso reflectia sobre o Massacre de Sinchon, logo nas primeiras semanas da Guerra da Coreia (1950-53), e que ainda hoje é objecto de debate. Testemunhas e familiares das vítimas dizem que um grupo de soldados americanos executou centenas de civis que se escondiam debaixo de uma ponte ferroviária perto de uma aldeia 160 quilómetros a sudeste de Seul. Os Governos dos EUA e da Coreia do Sul negaram sempre qualquer responsabilidade pelo ataque e rejeitaram os pedidos de indemnização dos familiares das vítimas e nunca foi realizada qualquer investigação oficial. Em 1999, a Associated Press entrou em contacto com uma centena de veteranos de guerra norte-americanos cujos relatos dão alguma veracidade à versão das vítimas.

Também nos EUA, a Guerra da Coreia é olhada de forma amarga. Muitos chamam-na de "guerra esquecida", pelo pouco relevo que lhe é dada na historiografia oficial. O seu desfecho, do ponto de vista norte-americano, ficou a meio caminho entre a vitória épica (e sem espaço para ambiguidades morais) na II Guerra Mundial e a catástrofe do Vietname. Mas os seus efeitos talvez sejam os de maior duração.

Entre 1910 e 1945, a Península da Coreia permaneceu ocupada pelo Império Japonês, subjugada por um sistema colonial que é ainda visto como uma humilhação histórica. Com a capitulação japonesa em Agosto de 1945, as potências vitoriosas dividiram o território coreano de forma arbitrária - para Norte do paralelo 38.º situava-se a zona administrada pela União Soviética; para Sul, mandavam os EUA. As rivalidades entre os dois blocos que já se delineavam impediram que se chegasse a um acordo para a unificação da península e a divisão consolidou-se com a emergência de dois regimes, em 1948: a Norte, Kim Il-sung fundou a República Popular Democrática da Coreia, com apoio de Moscovo; a Sul, Syngman Rhee passou a liderar a República da Coreia, apoiada por Washington.

Os dois novos Estados envolveram-se em vários pequenos conflitos ao longo do paralelo 38.º, mas um deles acabou por degenerar numa invasão do Sul pelas forças norte-coreanas - Kim tinha obtido previamente o beneplácito de Estaline e a promessa de apoio directo chinês. O avanço contínuo das forças norte-coreanas, que em poucos dias tinham já tomado Seul, parecia tornar inevitável uma unificação da península à força e o surgimento de um novo Estado asiático sob a égide de Moscovo, pouco tempo depois da vitória de Mao na Guerra Civil chinesa. O Presidente dos EUA, Harry Truman, mobilizou de imediato as forças militares na região e, pela primeira vez desde a sua criação, procurou nas Nações Unidas um mandato internacional para uma intervenção militar.

Guerra Fria no terreno

Sem o previsível veto da União Soviética - que se tinha retirado do Conselho de Segurança meses antes em protesto contra a ocupação do lugar de membro permanente da China pelo regime nacionalista em Taiwan -, os EUA conseguiram obter luz-verde para liderar uma força militar internacional para intervir na guerra coreana. Mais de vinte países contribuíram com militares ou apoio logístico, mas o esforço de guerra ficou quase totalmente por conta dos EUA.

Com o apoio das forças internacionais, o Exército sul-coreano conseguiu conter os avanços rivais e, no final do Verão, a estratégia dos aliados de Seul passou da neutralização da ameaça para o objectivo de reunificar a península. Em poucos dias, as forças norte-americanas estavam a escassos quilómetros da fronteira com a China no rio Yalu. O recém-instalado regime comunista em Pequim viu-se então obrigado a intervir. Pela primeira vez, os dois blocos que iriam dominar as décadas seguintes enfrentavam-se directamente no campo de batalha.

O primeiro ano de guerra foi marcado por ofensivas de larga escala e recuos de escala semelhante por ambos os lados até a linha da frente ficar cristalizada ao longo do paralelo 38.º. Em meados de 1951, os dois lados do conflito iniciaram um período de impasse, sem que ninguém conseguisse uma vantagem que permitisse ditar os termos de um acordo para terminar a guerra. Entretanto, o mundo voltava a assistir a nova barbárie, com mais de quatro milhões de mortos, sete milhões de refugiados e dois países destruídos.

Ressentimento sem fim

Com a eleição de um novo Presidente norte-americano, Dwight Eisenhower, no final de 1952, a prioridade passou a ser acabar com as hostilidades. A 27 de Julho de 1953, é assinado um armistício entre os comandantes militares da Coreia do Norte, da China e da coligação internacional da ONU, que instaura um regime de tréguas e estabelece uma área tampão de quatro quilómetros de largura entre as duas Coreias, conhecida como zona desmilitarizada. O texto do documento diz claramente que o objectivo do armistício é "assegurar a cessação total das hostilidades e de todos os actos das forças armadas na Coreia até que um acordo pacífico final seja alcançado". Mais de seis décadas depois, esse tratado de paz está por assinar.

A guerra que ninguém ganhou deixou um rasto de destruição e um ressentimento que parece não ter fim. O lendário general Douglas MacArthur, que foi comandante supremo das forças da coligação da ONU, descreveu o horror daquele conflito durante um depoimento no Congresso em 1951: "Penso que vi tanto sangue e desastre como qualquer homem vivo, e o meu estômago ficou revoltado da última vez que lá estive."

Para os norte-coreanos, a intervenção dos EUA não só pôs fim às aspirações de reunificação da Coreia, como é sinónimo de uma destruição impiedosa. Em três anos, a aviação norte-americana lançou 635 mil toneladas de explosivos sobre cidades da Coreia do Norte - mais do que durante as batalhas no Pacífico durante a II Guerra Mundial. Para o regime de Pyongyang, os bombardeamentos "tornaram-se numa ferramenta política para justificar um estado de emergência permanente", explicou à CNN o professor da Universidade Nacional de Pusan, Robert Kelly.

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A guerra que ninguém ganhou e que ninguém consegue terminar

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Com a capitulação japonesa em Agosto de 1945, as potências vitoriosas dividiram o território coreano de forma arbitrária - para Norte do paralelo 38.º situava-se a zona administrada pela União Soviética; para Sul, mandavam os EUA De um lado, um grupo de mulheres, algumas grávidas, outras com crianças pelo colo, encaram os seus agressores - militares com uma aparência mecanizada, empunhando engenhos que são amálgamas de armas de várias épocas, desde espadas a metralhadoras.

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Em 1980, uma multidão ocupou as ruas de Gwangju, na Coreia do Sul, pedindo o fim do governo ditatorial de Chun Doo-hwan. Para conter a população, a cidade foi fechada e os militares intervieram com violência, deixando cerca de 200 mortos.

"O Motorista de Táxi", do sul-coreano Hun Jang, conta a história de um taxista de Seul que, alheio às notícias e desesperado para pagar as contas, aceita levar a Gwangju um jornalista alemão. Juntos, os dois mostram ao mundo a brutalidade da ditadura.

Leia a crítica do filme.
​Veja salas e horários de exibição.

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Drama 'O Motorista de Táxi' retrata massacre na Coreia do Sul

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Em 1980, uma multidão ocupou as ruas de Gwangju, na Coreia do Sul, pedindo o fim do governo ditatorial de Chun Doo-hwan. Para conter a população, a cidade foi fechada e os militares intervieram com violência, deixando cerca de 200 mortos.

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Pedindo quase que uma licença poética, porque a foto me faz pensar sobre a invenção da perspectiva linear, eu usaria a foto para introduzir uma discussão sobre pontos de vista.

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Pablo Picasso
Menina com Bandolim, 1901
Óleo sobre tela
100 x 74 cm

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"Of the women, by the women, but for humanity."
Francis Willard, President, Women's Christian Temperance Movement

The Grange
Following the Civil War and into the 1870s, the Grange movement grew in the central states and emerged as the Southern Farmers Alliance in the South. First formed as a secret fraternal organization in 1867 and called the Patrons of Husbandry, the Grange movement spread quickly, fueled by farmers' concerns over high railroad shipping rates and what they saw as monopolies by middlemen, like the companies that owned grain elevators. By 1875, the national Grange membership had passed 850,000. Indiana ranked second behind Missouri in Grange membership in Mid-Central region of the US that year, with 60,298 members and 1,485 Granges, 498 for every 100,000 in agricultural population.

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"Of the women, by the women, but for humanity." Francis Willard, President, Women's Christian Temperance Movement The Grange Following the Civil War and into the 1870s, the Grange movement grew in the central states and emerged as the Southern Farmers Alliance in the South.

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As mulheres e o mundo do trabalho durante a segunda metade do século 19 e início do século 20

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Most working class women in Victorian England had no choice but to work in order to help support their families. They worked either in factories, or in domestic service for richer households or in family businesses. Many women also carried out home-based work such as finishing garments and shoes for factories, laundry, or preparation of snacks to sell in the market or streets. This was in addition to their unpaid work at home which included cooking, cleaning, child care and often keeping small animals and growing vegetables and fruit to help feed their families.

However, women's work has not always been accurately recorded within sources that historians rely on, due to much of women's work being irregular, home-based or within a family-run business. Women's work was often not included within statistics on waged work in official records, altering our perspective on the work women undertook. Often women's wages were thought of as secondary earnings and less important than men's wages even though they were crucial to the family's survival. This is why the census returns from the early years of the 19th century often show a blank space under the occupation column against women's names - even though we now have evidence from a variety of sources from the 1850s onwards that women engaged in a wide variety of waged work in the UK.

Women's occupations during the second half of the 19th and early 20th century included work in textiles and clothing factories and workshops as well as in coal and tin mines, working in commerce, and on farms. According to the 1911 census, domestic service was the largest employer of women and girls, with 28% of all employed women (1.35 million women) in England and Wales engaged in domestic service. Many women were employed in small industries like shirt making, nail making, chain making and shoe stitching. These were known as 'sweated industries' because the working hours were long and pay was very low . Factories organised work along the lines of gender - with men performing the supervisory roles and work which was categorized as 'skilled'.

Throughout most of this period women were paid less than their male counterpart working alongside them, which created great financial difficulties for working women. From the 1850s onwards, trade unions began to be established, first among better paid workers and they then expanded to represent a wider range of workers. However, women remained for the most part excluded from trade unions, and unequal pay was the norm. In many cases, women attempted to demand better rights and some were supported by social reformers.

In 1888 Clementina Black, one of the only 2 women delegates at the Women's Trades Union Council, proposed the first TUC equal pay resolution. This demand was made not on the basis of women's right to equal pay, but on the basis that their lower pay disadvantaged men in the labour market. The resolution stated that where women were "employed merely because they were cheaper, all work gradually fell into their hands, ... and that this resulted in lower (wages) to the general injury of men and women alike." But it took many decades for this demand to be supported by the wider union movement.
The majority of upper and most middle class women did not undertake paid work except for 'respectable' activities like being a governess or a music teacher or even a nurse. Most women of this class were expected just to get married and look after their children and home. Professional jobs like lawyers, vets, civil servants remained closed to women through much of the 19th century .

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Most [no-lexicon]working class[/no-lexicon] women in Victorian England had no choice but to undertake paid work in order to help support their families. Women worked in factories, in domestic service, in family businesses and carried out [no-lexicon]home-based work[/no-lexicon] such as finishing garments and shoes for factories and laundry.

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If one thing's for sure, it's that the second-wave feminists are at war with the third-wave feminists.

No, wait, the second-wavers are at war with the fourth-wave feminists.

No, it's not the second-wavers, it's the Gen X-ers.

Are we still cool with the first-wavers? Are they all racists now?

Is there actually intergenerational fighting about feminist waves? Is that a real thing?

Do we even use the wave metaphor anymore?

As the #MeToo movement barrels forward, as record numbers of women seek office, and as the Women's March drives the resistance against the Trump administration, feminism is reaching a level of cultural relevance it hasn't enjoyed in years. It's now a major object of cultural discourse - which has led to some very confusing conversations because not everyone is familiar with or agrees on the basic terminology of feminism. And one of the most basic and most confusing terms has to do with waves of feminism.

People began talking about feminism as a series of waves in 1968 when a New York Times article by Martha Weinman Lear ran under the headline " The Second Feminist Wave." "Feminism, which one might have supposed as dead as a Polish question, is again an issue," Lear wrote. "Proponents call it the Second Feminist Wave, the first having ebbed after the glorious victory of suffrage and disappeared, finally, into the sandbar of Togetherness."

The wave metaphor caught on: It became a useful way of linking the women's movement of the '60s and '70s to the women's movement of the suffragettes, and to suggest that the women's libbers weren't a bizarre historical aberration, as their detractors sneered, but a new chapter in a grand history of women fighting together for their rights. Over time, the wave metaphor became a way to describe and distinguish between different eras and generations of feminism.

It's not a perfect metaphor. "The wave metaphor tends to have built into it an important metaphorical implication that is historically misleading and not helpful politically," argued feminist historian Linda Nicholson in 2010. "That implication is that underlying certain historical differences, there is one phenomenon, feminism, that unites gender activism in the history of the United States, and that like a wave, peaks at certain times and recedes at others. In sum, the wave metaphor suggests the idea that gender activism in the history of the United States has been for the most part unified around one set of ideas, and that set of ideas can be called feminism."

The wave metaphor can be reductive. It can suggest that each wave of feminism is a monolith with a single unified agenda, when in fact the history of feminism is a history of different ideas in wild conflict.

It can reduce each wave to a stereotype and suggest that there's a sharp division between generations of feminism, when in fact there's a fairly strong continuity between each wave - and since no wave is a monolith, the theories that are fashionable in one wave are often grounded in the work that someone was doing on the sidelines of a previous wave. And the wave metaphor can suggest that mainstream feminism is the only kind of feminism there is, when feminism is full of splinter movements.

And as waves pile upon waves in feminist discourse, it's become unclear that the wave metaphor is useful for understanding where we are right now. "I don't think we are in a wave right now," gender studies scholar April Sizemore-Barber told Vox in January. "I think that now feminism is inherently intersectional feminism - we are in a place of multiple feminisms."

But the wave metaphor is also probably the best tool we have for understanding the history of feminism in the US, where it came from and how it developed. And it's become a fundamental part of how we talk about feminism - so even if we end up deciding to discard it, it's worth understanding exactly what we're discarding.

Here is an overview of the waves of feminism in the US, from the suffragettes to #MeToo. This is a broad overview, and it won't capture every nuance of the movement in each era. Think of it as a Feminism 101 explainer, here to give you a framework tounderstand the feminist conversation that's happening right now, how we got here, and where we go next.

The first wave: 1848 to 1920

People have been suggesting things along the line of "Hmmm, are women maybe human beings?" for all of history, so first-wave feminism doesn't refer to the first feminist thinkers in history. It refers to the West's first sustained political movement dedicated to achieving political equality for women: the suffragettes of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

For 70 years, the first-wavers would march, lecture, and protest, and face arrest, ridicule, and violence as they fought tooth and nail for the right to vote. As Susan B. Anthony's biographer Ida Husted Harper would put it, suffrage was the right that, once a woman had won it, "would secure to her all others."

The first wave basically begins with the Seneca Falls convention of 1848. There, almost 200 women met in a church in upstate New York to discuss "the social, civil, and religious condition and rights of women." Attendees discussed their grievances and passed a list of 12 resolutions calling for specific equal rights - including, after much debate, the right to vote.

The whole thing was organized by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, who were both active abolitionists. (They met when they were both barred from the floor of the 1840 World Anti-Slavery Convention in London; no women were allowed.)

At the time, the nascent women's movement was firmly integrated with the abolitionist movement: The leaders were all abolitionists, and Frederick Douglass spoke at the Seneca Falls Convention, arguing for women's suffrage. Women of color like Sojourner Truth, Maria Stewart, and Frances E.W. Harper were major forces in the movement, working not just for women's suffrage but for universal suffrage.

But despite the immense work of women of color for the women's movement, the movement of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony eventually established itself as a movement specifically for white women, one that used racial animus as fuel for its work.

The 15th Amendment's passage in 1870, granting black men the right to vote, became a spur that politicized white women and turned them into suffragettes. Were they truly not going to be granted the vote before former slaves were?

"If educated women are not as fit to decide who shall be the rulers of this country, as 'field hands,' then where's the use of culture, or any brain at all?" demanded one white woman who wrote in to Stanton and Anthony's newspaper, the Revolution. "One might as well have been 'born on the plantation.'" Black women were barred from some demonstrations or forced to walk behind white women in others.

Despite its racism, the women's movement developed radical goals for its members. First-wavers fought not only for white women's suffrage but also for equal opportunities to education and employment, and for the right to own property.

And as the movement developed, it began to turn to the question of reproductive rights. In 1916, Margaret Sanger opened the first birth control clinic in the US, in defiance of a New York state law that forbade the distribution of contraception. She would later go on to establish the clinic that became Planned Parenthood.

In 1920, Congress passed the 19th Amendment granting women the right to vote. (In theory, it granted the right to women of all races, but in practice, it remained difficult for black women to vote, especially in the South.)

The 19th Amendment was the grand legislative achievement of the first wave. Although individual groups continued to work - for reproductive freedom, for equality in education and employment, for voting rights for black women - the movement as a whole began to splinter. It no longer had a unified goal with strong cultural momentum behind it, and it would not find another until the second wave began to take off in the 1960s.

The second wave: 1963 to the 1980s

The second wave of feminism begins with Betty Friedan's The Feminine Mystique, which came out in 1963. There were prominent feminist thinkers before Friedan who would come to be associated with the second wave - most importantly Simone de Beauvoir, whose Second Sex came out in France in 1949 and in the US in 1953 - but The Feminine Mystique was a phenomenon. It sold 3 million copies in three years.

The Feminine Mystique rails against "the problem that has no name": the systemic sexism that taught women that their place was in the home and that if they were unhappy as housewives, it was only because they were broken and perverse. "I thought there was something wrong with me because I didn't have an orgasm waxing the kitchen floor," Friedan later quipped.

But, she argued, the fault didn't truly lie with women, but rather with the world that refused to allow them to exercise their creative and intellectual faculties. Women were right to be unhappy; they were being ripped off.

The Feminine Mystique was not revolutionary in its thinking, as many of Friedan's ideas were already being discussed by academics and feminist intellectuals. Instead, it was revolutionary in its reach. It made its way into the hands of housewives, who gave it to their friends, who passed it along through a whole chain of well-educated middle-class white women with beautiful homes and families. And it gave them permission to be angry.

And once those 3 million readers realized that they were angry, feminism once again had cultural momentum behind it. It had a unifying goal, too: not just political equality, which the first-wavers had fought for, but social equality.

"The personal is political," said the second-wavers. (The phrase cannot be traced back to any individual woman but was popularized by Carol Hanisch.) They would go on to argue that problems that seemed to be individual and petty - about sex, and relationships, and access to abortions, and domestic labor - were in fact systemic and political, and fundamental to the fight for women's equality.

So the movement won some major legislative and legal victories: The Equal Pay Act of 1963 theoretically outlawed the gender pay gap; a series of landmark Supreme Court cases through the '60s and '70s gave married and unmarried women the right to use birth control; Title IX gave women the right to educational equality; and in 1973, Roe v. Wade guaranteed women reproductive freedom.

The second wave worked on getting women the right to hold credit cards under their own names and to apply for mortgages. It worked to outlaw marital rape, to raise awareness about domestic violence and build shelters for women fleeing rape and domestic violence. It worked to name and legislate against sexual harassment in the workplace.

But perhaps just as central was the second wave's focus on changing the way society thought about women. The second wave cared deeply about the casual, systemic sexism ingrained into society - the belief that women's highest purposes were domestic and decorative, and the social standards that reinforced that belief - and in naming that sexism and ripping it apart.

The second wave cared about racism too, but it could be clumsy in working with people of color. As the women's movement developed, it was rooted in the anti-capitalist and anti-racist civil rights movements, but black women increasingly found themselves alienated from the central platforms of the mainstream women's movement.

The Feminine Mystique and its "problem that has no name" was specifically for white middle-class women: Women who had to work to support themselves experienced their oppression very differently from women who were socially discouraged from working.

Earning the right to work outside the home was not a major concern for black women, many of whom had to work outside the home anyway. And while black women and white women both advocated for reproductive freedom, black women wanted to fight not just for the right to contraception and abortions but also to stop the forced sterilization of people of color and people with disabilities, which was not a priority for the mainstream women's movement. In response, some black feminists decamped from feminism to create womanism. ("Womanist is to feminist as purple is to lavender," Alice Walker wrote in 1983.)

Even with its limited scope, second-wave feminism at its height was plenty radical enough to scare people - hence the myth of the bra burners. Despite the popular story, there was no mass burning of bras among second-wave feminists.

But women did gather together in 1968 to protest the Miss America pageant and its demeaning, patriarchal treatment of women. And as part of the protest, participants ceremoniously threw away objects that they considered to be symbols of women's objectification, including bras and copies of Playboy.

That the Miss America protest has long lingered in the popular imagination as a bra-burning, and that bra-burning has become a metonym for postwar American feminism, says a lot about the backlash to the second wave that would soon ensue.

In the 1980s, the comfortable conservatism of the Reagan era managed to successfully position second-wave feminists as humorless, hairy-legged shrews who cared only about petty bullshit like bras instead of real problems, probably to distract themselves from the loneliness of their lives, since no man would ever want a ( shudder) feminist.

"I don't think of myself as a feminist," a young woman told Susan Bolotin in 1982 for the New York Times Magazine. "Not for me, but for the guy next door that would mean that I'm a lesbian and I hate men."

Another young woman chimed in, agreeing. "Look around and you'll see some happy women, and then you'll see all these bitter, bitter women," she said. "The unhappy women are all feminists. You'll find very few happy, enthusiastic, relaxed people who are ardent supporters of feminism."

That image of feminists as angry and man-hating and lonely would become canonical as the second wave began to lose its momentum, and it continues to haunt the way we talk about feminism today. It would alsobecome foundational to the way the third wave would position itself as it emerged.

The third wave: 1991(?) to ????

It is almost impossible to talk with any clarity about the third wave because few people agree on exactly what the third wave is, when it started, or if it's still going on. "The confusion surrounding what constitutes third wave feminism," writes feminist scholar Elizabeth Evans, "is in some respects its defining feature."

But generally, the beginning of the third wave is pegged to two things: the Anita Hill case in 1991, and the emergence of the riot grrrl groups in the music scene of the early 1990s.

In 1991, Anita Hill testified before the Senate Judiciary Committee that Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas had sexually harassed her at work. Thomas made his way to the Supreme Court anyway, but Hill's testimony sparked an avalanche of sexual harassment complaints, in much the same way that last fall's Harvey Weinstein accusations were followed by a litany of sexual misconduct accusations against other powerful men.

And Congress's decision to send Thomas to the Supreme Court despite Hill's testimony led to a national conversation about the overrepresentation of men in national leadership roles. The following year, 1992, would be dubbed " the Year of the Woman " after 24 women won seats in the House of Representatives and three more won seats in the Senate.

And for the young women watching the Anita Hill case in real time, it would become an awakening. "I am not a postfeminism feminist," declared Rebecca Walker (Alice Walker's daughter) for Ms. after watching Thomas get sworn into the Supreme Court. "I am the Third Wave."

Early third-wave activism tended to involve fighting against workplace sexual harassment and working to increase the number of women in positions of power. Intellectually, it was rooted in the work of theorists of the '80s: Kimberlé Crenshaw, a scholar of gender and critical race theory who coined the term intersectionality to describe the ways in which different forms of oppression intersect; and Judith Butler, who argued that gender and sex are separate and that gender is performative. Crenshaw and Butler's combined influence would become foundational to the third wave's embrace of the fight for trans rights as a fundamental part of intersectional feminism.

Aesthetically, the third wave is deeply influenced by the rise of the riot grrrls, the girl groups who stomped their Doc Martens onto the music scene in the 1990s.

"BECAUSE doing/reading/seeing/hearing cool things that validate and challenge us can help us gain the strength and sense of community that we need in order to figure out how bullshit like racism, able-bodieism, ageism, speciesism, classism, thinism, sexism, anti-semitism and heterosexism figures in our own lives," wrote Bikini Kill lead singer Kathleen Hanna in the Riot Grrrl Manifesto in 1991. "BECAUSE we are angry at a society that tells us Girl = Dumb, Girl = Bad, Girl = Weak."

The word girl here points to one of the major differences between second- and third-wave feminism. Second-wavers fought to be called women rather than girls: They weren't children, they were fully grown adults, and they demanded to be treated with according dignity. There should be no more college girls or coeds: only college women, learning alongside college men.

But third-wavers liked being girls. They embraced the word; they wanted to make it empowering, even threatening - hence grrrl. And as it developed, that trend would continue: The third wave would go on to embrace all kinds of ideas and language and aesthetics that the second wave had worked to reject: makeup and high heels and high-femme girliness.

In part, the third-wave embrace of girliness was a response to the anti-feminist backlash of the 1980s, the one that said the second-wavers were shrill, hairy, and unfeminine and that no man would ever want them. And in part, it was born out of a belief that the rejection of girliness was in itself misogynistic: girliness, third-wavers argued, was not inherently less valuable than masculinity or androgyny.

And it was rooted in a growing belief that effective feminism had to recognize both the dangers and the pleasures of the patriarchal structures that create the beauty standard and that it was pointless to punish and censure individual women for doing things that brought them pleasure.

Third-wave feminism had an entirely different way of talking and thinking than the second wave did - but it also lacked the strong cultural momentum that was behind the grand achievements of the second wave. (Even the Year of Women turned out to be a blip, as the number of women entering national politics plateaued rapidly after 1992.)

The third wave was a diffuse movement without a central goal, and as such, there's no single piece of legislation or major social change that belongs to the third wave the way the 19th Amendment belongs to the first wave or Roe v. Wade belongs to the second.

Depending on how you count the waves, that might be changing now, as the #MeToo moment develops with no signs of stopping - or we might be kicking off an entirely new wave.

The present day: a fourth wave?

Feminists have been anticipating the arrival of a fourth wave since at least 1986, when a letter writer to the Wilson Quarterly opined that the fourth wave was already building. Internet trolls actually tried to launch their own fourth wave in 2014, planning to create a "pro-sexualization, pro-skinny, anti-fat" feminist movement that the third wave would revile, ultimately miring the entire feminist community in bloody civil war. (It didn't work out.)

But over the past few years, as #MeToo and Time's Up pick up momentum, the Women's March floods Washington with pussy hats every year, and a record number of women prepare to run for office, it's beginning to seem that the long-heralded fourth wave might actually be here.

While a lot of media coverage of #MeToo describes it as a movement dominated by third-wave feminism, it actually seems to be centered in a movement that lacks the characteristic diffusion of the third wave. It feels different.

"Maybe the fourth wave is online," said feminist Jessica Valenti in 2009, and that's come to be one of the major ideas of fourth-wave feminism. Online is where activists meet and plan their activism, and it's where feminist discourse and debate takes place. Sometimes fourth-wave activism can even take place on the internet (the "#MeToo" tweets), and sometimes it takes place on the streets (the Women's March), but it's conceived and propagated online.

As such, the fourth wave's beginnings are often loosely pegged to around 2008, when Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube were firmly entrenched in the cultural fabric and feminist blogs like Jezebel and Feministing were spreading across the web. By 2013, the idea that we had entered a fourth wave was widespread enough that it was getting written up in the Guardian. "What's happening now feels like something new again," wrote Kira Cochrane.

Currently, the fourth-wavers are driving the movement behind #MeToo and Time's Up, but in previous years they were responsible for the cultural impact of projects like Emma Sulkowicz's Mattress Performance (Carry That Weight), in which a rape victim at Columbia University committed to carrying their mattress around campus until the university expelled their rapist.

The trending hashtag #YesAllWomen after the UC Santa Barbara shooting was a fourth-wave campaign, and so was the trending hashtag #StandWithWendy when Wendy Davis filibustered a Texas abortion law. Arguably, the SlutWalks that began in 2011 - in protest of the idea that the way to prevent rape is for women to "stop dressing like sluts" - are fourth-wave campaigns.

Like all of feminism, the fourth wave is not a monolith. It means different things to different people. But these tentpole positions that Bustle identified as belonging to fourth-wave feminism in 2015 do tend to hold true for a lot of fourth-wavers; namely, that fourth-wave feminism is queer, sex-positive, trans-inclusive, body-positive, and digitally driven. (Bustle also claims that fourth-wave feminism is anti-misandry, but given the glee with which fourth-wavers across the internet riff on ironic misandry, that may be more prescriptivist than descriptivist on their part.)

And now the fourth wave has begun to hold our culture's most powerful men accountable for their behavior. It has begun a radical critique of the systems of power that allow predators to target women with impunity.

So is there a generational war between feminists?

As the fourth wave begins to establish itself, and as #MeToo goes on, we've begun to develop a narrative that says the fourth wave's biggest obstacles are its predecessors - the feminists of the second wave.

"The backlash to #MeToo is indeed here," wrote Jezebel's Stassa Edwards in January, "and it's liberal second-wave feminism."

Writing with a lot less nuance, Katie Way, the reporter who broke the Aziz Ansari story, smeared one of her critics as a "burgundy-lipstick, bad-highlights, second-wave-feminist has-been."

And there certainly are second-wave feminists pushing a #MeToo backlash. "If you spread your legs because he said 'be nice to me and I'll give you a job in a movie' then I'm afraid that's tantamount to consent," second-wave feminist icon Germaine Greer remarked as the accusations about Weinstein mounted, "and it's too late now to start whingeing about that." (Greer, who has also said on the record that she doesn't believe trans women are "real women," has become something of a poster child for the worst impulses of the second wave. Die a hero or live long enough to become a villain, etc.)

But some of the most prominent voices speaking out against #MeToo, like Katie Roiphe and Bari Weiss, are too young to have been part of the second wave. Roiphe is a Gen X-er who was pushing back against both the second and the third waves in the 1990s and has managed to stick around long enough to push back against the fourth wave today. Weiss, 33, is a millennial. Other prominent #MeToo critics, like Caitlin Flanagan and Daphne Merkin, are old enough to have been around for the second wave but have always been on the conservative end of the spectrum.

"In the 1990s and 2000s, second-wavers were cast as the shrill, militant, man-hating mothers and grandmothers who got in the way of their daughters' sexual liberation. Now they're the dull, hidebound relics who are too timid to push for the real revolution," writes Sady Doyle at Elle. "And of course, while young women have been telling their forebears to shut up and fade into the sunset, older women have been stereotyping and slamming younger activists as feather-headed, boy-crazy pseudo-feminists who squander their mothers' feminist gains by taking them for granted."

It is not particularly useful to think of the #MeToo debates as a war between generations of feminists - or, more creepily, as some sort of Freudian Electra complex in action. And the data from our polling shows that these supposed generational gaps largely don't exist. It is perhaps more useful to think of it as part of what has always been the history of feminism: passionate disagreement between different schools of thought, which history will later smooth out into a single overarching "wave" of discourse (if the wave metaphor holds on that long).

The history of feminism is filled with radicals and progressives and liberals and centrists. It's filled with splinter movements and reactionary counter-movements. That's part of what it means to be both an intellectual tradition and a social movement, and right now feminism is functioning as both with a gorgeous and monumental vitality. Rather than devouring their own, feminists should recognize the enormous work that each wave has done for the movement, and get ready to keep doing more work.

After all, the past is past. We're in the middle of the third wave now.

Or is it the fourth?

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The waves of feminism, and why people keep fighting over them, explained

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If you have no idea which wave of feminism we're in right now, read this.

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Introduzir a cor lilás a partir do livro The Secret Lives of Color

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Learn the reasons why suffragists used the colors purple, white and gold to represent their movement.

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Caspar David Friedrich
Caminhante sobre o mar de névoa,
1818
Óleo sobre tela
98 x 74 cm

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Édouard Manet

Boy Blowing Bubbles, 1867

Óleo sobre tela

100.5 x 81.4 cm

Museu Calouste Gulbenkian

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A pintura retrata Léon Koelin-Leenhoff, enteado de Manet com seus 15 anos de idade (à época), que é uma figura recorrente no trabalho do artista por um período de vários anos. Manet costumava usar posicionamento, isolamento e forte contraste de formas de fundo negativo com formas positivas e valores claros contra valores escuros para ênfase em composições de figura única. O pintor francês do século 18, Jean-Siméon Chardin, tem uma quadro igualmente impressionante com o mesmo título, que pode ser colocado lado a lado com o quadro de Manet, para que os alunos façam comparações. As bolhas de sabão ganharam popularidade a partir do século 17, e têm sido usadas como uma metáfora para a transitoriedade e fragilidade da vida desde então. As Bolhas de Sabão é uma pintura realista. O realismo começou na França na década de 1840. Os realistas retrataram assuntos e situações cotidianas com verdade e precisão, recusando-se a retratar eventos ou sujeitos de forma heróica ou sentimental.

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Lessons with Laurie - Blowing Bubbles and Geometry

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Bubbles! We all know how fascinating they are, evoking happy memories of blowing and chasing the mystical orbs with our friends. A bubble's fragile nature, beautiful rainbow colors, and ability to soar through the sky make them universally fascinating among kids.

What's the science behind (or inside) a bubble? Bubbles provide the opportunity to study science concepts such as elasticity, surface tension, chemistry, light, and even geometry. Your students can engage in processes such as observation, experimentation, investigation, and discovery, simply by studying bubbles.

For starters, here is a fun demonstration that you can perform as you explain some of the science of bubbles for kids. Follow the recipe at the end of this article to make some super strong bubbles for your act. Wearing a clown suit is optional.
Blow a bubble, get a few laughs. Then talk about what makes a bubble.
A bubble is just air wrapped in soap film. Soap film is made from soap and water (or other liquid). The outside and inside surfaces of a bubble consist of soap molecules. A thin layer of water lies between the two layers of soap molecules, sort of like a water sandwich with soap molecules for bread. They work together to hold air inside.
Create a bubble that stretches out using a large wand (that you can make from a piece of wire). Whoosh it through the air so that the bubble follows and grows behind it. Then, with great drama, let the bubble go. Give the students a chance to note what happens to it before it pops.
Why is a bubble round? Bubbles can stretch and become all kinds of crazy looking shapes. But if you seal a bubble by flipping it off your wand, the tension in the bubble skin shrinks to the smallest possible shape for the volume of air it contains. That's why even if it had a goofy shape before you sealed it, once sealed shut, the bubble will shrink into a sphere shape. Compared to any other shape, a sphere has the smallest surface area for the amount of volume.
Blow several bubbles and have the students blow and fan them to keep them from landing. The object here is to watch them pop without obvious interference. And it's a bit of fun for everyone.
Why do bubbles pop? Other than being poked or landing on something sharp, bubbles pop when the water between the soap film surfaces evaporates. To note, when it's cold, those molecules take longer to leave. If you blow a bubble on a calm winter day, a bubble can even freeze and last for several minutes before it wisps away.

Also, the colder the outside temperature is, the higher a bubble might fly. That's because the warm air from your breath is lighter than cold air.
Blow more bubbles and ask a few students to study them close-up. What do they see? Is a bubble really transparent, or do bubbles have colors? Can they see their faces in the bubbles?
A bubble gets its color from light waves reflecting between the soap film's outer and inner surfaces. The distance between the layers gets smaller as the water evaporates, making the colors change. Bubbles can also reflect what's around them, like the faces peering at them.
Blow several bubbles with a straw so that you have a three of them stuck together - this might take practice!
Why do bubbles stick together? Since a bubble tends to minimize its surface area, bubbles will join together to share one common wall. Three bubbles will meet at the center, always at an angle of 120 degrees.
This is not as easy to set up, but not that difficult and a very cool experiment: use two sheets of clear plastic that are about a half inch apart. You could put one sheet on a table and prop up the second with thin blocks. Soak the sheets in a bubble solution, place them, and then blow bubbles between them.
When bubbles are about the same size, they form perfect hexagons. Bees do the same thing when they build a beehive. Bees, like bubbles, are also very efficient with their spaces. They use the minimum amount of wax to create their spaces.
Your Grand Finale: Set the lid of the bubble container on a table and fill it with bubble solution. Dip a straw into the container so it is moistened by the solution, and blow a bubble on the lid. Then draw out the straw. Magic! Next, dip the pointed ends of a pair of scissors in the solution. Poke them through the wall of your bubble. Let the kids try poking other stuff that has been moistened in the solution, even their fingers. You can then poke your straw back inside the bubble and blow another bubble. By now, you should be super awesome in their minds.
Why didn't the bubble pop? The bubble just wraps itself around anything that is wet, filling in the hole that would have been made.

There is a lot more to know about bubbles. Hopefully your amazing demonstration will get your students interested in learning more about the science of bubbles!
The formula for awesome bubbles:
1 cup liquid dish soap like Joy or Dawn (not "ultra")

6 cups distilled water inside a clean container that has a lid

1 tablespoon glycerin OR 1/4 cup light corn syrup

Pour the dish soap into the water and mix it without letting bubbles form (that's for later!). Put the glycerin or corn syrup into the mix and stir. You can use it right away, but some bubble-lovers recommend covering and letting the bubble mix sit overnight.

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The Science Behind Bubbles - Kids Discover

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Bubbles! We all know how fascinating they are, evoking happy memories of blowing and chasing the mystical orbs with our friends. A bubble's fragile nature, beautiful rainbow colors, and ability to soar through the sky make them universally fascinating among kids. What's the science behind (or inside) a bubble?

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In this demonstration students learn what causes bubbles to pop and what they can do to increase the longevity of their bubbles.
Why bubbles pop

The film of soapy water that forms the 'skin' of a bubble has a structure like a sandwich. Two layers of soap molecules (the "bread") sandwich a "filling" of water.

A bubble will stay a bubble as long as its water "filling" is trapped between the layers of soap. It will pop when that water is lost in some way. There are a few different ways that a bubble can lose its water and pop:

When you make bubbles in the sun, or in a place with very dry air, they evaporate quickly.

In the wind, bubbles are much more difficult to create and will be popped by puffs of air.

If a bubble touches a dry finger, it pops because the water molecules are attracted to your dry skin.

Increasing bubble life expectancy
Here are some recommendations for the best conditions for making bubbles:

Avoid bright sunlight: play in shady areas, in the early morning, or just after sunset.

Avoid the wind: choose a calm day or a sheltered location.

Choose a damp day. Immediately after a rainstorm is ideal.

Move to where your bubbles don't run into dry objects.

Add glycerine to the bubble solution to make your bubbles last longer. Glycerine is hydroscopic, which means that it attracts water, so the bubbles evaporate more slowly.

Keep your hands and bubble tools really wet with bubble solution.

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In this demonstration students learn what causes bubbles to pop and what they can do to increase the longevity of their bubbles. Why bubbles pop The film of soapy water that forms the 'skin' of a bubble has a structure like a sandwich. Two layers of soap molecules (the "bread") sandwich a "filling" of water.

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Lady [Emilia Francis Strong] Dilke. French Painters of the XVIIIth Century. London, 1899, pp. 114-15, notes that according to Mariette, Chardin's first genre subject was a "Youth blowing soap-bubbles," that "a very beautiful original" of this subject is in the collection of Jacques Doucet, and that the Goncourt brothers were familiar with another belonging to Monsieur Laperlier.

Lady [Emilia Francis Strong] Dilke. "Chardin et ses oeuvres à Potsdam et à Stockholm (premiér article)." Gazette des beaux-arts 22 (1899), pp. 181-82, ill. opp. p. 180 (engraving of our version by Henri Lefort).

Edmond de Goncourt and Jules de Goncourt. L'art du dix-huitième siècle. definitive ed. Paris, 1906, vol. 1, p. 157.

Armand Dayot and Jean Guiffrey. J.-B Siméon Chardin avec un catalogue complet de l'oeuvre du maître. Paris, 1907, pp. 44, 46, 75, 90, no. 113, ill., identify the Doucet picture as the work exhibited at the 1739 Salon and engraved by Filloeul and Lefort, but claim that the version belonging to Trouard is with Monsieur David Weill.

Armand Dayot and Léandre Vaillat. L'oeuvre de J.-B.-S. Chardin et de J.-H. Fragonard. Paris, [1908], p. iv, catalogue a version belonging to Mme Simpson and note that Doucet owns a repetition "en hauteur".

Herbert E. A. Furst. Chardin. London, 1911, p. 124.

[Émile Dacier]. "La collection Jacques Doucet." Revue de l'art ancien et moderne 31 (1912), p. 337, ill. p. 323.

Collection Jacques Doucet, deuxième partie: Catalogue des sculptures & tableaux du XVIIIe siècle. Galerie Georges Petit, Paris. June 6, 1912, p. 37, no. 136, ill., identifies this picture and the "House of Cards," sold as no. 135, as from the Trouard sale; records "à titre de curiosité" the verses on the Filloeul engraving, in which the ephemeral nature of soap bubbles is compared to the variability of a woman's love.

Gabriel Henriot. Collection David Weill. Vol. 1, Peintures. Paris, 1926, pp. 25-27, ill., comments on the difficulty of determining which of the variants was exhibited at the Salon of 1739 and believes David Weill's picture was probably in the Trouard sale.

Paul Jamot. "French Painting-I." Burlington Magazine 59 (December 1931), ill. p. 309.

Georges Wildenstein. Chardin. Paris, 1933, pp. 167-68, no. 135, fig. 20, catalogues six variants of the "Bouteilles de Savon," and considers ours to be the pendant to the House of Cards (no. 144, Oskar Reinhart collection, Winterthur) formerly in the Doucet collection.

Répertoire des biens spoliés en France durant la guerre 1939-1945. Vol. 2, Tableaux, tapisseries, et sculptures. [Berlin], [1947], p. 165, no. 3687, as in the possession of the Mannheimer heirs.

Francis Jourdain. Chardin, 1699-1779. Paris, 1949, fig. 30.

"Chardin and Steiglitz Collection Go to Met." Art Digest 23 (July 1, 1949), p. 11, ill.

Theodore Rousseau Jr. "A Boy Blowing Bubbles by Chardin." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 8 (April 1950), pp. 221-27, ill. p. 222 and on cover (color detail), reproduces Filloeul's engraving after a "lost version" exhibited at the Salon of 1739; mentions others in the National Gallery of Art, Washington, and the William Rockhill Nelson Gallery, Kansas City.

Fritz Neugass. "Chardin: 'Der Junge mit der Seifenblase' (Ausschnitt)." Weltkunst 21 (March 15, 1951), p. 2, ill. (cover).

Art Treasures of the Metropolitan: A Selection from the European and Asiatic Collections of The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Exh. cat., The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, 1952, p. 231, no. 130, colorpl. 130.

Josephine L. Allen and Elizabeth E. Gardner. A Concise Catalogue of the European Paintings in The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, 1954, p. 18.

Theodore Rousseau Jr. "A Guide to the Picture Galleries." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 12, part 2 (January 1954), pp. 5, 39, ill.

Charles Sterling. The Metropolitan Museum of Art: A Catalogue of French Paintings. Vol. 1, XV-XVIII Centuries. Cambridge, Mass., 1955, pp. 126-27, ill.

A. Hyatt Mayor. "The Gifts that Made the Museum." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 16 (November 1957), p. 86.

Colin Eisler. "A Chardin in the Grand Manner." Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 18 (February 1960), p. 207, ill. p. 206.

Georges Wildenstein. Chardin. Zürich, 1963, pp. 150, 182, no. 75, fig. 35, suggests identifying this painting with "L'Enfant qui fait des bulles de savon," in the collection of Mme de Verrue in 1737; dates the MMA, Washington, and Kansas City pictures about 1731-33.

Georges Wildenstein. Chardin. Ed. Daniel Wildenstein. revised and enlarged ed. Greenwich, Conn., 1969, pp. 158, 190, no. 75, fig. 35.

George Mauner. Manet, Peintre-Philosophe: A Study of the Painter's Themes. University Park, Pa., 1975, pp. 134-35, fig. 78, describes Chardin's handling of this subject as "free of overt philosophical references".

Ronald Paulson. Emblem and Expression: Meaning in English Art of the Eighteenth Century. Cambridge, Mass., 1975, p. 106, ill.

Pierre Rosenberg. Chardin: 1699-1779. Exh. cat., Cleveland Museum of Art. Cleveland, 1979, pp. 76-77, 205-6, 208-10, no. 61, ill., dates it 1735, later than the version in Washington, which may not be the picture Mariette described in 1749 as Chardin's first genre painting; calls it probably the Trouard picture, but rejects identification of its pendant with the "House of Cards" in the Reinhart collection; mentions a version on the art market in New York; remarks that Chardin undertakes for the first time here the theme of early adolescence.

Howard Hibbard. The Metropolitan Museum of Art. New York, 1980, pp. 361, 367, fig. 665 (color).

Albert Boime. Thomas Couture and the Eclectic Vision. New Haven, 1980, pp. 337-38, ill.

Norman Bryson. Word and Image: French Painting of the Ancien Régime. Cambridge, 1981, pp. 112-14, ill., notes that although many of the motifs in Chardin's genre subjects-the spinning top, the soap bubbles, the house of cards-are emblematic, their meaning in his paintings is always understated or ambiguous.

Eric M. Zafran. The Rococo Age: French Masterpieces of the Eighteenth Century. Exh. cat., High Museum of Art. Atlanta, 1983, pp. 102, 113-14, no. 47, ill. (color).

Pierre Rosenberg. L'opera completa di Chardin. Milan, 1983, pp. 91-92, no. 97, ill. p. 91 and colorpl. 17, publishes the three autograph versions and a copy of the first version, presumed lost.

Jean-Luc Bordeaux in The Rococo Age: French Masterpieces of the Eighteenth Century. Exh. cat., High Museum of Art. Atlanta, 1983, p. 15.

Joseph Baillio. "French Rococo Painting: A Notable Exhibition in Atlanta." Apollo 119 (January 1984), p. 17.

Philip Conisbee in Masterpiece in Focus: Soap Bubbles by Jean-Siméon Chardin. Exh. cat., Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Los Angeles, 1990, pp. 5-22, figs. 2, 27 (color), observes that none of the three autograph paintings shows any changes and concludes that all are based on a lost first version shown at the Salon of 1739; judging from the rich impasto and brushwork of the MMA painting, suggests that it follows Chardin's first version most directly; observes that in ways, "variously iconographic and formal, Chardin rethinks the traditional northern genre subject and invests the everyday with a hint of darker, more serious truths"; states that x-radiographs of the MMA version reveal "that it may have been cut substantially along the top and bottom" and also trimmed about one inch on the right.

Joseph Fronek in Masterpiece in Focus: Soap Bubbles by Jean-Siméon Chardin. Exh. cat., Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Los Angeles, 1990, pp. 23-25.

Philip Conisbee in The Ahmanson Gifts: European Masterpieces in the Collection of the Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Los Angeles, 1991, pp. 60-61, fig. 13a.

Marcia Kupfer. Soap Bubbles of Jean-Siméon Chardin. Exh. cat., National Gallery of Art. Washington, 1991, unpaginated brochure, figs. 1 (color), 9 (x-ray).

René Démoris. Chardin, la chair et l'objet. Paris, 1991, pp. 70, 84-87, 99-101, 153, fig. 11.

Michael Kimmelman. "Sharp Focus on an Unwavering Gaze." New York Times (March 17, 1991), p. H 35.

Deborah Krohn et al. in From El Greco to Cézanne: Masterpieces of European Painting from the National Gallery of Art, Washington, and The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. Exh. cat., National Gallery Alexandros Soutzos Museum. Athens, 1992, pp. 16, 308, no. 30, ill. (color) [catalogue section unpaginated].

Marianne Roland Michel. Chardin. Paris, 1994, p. 35 n. 35, pp. 66, 193, 233 nn. 14-15 [English ed., New York, 1996].

Katharine Baetjer. European Paintings in The Metropolitan Museum of Art by Artists Born Before 1865: A Summary Catalogue. New York, 1995, p. 372, ill.

Pierre Rosenberg in Chardin. Paris, 1999, pp. 234-35, no. 98, ill.

Pierre Rosenberg. Chardin. Exh. cat., Royal Academy of Arts. London, 2000, pp. 174, 190, 208-10, no. 42, ill. (color), agrees that the three extant versions should be dated 1734, and that the version engraved by Pierre Filloeul in 1739 and exhibited in the Salon has been lost; believes the "Woman Sealing a Letter" (Schloss Charlottenburg, Berlin, dated 1733) is Chardin's first genre painting, and that the young man who is the model for "Soap Bubbles" appears in the Berlin picture.

Frédéric Ogée. "Chardin's Time: Reflections on the Tercentenary Exhibition and Twenty Years of Scholarship." Eighteenth-Century Studies 33 (Spring 2000), p. 435.

Andrea Kirsh and Rustin S. Levenson. Seeing Through Paintings: Physical Examination in Art Historical Studies. New Haven, 2000, pp. 194-96, 279 n. 63, fig. 206.

James D. Herbert. "A Picture of Chardin's Making." Eighteenth-Century Studies 34 (Winter 2001), pp. 252-74.

Philip Conisbee in The Age of Watteau, Chardin, and Fragonard: Masterpieces of French Genre Painting. Ed. Colin B. Bailey. Exh. cat., National Gallery of Canada, Ottawa. New Haven, 2003, p. 184.

Antoine Salomon and Guy Cogeval. Vuillard: The Inexhaustible Glance. Critical Catalogue of Paintings and Pastels. Milan, 2003, vol. 3, p. 1424, under no. XI-229, ill. (color, Vuillard's painting), mention that it is among pictures in the background of Vuillard's 1925 portrait of David David-Weill (private collection).

Joseph Baillio et al. The Arts of France from François Ier to Napoléon Ier. Exh. cat., Wildenstein & Co., Inc. New York, [2005], pp. 54, 72, no. 30, ill., date it about 1731.

Christoph Martin Vogtherr in Boucher & Chardin: Masters of Modern Manners. Ed. Anne Dulau. Exh. cat., Wallace Collection, London. Glasgow, 2008, p. 30.

Philip Conisbee in French Paintings of the Fifteenth through the Eighteenth Century. Washington, 2009, pp. 65, 67-68 n. 8, fig. 1, under no. 12.

Eik Kahng. "La fin de l'émulation et la tyrannie du motif: De la copie à la série dans la peinture française de Chardin à Matisse." De main de maître: L'artiste et le faux. Paris, 2009, pp. 239-40, 242, 258 n. 2, fig. 66.

Jennifer Helvey. Irises: Vincent van Gogh in the Garden. Los Angeles, 2009, p. 174.

Pierre Rosenberg in Chardin: il pittore del silenzio. Ed. Pierre Rosenberg. Exh. cat., Palazzo dei Diamanti. Ferrara, 2010, pp. 130-31, 160, no. 30, ill. p. 133 (color) [Spanish ed., "Chardin, 1699-1779," Madrid, 2011, pp. 134-35, 137-38, 171, no. 30, ill. (color)].

Ewa Lajer-Burcharth. Chardin Material. Berlin, 2011, p. 10 n. 4, p. 20 n. 19.

Juliet Carey. Taking Time: Chardin's "Boy Building a House of Cards" and Other Paintings. Exh. cat., Waddesdon Manor, Buckinghamshire. London, 2012, p. 108, fig. 55 (color).

Mikkel Bogh. Closer: Intimacies in Art, 1730-1930. Exh. cat., Statens Museum for Kunst. Copenhagen, 2016, pp. 113-18, 287, ill. (color), sees the boy blowing the bubble as Chardin himself, "defying material necessities, defying the passage of time, defying inattention, defying the potential interruption from the younger child in order to immerse himself fully in forming this bubble," which he interprets as not only representing the transience of life but also as a metaphor for the work of the painter "to create . . . an entire miniature world of exalted moral significance".

Kathryn Calley Galitz. The Metropolitan Museum of Art: Masterpiece Paintings. New York, 2016, p. 297, no. 276, ill. pp. 261, 297 (color).

Yuriko Jackall in America Collects Eighteenth-Century French Painting. Exh. cat., National Gallery of Art. Washington, 2017, pp. 296-97, reproduces a 1925 portrait by Vuillard of David David-Weill that includes this painting among those hanging on the wall behind him (p. 298, fig. 12; private collection).

Sophie Mouquin. Versailles en ses marbres: Politique royale et marbriers du roi. Paris, 2018, p. 199, fig. 216 (color).

Katharine Baetjer. French Paintings in The Metropolitan Museum of Art from the Early Eighteenth Century through the Revolution. New York, 2019, pp. 127-30, no. 33, ill. (color).

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Jean Siméon Chardin | Soap Bubbles | The Metropolitan Museum of Art

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Lady [Emilia Francis Strong] Dilke. French Painters of the XVIIIth Century. London, 1899, pp. 114-15, notes that according to Mariette, Chardin's first genre subject was a "Youth blowing soap-bubbles," that "a very beautiful original" of this subject is in the collection of Jacques Doucet, and that the Goncourt brothers were familiar with another belonging to Monsieur Laperlier.

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Saverio della Gatta

Atores da Commedia Dell'Arte, 1827

Caneta, tinta preta e aquarela sobre papel

11.8 × 18.1 cm

Smithsonian Design Museum

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Cooper Hewitt, Smithsonian Design Museum

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Drawing, Water color; Performers of a Commedia dell'Arte, 1827

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Horizontal rectangle. Pulcinella carrying a horn in his right hand and pointing with the left forefinger upon someone, stands upon a podium in front of the corner of a structure in the neighborhood of the Castel Nuovo in Naples. Beside him stands a girl in the attire of a page of the later 16th century and playing violin.

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A Commedia dell'Arte, que se traduz como "teatro profissional", começou na Itália no início do século 16 e se espalhou rapidamente pela Europa, influenciando de Shakespeare, às sitcoms americanas e o teatro de improviso. As apresentações aconteciam em palcos temporários, principalmente nas ruas. As melhores trupes - a título de bom exemplo os Gelosi, os Confidenti e od Fedeli - se apresentavam em palácios e se tornaram internacionalmente famosas quando viajaram para o exterior. Música, dança, diálogos espirituosos e todos os tipos de truques contribuíam para os efeitos cômicos. Independentemente da região, il Capitano geralmente falava em espanhol, il Dottore em bolonhês e l'Arlecchino em língua inventada. O foco era colocado nos gestos, ao invés de um texto falado. O talento ímpar dos atores da comédia era o improviso em torno de um cenário pré-estabelecido. Ao longo do ato, eles respondiam um ao outro, ou à reação do público, e faziam uso de lazzi (rotinas especiais ensaiadas que poderiam ser inseridas nas peças em pontos convenientes para aumentar a comédia), números musicais e diálogos improvisados para variar o acontecimentos no palco.

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Whose Line - Press Conference - Queen of England

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Whose Line Is It Anyway? ran in the UK, USA, and Australia, as well as a later USA revival. Almost every improviser's first experience of performance is something from this classic list of games. Hivemind are no different! But we discovered that, though there's many-a list of games out there, there doesn't seem to be a single list of Whose Line Is It Anyway games PDF format for easy download and use in an improv class. We thought we'd fix this with a definitive list of Whose Line Is It Anyway games, PDF and ready to print, for you to bring to your next workshop or show. Enjoy!

Watch out - this compendium only describes each game. It doesn't teach you how to improvise. However, we offer a step-by-step online beginners' improv course, that introduces the basic skills of improv together with games designed to hone each skill. You can find it right here.

Hivemind also provides corporate improv training, online and in person. If you're new to improv, or are looking for hilarious teambuilding workshops, check out what we offer here.

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Whose Line Is It Anyway games - Hivemind

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Whose Line Is It Anyway? ran in the UK, USA, and Australia, as well as a later USA revival. Almost every improviser's first experience of performance is something from this classic list of games. Hivemind are no different!

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Jaleel White as Steve Urkel in Family Matters. Source: (zap2it.com)

Commedia Dell'Arte was a form of improvisational theatre which relied heavily on stock characters and pre-established scenarios. While it was popular mostly from the 16th to 18th centuries, its influence can still be found in popular culture, including television show characters of the 20th and 21st centuries.

Arlecchino, also known as Harlequin, is one of the comedic servant characters known as Zanni. Their most prominent characteristics were their brightly colored costumes (usually checkered) and physical antics. While often portrayed as creative tricksters, they could also appear as bumbling sidekicks. Their modern counterparts may not be servants but will still be socially inferior to the other characters. They are usually not the main character but have big personalities which tend to steal the show. Steve Urkel from Family Matters is one of the best examples of an Arlecchino in modern(ish) television due to his physical comedy and social ineptitude. Other examples include Samuel "Screech" Powers from Saved by the Bell, Cody Lambert from Step by Step, and Dez from Austin & Ally.

Debby Ryan in Jessie. Source: (pinterest.com)

In Commedia dell'Arte, Columbina is often the mistress of Arlecchino. She is a female servant, known to be mischievous and often clever. In modern television, they may not always appear as servants, but they do tend to be maids or nannies. Modern Columbina characters often double as the female lead, but they can also be found functioning as the comedic interlude. The title character of Jessie, a young woman who works as a nanny for a wealthy family, is an example of a Columbina who is also a lead character. Other Columbinas in television include Alice from The Brady Bunch, Florence from The Jeffersons, and Fran from The Nanny.

Hugh Laurie as Dr. Gregory House in House, M.D. Source: (worldwideinterweb.com)

Ill Dottore, aka The Doctor, is one of the old men, called the Vecchi. He is characterized as a lover of food, drink, and women. While not always an actual doctor, he is generally educated or at least pretends to be. The other characters frequently find him boring. He is often the head of the household, usually the father of the inamorata (female young lover). Their modern counterparts are often employers or mentors of the main characters. The title character from House M.D., who was addicted to pain pills and often bragged about downloading porn from the internet, resembles the doctor of Commedia dell'Arte. Other modern characters that fit this type include Jerry Russo from Wizards of Waverly Place, Al Calavicci from Quantum Leap, and the many adaptations of Sherlock Holmes.

Jim Parsons as Sheldon Cooper in The Big Bang Theory. Source: (pinterest.com)

Il Capitano, aka The Captain, is another member of the Vecchi. He is known for being simultaneously boastful and cowardly and is known for having a rigid posture with straight back and chest forward. His attempts at impressing others often fall short of their mark and only succeed in elevating his own opinion of himself. They are often completely unaware that others do not hold them in as high regard as they hold themselves. This personality type can be used to describe Sheldon Cooper from The Big Bang Theory, who frequently brags about his academic accomplishments while looking down upon the achievements of others and, at the same time, he is terrified of birds and dogs. Other examples of captains in modern television include Lemon Breland from Hart of Dixie, Frasier Crane from Frasier, and Carlton Lassiter from Psych.

Eugene Krabs in SpongeBob SquarePants. Source: (pinterest.com)

Pantalone is another member of the Vecchi and is considered to be an old fool. His defining characteristic is his greed, as well as his uncaring treatment of the other characters. In the master/servant dynamic, he is the master. He is similar in personality to Ebenezer Scrooge of Charles Dickins' A Christmas Carol. A modern example of Pantalone is Eugene Krabs from SpongeBob who is obsessed with money and is known for underpaying his employees while expecting them to work long hours. Other examples of Pantalone in television are George Jefferson of The Jeffersons, Mr. Drysdale of The Beverly Hillbillies, and J.R. Ewing from Dallas.

David Schwimmer as Ross and Jennifer Anniston as Rachel in Friends. Source: (imdb.com)

Innamorati, or the young lovers, are generally the focus of the story. Their primary purpose is to fall in love and, as a result, they tend towards melodrama. They generally face several obstacles throughout the story, but their love wins out in the end. They are the most prevalent of the stock characters to have persisted over the years. One of the most well-known examples of this character type is Ross and Rachel from Friends, whose on-again-off-again relationship provided comedy fodder throughout the show's ten-year run. Other examples of Innamorati include Corey and Topanga from Boy Meets World (though Corey's friendship with Shawn might also qualify as a platonic version), Zack and Kelly from Saved by the Bell, and Logan and Veronica from Veronica Mars.

Despite the differences in set, plot, and delivery, the existence of personalities resembling the commedia dell'Arte stock characters in modern television proves that the art form is still alive and well today.

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T.V. Show Characters Inspired by Commedia Dell'Arte

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Jaleel White as Steve Urkel in Family Matters. Source: (zap2it.com) Commedia Dell'Arte was a form of improvisational theatre which relied heavily on stock characters and pre-established scenarios. While it was popular mostly from the 16th to 18th centuries, its influence can still be found in popular culture, including television show characters of the 20th and 21st centuries.

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More of us are wearing face masks to protect against the novel coronavirus. How do they alter our interactions with others?

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Do you know how to read faces... even faces with a mask on? There is a way! In this post I want to show you how you can read faces-and even body language-when the other person is under a mask.

Reading nonverbal cues has become more important than ever.

Before reading my full guide below, test yourself. Take our reading faces quiz and see if you can spot facial expressions WITHOUT a mask first. Then learn what they mean.

Microexpressions Still Work

When we talk about reading faces, we have to focus on the instrumental work of Dr. Paul Ekman. Dr. Ekman discovered the microexpression. If you want to read up on them, we have our how to read full faces guide here!

A microexpression is a brief, involuntary facial expression that appears on a person's face according to the emotions being experienced. Unlike regular, prolonged facial expressions, it is difficult to fake a microexpression.

There are 7 universal microexpressions that people of all genders, ages, and races show. Learning to read them is crucial to spotting emotion. Below, I show each of the microexpressions with a mask, and a video of each without the mask so you can see the difference.

Fear

To spot fear with someone wearing a mask you want to focus on the eyes and eyebrows. Specifically look for a widening of the lids so the whites of someone's eyes show, and their eyebrows are raised.

Here is the full fear microexpression for your reference:
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Surprise

To spot surprise you also want to look at the eyebrows. Surprise is the longest expression and might even pull at the face mask. You are looking for high eyebrows in the shape of upside down U's.

Here is the full surprise microexpression for your reference:

Note here the two side by side. Even in a face mask you would see that surprise is two upside down U's and fear is one flat line.

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Sadness

Sadness involves a frown-which you probably will not be able to spot-and pinched eyebrows. This pinch is easy to spot and hard to fake. You might also see it with drooping eyelids.

Here is the full sadness microexpression for your reference:
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Happiness

Happiness might be more accurately spotted with a face mask! Yes, really! Anyone can fake a smile, but it is very hard to activate those upper cheek muscles and crow's feet. To spot real happiness, look right below the eyes.

Here is the full happiness microexpression for your reference:
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Anger

Anger is pretty easily recognizable even in a face mask-you are looking for two parallel lines in between the eyebrows. You might also see a tightening of the lids.

Here is the full anger microexpression for your reference:
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Disgust

Disgust is mostly in the face and nose, so you can only see it at the very top of the nose. You are looking for nose crinkles. We pull our nose up when we are disgusted so you are looking for the top of that expression.

Here is the full disgust microexpression for your reference:
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Contempt

Contempt is the hardest one to spot under a mask because it is simply a one-sided smirk. So you will have to listen for a sarcastic tone of voice or distancing behavior-when someone pulls their shoulder back. You might also see someone tilt their head back and look down their nose at you.

Here is the full contempt microexpression for your reference:

Don't forget to take the reading faces quiz above to test your face reading skills.
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Read the Eyes

For many years we have been running research on reading expressions through eyes alone. It is called our "reading the mind in the eyes" quiz.

Take the free read the mind in the eyes quiz to test yourself and practice:
can you read eyes?
We have had thousands of people take this quiz. We now know that we absolutely can read emotion even when we can just see someone's eyes.

This is great news!

It means that despite face masks, we can still read emotions. And it is worth the effort.
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Body Language Matters!

Reading body language now matters more than ever. In times of uncertainty, we have to be able to read every cue we can to spot meaning and have better communication. We have so many resources on reading nonverbal cues. Watch this video next:

But please also check out my book Captivate: The Science of Succeeding with People for an in-depth look at body language and social behavior. It will even help during social distancing:

I even narrate the Audible version myself 😊

Here are some other body language cues you should know:

The Universal Shame Gesture: When someone lightly touches the side of their forehead (either side) it is a sign of embarrassment or shame. Watch out for it!

The Head Tilt: When we are listening to someone we expose our ear by tilting our head to the side. This is a positive cue and means someone is listening!

Nodding: Another positive cue is when someone nods yes as they listen. This is a great way to show agreement.

And this last one comes from my body language friend and colleague, Joe Navarro: Squinting.

Squinting or hardening of the lids: We do this when we feel critical or we don't believe someone. We often squint our eyes when we are trying to assess someone as if to see them better. It can mean:

"I don't like what's going on."

"Something doesn't feel right."

"I disagree with what you're saying."

The most important thing to remember is that trying to read body language is half the battle. Most of the time we forget how important our nonverbal signals are. Paying attention to someone's words, facial expressions, gestures and vocal tone will help you get a much clearer picture of who they are, what they are trying to say and how they feel.

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How to Read Faces...Even When Everyone is Wearing a Mask

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Do you know how to read faces... even faces with a mask on? There is a way! In this post I want to show you how you can read faces-and even body language-when the other person is under a mask. Reading nonverbal cues has become more important than ever.

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Acredito que o ato de ser sozinho é uma virtude, pois aprendemos a conviver com os nossos maiores monstros e dificuldades, aprendemos a dar o primeiro passo para conviver com nós mesmos, o ato de ser sozinho deveria ser uma virtude.

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Um livro que pode dialogar bastante é o Corpo Encantado das Ruas do Luiz Antonio Simas. Refletindo sobre quem são os corpos que faziam as ruas funcionar e quem são os corpos que fazem a rua funcionar hoje

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Um livro que pode dialogar bastante é o Corpo Encantado das Ruas do Luiz Antonio Simas. Refletindo sobre quem são os corpos que faziam as ruas funcionar e quem são os corpos que fazem a rua funcionar hoje

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Sugestão de atividade:

Refletir sobre como a escolha de cores impacta na atmosfera do quadro de Hopper e consequentemente na forma como nos sentimos quando olhamos, através da comparação com o quadro  Sunlit Interior (Interior ensolarado), Edouard Vuillard, c. 1920. Acho que é uma boa maneira de inserir a discussão sobre saúde mental, porque o segundo quadro é muito alegre. Daí é possível conversar sobre como fatores ambientais contribuem para nosso desânimo e sentimento de tristeza e solidão às vezes, e o mais importante, discutir estratégias para realizar a mudança de estado mental. Todos nós podemos nos beneficiar da criação de mecanismos de enfrentamento.