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"Don't Let My Classmates ' Deaths be in Vain"

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"Don't Let My Classmates ' Deaths be in Vain"

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Op-Ed Contributor

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Christine Yared Credit Credit Saul Martinez for The New York Times

Parkland, Fla. - I am a freshman at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Fla. In the days since the attack that killed 17 people here, I have continued replaying those terrifying moments in my head.

It began when a fire alarm went off just before school was supposed to end. We thought nothing of it. People in my finance class had already left, and I grabbed my backpack to evacuate. The next thing I knew I heard people running and shouting, and my teacher yelling at us to get back in the class.

I sprinted to her closet and crammed myself against shelves filled with papers and binders. The rest of the closet filled up with the other students. We thought it was an active shooter drill. It wasn't.

My phone flooded with messages from friends and family, from other states and other countries, asking if I was O.K. The world knew what was happening even before we did. I texted my sister to make sure everything was all right with her. I checked in with my friends, and most of them were safe, or had evacuated. I texted my family and told them that I loved them.

My classmates scoured the internet, searching for news about what was happening. We found out the shooter was in the freshman building, 50 feet away from our classroom. I was busy shaking in the corner of my little bunker, trying to calm my panic, while rumors about the shooter and the victims arrived by text and Snapchat. We could hear loud noises outside. Were they gunshots? We weren't sure.

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Students at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Fla., hid in closets as a gunman fired a semiautomatic weapon into their classrooms. Seventeen people were killed. Credit Credit Saul Martinez for The New York Times

After over an hour of confusion and heat, the police SWAT team finally came to get us.

We ran out with our phones in our pockets, and our hands over our heads. I have never run so fast. I met up with my friends and sat with them, still in shock. I saw kids crying, traumatized. At home it still didn't feel real. We tried to watch some TV to distract ourselves. We saw celebrities and politicians talking about our school. But it didn't feel like our school, it seemed like a movie, a dream, a nightmare.

My parents worked hard to leave war-torn Lebanon so that their children would never have to experience the violence and loss that they did. My dad was a first-aid volunteer with the Lebanese Red Cross. He continued his engineering education, worked for General Electric in France and was transferred to the United States. My family lived in Utah; Colorado, where I was born; Minnesota; and finally Florida. My parents chose Parkland to settle in because of Marjory Stoneman Douglas's stellar reputation, and because we thought that it was a safe place to live. But that isn't true anymore. The promise of safety and security failed us.

One week ago, nobody knew about the small suburb that was Parkland. Now every time I look up "Marjory Stoneman Douglas" on the internet, the top suggestion is "shooting."

My friends, classmates and teachers are dead. I see the media portraying them as good children who were smart and kind, but they were much more than that.

My friend Gina is dead. I had just talked to her that morning in art class. We laughed together, we sang together, we smiled together. We will never do that again. How could someone be this despicable? When I think about it, I start bawling.

We can't let innocent people's deaths be in vain. We need to work together beyond political parties to make sure this never happens again. We need tougher gun laws.

If a person is not old enough to be able to rent a car or buy a beer, then he should not be able to legally purchase a weapon of mass destruction. This could have been prevented. If the killer had been properly treated for his mental illness, maybe this would not have happened. If there were proper background checks, then those who should not have guns would not have them.

We need to vote for those who are for stricter laws and kick out those who won't take action. We need to expose the truth about gun violence and the corruption around guns. Please.

It's devastating that this happened on Valentine's Day, a day that's supposed to be about love. Take this as a sign to hug your loved ones and be sure to tell them you love them every day because you never know when it will be their last.

If you have any heart, or care about anyone or anything, you need to be an advocate for change. Don't let any more children suffer like we have. Don't continue this cycle. This may not seem relevant to you. But next time it could be your family, your friends, your neighbors. Next time, it could be you.

A version of this article appears in print on , Section A, Page 21 of the New York edition with the headline: Don't Let 17 Deaths Be in Vain. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

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Opinion | Don't Let My Classmates' Deaths Be in Vain

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Op-Ed Contributor Parkland, Fla. - I am a freshman at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Fla. In the days since the attack that killed 17 people here, I have continued replaying those terrifying moments in my head. It began when a fire alarm went off just before school was supposed to end.

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FirstPersonPBS: Personal Stories from LGBTQ+ Students

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FirstPersonPBS: Personal Stories from LGBTQ+ Students

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first person gender queer sexuality transgender bisexuality gay lgbtq

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Welcome to First Person! First Person is an exploration of gender identity and sexuality, and a weekly forum for covering LGBTQ-related news and issues. With...

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Advocating for LGBTQ Equality | Human Rights Campaign

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The Human Rights Campaign is America's largest civil rights organization working to achieve lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer equality.

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About 800,000 young unauthorized immigrants are protected under the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. We spoke with a few of them in September, when President Trump announced his intention to end the Obama-era program.

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"As You Are" LGBTQ Family Acceptance Campaign for Youth

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"As You Are" LGBTQ Family Acceptance Campaign for Youth

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The Biden Foundation on Tuesday announced the launch of "As You Are," a campaign to raise awareness of the importance of family acceptance in the lives of LGBTQ young people.

"We'll use our resources to highlight the harms of family rejection - and lift up research, best practices and personal stories to powerfully show the significant value of family acceptance," former Vice President Joe Biden said in a statement provided to NBC News.

The campaign is collecting personal stories from LGBTQ youth, parents, siblings, educators, social service providers and others to help educate the public about the importance of accepting lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer youth.

The project's goal, according to a statement announcing the launch of the campaign, is "to inspire, to create communities, to heal families, and to change the broader culture to ensure a bright future for all LGBTQ young people."

Several members of the Biden Foundation's LGBTQ Advisory Council, which is comprised of high-profile LGBTQ advocates, applauded the new campaign.

"No matter who you are, where you live, or how you pray, surely we can all agree that we ought to live in a society where all our young people are supported and affirmed," Judy Shepard, co-founder of the Matthew Shepard Foundation, said in a statement shared with NBC News. "It's not enough to change laws and policies. We have to change hearts and minds."

Amit Paley, CEO and executive director of The Trevor Project, a nonprofit that helps LGBTQ youth in crisis, stressed that "family acceptance can save lives.

"Gay, lesbian, and bisexual youth are more than four times more likely than their straight peers to attempt suicide. And 40% of transgender and gender nonconforming adults report having attempted suicide at some point in their lives, most of them before the age of 25," he said in a statement. "That's why it is so important to support LGBTQ youth and let them know that they are not alone."

A recent study out of the University of Chicago also found LGBTQ youth are more than twice as likely as their straight peers to experience homelessness. The most cited reason for this disproportionate rate of youth homelessness, according to the study, is familial rejection due to the young person's sexual orientation or gender identity.

Biden became an outspoken LGBTQ ally in 2012, when he publicly declared - ahead of then President Barack Obama - his support for same-sex marriage during an interview with NBC's "Meet the Press."

"I am absolutely comfortable with the fact that men marrying men, women marrying women, and heterosexual men and women marrying one another are entitled to the same exact rights, all the civil rights, all the civil liberties," Biden said, while noting the president, not he, "sets the policy" on such matters.

Obama followed suit and declared his support for gay marriage just three days later in an interview with ABC News' Robin Roberts.

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Biden launches 'As You Are,' an LGBTQ family acceptance campaign

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The Biden Foundation on Tuesday announced the launch of "As You Are," a campaign to raise awareness of the importance of family acceptance in the lives of LGBTQ young people.

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The Coalition for Family Harmony: LGBTQ Resources & Supports

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The Coalition for Family Harmony: LGBTQ Resources & Supports

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Our efforts are possible because of caring, compassionate individuals and organizations who believe victims deserve better and brighter futures, without violence and abuse. Thank you for choosing to support The Coalition and the families and communities we serve.

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Coalition For Family Harmony | LGBTQ+ Counseling Program

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Our efforts are possible because of caring, compassionate individuals and organizations who believe victims deserve better and brighter futures, without violence and abuse. Thank you for choosing to support The Coalition and the families and communities we serve.

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25-Year-Old Textbooks and Holes in the Ceiling: Inside America's Public Schools

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25-Year-Old Textbooks and Holes in the Ceiling: Inside America's Public Schools

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Students at Sunrise Mountain High School in Peoria, Ariz., learn from 25-year-old biology textbooks. Credit Credit Frank Eager

Broken laptops, books held together with duct tape, an art teacher who makes watercolors by soaking old markers.

Teacher protests have spread rapidly from West Virginia to Oklahoma, Kentucky and Arizona in recent months. We invited America's public school educators to show us the conditions that a decade of budget cuts has wrought in their schools.

We heard from 4,200 teachers. Here is a selection of the submissions, condensed and edited for clarity.

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Salary: $43,000 for 20 years of experience

Annual out-of-pocket expenses: $500+

I have 148 students this year. The district skipped textbook adoption for the high school English department, leaving us with 10-year-old class sets, and we do not have enough for students to take them home. Our students deserve better. Our nation deserves better.

As I near retirement age, I realize I will retire at the poverty level. The antiquated myth of the noble, yet poor, teacher must go. I am passionate about my subject and my students. I am not passionate about living paycheck to paycheck.

Jose Coca uses these textbooks daily in his Tempe, Ariz., middle school. Credit Jose Coca

Salary: $46,000 with 12 years of experience

Annual out-of-pocket expenses: $1,000

The building smells old and dank. There are holes in the ceiling, skylights don't work, the walls need to be painted, I still use a chalk board, but - more important - my students need new desks and computers.

I can't speak for other school districts, but mine - in Tempe - can't get new social studies books for students. Young teachers spend more out of their own pockets because they don't have supplies stockpiled.

My pay is not keeping up with inflation. I have co-workers leaving midyear, or not renewing their contracts, and I work with a lot of older teachers that have maybe five more years in them. I also work with some who retire and return as workers for a private staffing company.

Salary: $40,900

Annual out-of-pocket expenses: $1,000

I had six laptops for 42 fifth-grade students (in one classroom) with many broken keys and chargers. My students were supposed to use these to prepare for their state test, which required typing multiple paragraph responses. I crowdfunded to get 10 Chromebooks with all the keys on the keyboard, so they could learn to type on a machine that works.

Salary: $94,000 for 20 years of experience

Annual out-of-pocket expenses: $1,000

I work in a high school in a suburb north of Detroit. We have about 1,650 students, roughly 25 percent of whom are English Language Learners (students new to our country who don't speak English well or at all).

After two years with no budget at all, this year I was given a little more than $500 for our library. I was able to purchase about 30 books. I am lucky, since our elementary and middle school libraries received no budget at all for the fourth straight year.

Salary: $47,000 with three years of experience

Annual out-of-pocket expenses: $300

My public school is full of dedicated educators and students, but the building dates to 1938 and has barely been renovated. The level of dilapidation is something we've all become desensitized to. When I went out to take pictures, I realized how little I notice it on a day-to-day basis.

Salary: $48,000

Annual out-of-pocket expenses: $1,200

My third-grade students are in a mobile classroom that is basically a trailer. That's 25 students in a classroom the size of a hotel room. All of the bathrooms are still in the main building, so my 8- and 9-year-olds have to walk outside unattended unless we stop class to take group bathroom breaks.

Teachers are being made out to be lazy, incompetent and greedy, but school board members, district administrators and superintendents make the most money, while the rest of us are fighting for their crumbs.

I've been ready to strike for over a year.

Salary: $53,000 with 13 years of experience

Annual out-of-pocket expenses: $1,400

In Kentucky, we tried everything - calling, emailing, visiting our own legislators, visiting other people's legislators with political ambitions for higher office, generating so many calls that the 1-800 line was constantly busy for the first time in my recollection.

It was only when legislators faced 10,000 teachers and state workers inside and outside the State Capitol building that they had the fear of God instilled in them. Without our loud, angry presence, the Kentucky budget would have been a disaster for public schools.

I work at Westport Teenage Parent Program (TAPP), an alternative high school in Louisville for pregnant girls and teen moms, part of a network of programs that faced losing $477,000 with the latest cuts.

We have so little money to begin with that the printer I use came through donations from DonorsChoose.org. I buy my students lined paper, pencils, colored paper, markers, crayons, construction paper, you name it.

I'm no different than millions of teachers nationwide.
We want to hear your questions and thoughts on this issue. Please join the conversation in the comments section.
A note to readers who are not subscribers: This article from the Reader Center does not count toward your monthly free article limit.

Correction:

An earlier version of this article referred incorrectly to the base salary of teachers in North Las Vegas, Nev. While Kelsey Pavelka left the district in June 2017, having earned roughly $33,000 for the academic year, the current base salary for teachers in North Las Vegas is $40,900.

A version of this article appears in print on , on Page A14 of the New York edition with the headline: Leaky Roofs, Broken Laptops, Mobile Classrooms: Snapshots From Public Schools. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

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25-Year-Old Textbooks and Holes in the Ceiling: Inside America's Public Schools

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Students at Sunrise Mountain High School in Peoria, Ariz., learn from 25-year-old biology textbooks. Credit Credit Frank Eager Broken laptops, books held together with duct tape, an art teacher who makes watercolors by soaking old markers. Teacher protests have spread rapidly from West Virginia to Oklahoma, Kentucky and Arizona in recent months.

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As the deportees were led off the plane onto the steamy San Salvador tarmac, an anguished Araceli Ramos Bonilla burst into tears, her face contorted with pain: "They want to steal my daughter!"

It had been 10 weeks since Ramos had last held her 2-year-old, Alexa. Ten weeks since she was arrested crossing the border into Texas and U.S. immigration authorities seized her daughter and told her she would never see the girl again.

What followed - one foster family's initially successful attempt to win full custody of Alexa - reveals what could happen to some of the infants, children and teens taken from their families at the border under a Trump administration policy earlier this year. The "zero-tolerance" crackdown ended in June, but hundreds of children remain in detention, shelters or foster care and U.S. officials say more than 200 are not eligible for reunification or release.

Federal officials insist they are reuniting families and will continue to do so. But an Associated Press investigation drawing on hundreds of court documents, immigration records and interviews in the U.S. and Central America identified holes in the system that allow state court judges to grant custody of migrant children to American families - without notifying their parents.

And today, with hundreds of those mothers and fathers deported thousands of miles away, the risk has grown exponentially.

States usually seal child custody cases, and the federal agencies overseeing the migrant children don't track how often state court judges allow these kids to be given up for adoption. But by providing a child's name and birth date to the specific district, probate or circuit court involved, the AP found that it's sometimes possible to track these children.

Alexa's case began in November 2015 under the Obama administration, years before Trump's family-separation policy rolled out. Her 15-month separation from her mother exposes the fragile legal standing of children under the care of the federal Office of Refugee Resettlement and a flawed, piecemeal system that can change the course of a child's life

It took 28 minutes for a judge in a rural courthouse near Lake Michigan to grant Alexa's foster parents, Sherri and Kory Barr, temporary guardianship. Alexa's mother and the little girl's immigration attorney were not even notified about the proceedings.

Based on their experiences with Alexa, the Barrs had become convinced that Alexa's mom was a bad mother and that the little girl would be abused if she were reunited with her.

"My wife and I are sick over this," Kory Barr told the judge, who wished him good luck as he granted the foster parents' request two days after Christmas.

The federal system that had custody of Alexa says the state courts never should have allowed foster parents to get that far, no matter how good their intentions. But each state court system, from New York to California, runs wardship and adoption proceedings differently - and sometimes there are even variations between counties.

In Missouri, an American couple managed to permanently adopt a baby whose Guatemalan mother had been picked up in an immigration raid. That seven-year legal battle terminating the mother's parental rights ended in 2014. In Nebraska, another Guatemalan mother prevailed and got her kids back, but it took five years and over $1 million in donated legal work.

The Office of Refugee Resettlement and Bethany Christian Services, the agency that placed Alexa in foster care, would not comment on her case. But Bethany said foster parents are informed they're not allowed to adopt migrant children.

Since the 1980s, however, Bethany acknowledged that nine of the 500 migrant children assigned to its foster program have been adopted by American families. The children, ages 3 to 18, were adopted after it was determined it wouldn't be safe or possible for them to go back to their families; at least one asked to be adopted by his foster parents, and another was a trafficking victim, Bethany said.

"We never want families to be separated," Bethany CEO Chris Palusky said. "That's what we're about, is bringing families together."

John Sandweg, who headed U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement under the Obama administration, said he worries that many more migrant children recently taken from their families may never see them again.

"We have the kids in the U.S. and the parents down in Central America, and now they'll bring all these child welfare agencies into play," Sandweg said. "It's just a recipe for disaster."

In Ramos' darkest days, she would lay on her bed, stare at the ceiling and sob, her hand on her stomach.

"This girl, she was here, in my womb," she said. "We are meant to be together. Always."

Alexa's mother was born in the middle of a bloody civil war in El Salvador that gave way to violent street crime. She was pregnant at 13; that daughter was raised by grandparents.

Starting at age 19, Ramos had four sons with another man over the course of a decade, followed by the arrival of Alexa in 2013. She and her daughter looked alike - both bright-eyed, with dark hair framing their smooth skin.

It was after the children's father found another woman that the abuse began, Ramos said.

"The worst time was when he kicked me so hard it left a bruise and it never went away," she later told an asylum officer. Without makeup, a dent in the center of her forehead is apparent.

Ramos went to a shelter, but said she became increasingly convinced that her former partner would track her down and kill her. She applied for a U.S. visa, she said, but got nowhere.

During a custody battle in their home city of San Miguel, Ramos said her children's father filed false police reports, including one alleging that she encouraged a 17-year-old girl to have sex with an adult. With the help of his own mother, who told authorities her son had made up the accusations, she successfully cleared her name and the cases were dropped.

Yet it was that information - later deemed "outdated and unsubstantiated" by the U.S. Justice Department - that was used in a Michigan court as support for the argument that Alexa should be permanently separated from her mother.

Ramos scraped together $6,000 to pay a smuggler who could help her escape from the man she said warned her she'd "never be at peace." On the month-long, 1,500-mile pilgrimage, she carried Alexa, a change of clothes, diapers, cookies, juice and water.

The toddler was exhausted by the journey. She slumped for days in a backpack carrier when they walked, and dozed and fidgeted when they traveled by car. When she was sleepy and agitated, she insisted on being cradled in her mother's arms.

After crossing the Rio Grande near Roma, Texas, Ramos and her 2-year-old were arrested by U.S. Customs and Border Protection. Their ordeal appeared nearly over, since domestic violence was then considered grounds for asylum.

In El Salvador, Ramos might earn $5 a day selling clothes or waitressing. In the U.S., she could earn more than that in an hour. Ramos yearned for a new beginning.

It took less than an hour for her hopes to shatter. The border agent screening her records spotted a red flag: She was a criminal, he said, charged in El Salvador. Alexa, crying, was pulled from her mother's arms.

"They told me I would never see her again," Ramos recalled, her eyes filling at the memory.

She said she begged agents to send Alexa to friends in Texas, but said they gave up when two calls went unanswered.

Three days after their separation, court records show, the U.S. government labeled Alexa an "unaccompanied minor," which meant she entered the bureaucracy for migrant youth, typically teens, who arrive in the U.S. alone. The toddler was issued a notice to appear on "a date to be set, at a time to be set, to show why you should not be removed from the United States."

At 28 months, Alexa was intelligent and engaging, but her vocabulary was limited to Spanish words for colors, some numbers and her favorite foods.

She initially was placed with a Spanish-speaking foster family in San Antonio, Texas, who would call Ramos in the detention center and put Alexa on the phone. "Each time they called, I could not stop crying," Ramos said. "Crying and crying, because I wanted to be with her."

More than two weeks after their separation, ICE agents moved Ramos seven hours away to a rural Louisiana facility surrounded by high fences topped with coiled razor wire. While Alexa and her foster family decorated a Christmas tree, Ramos slept in a pod of bunkbeds.

Two months after her arrival there, Ramos used a translator to speak on the phone with an asylum officer who asked about her family, why she left El Salvador and what her children's father might do if she went back. Alexa was safe, Ramos told the officer, but "I think he will kill me."

The next day, Ramos got word that she had "demonstrated a credible fear of persecution or torture," according to the asylum supervisor at the Department of Homeland Security.

Her case was assigned to Oakdale Immigration Court in Louisiana, where the three judges had denied 95 percent of all asylum requests that year, compared to the national average of about 50 percent. She said she called the list of pro bono lawyers she was provided, to no avail.

Without a lawyer, her chance at asylum slipped away. Like everyone else around her, she was being deported.

The federal government offers all deported parents the chance to take their children with them, but Ramos said she was ordered to sign a waiver to leave Alexa behind. "The agent put his hand on mine, he held my hand, he forced me to sign," she said.

Immigration agents then handcuffed Ramos and put her on a plane south, soaring over the volcanos and jungles of Central America.

At the time, it was unusual for parents to be deported while their children remained behind in federal foster care, but that occurred again and again this summer. More than 300 parents were deported to Central America without their children this summer, many of whom allege they were coerced into signing paperwork they didn't understand, affecting their rights to reunify with their children. Some parents also contended that U.S. officials told them their children would be given up for adoption.

"And the reality is that for every parent who is not located, there will be a permanent orphaned child, and that is 100 percent the responsibility of the administration," U.S. District Judge Dana Sabraw said in August while overseeing a lawsuit to stop family separations.

The AP asked the State Department, as well as embassy officials in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, whether they were working with deported parents to find their children in the U.S.

The State Department deferred to the Department of Homeland Security, which said in a statement: "DHS is not aware of anyone contacting embassy or consulate in a foreign country to be reunified with a child. This is unsurprising given the fact that these parents made a knowing decision to leave their child in a foreign country."

By April 2016, Alexa was transferred to the care of Bethany Christian Services, one of the nation's largest adoption agencies. As thousands more Central American children crossed the border alone during President Barack Obama's second term, the nonprofit agency's work providing temporary and long-term foster care to unaccompanied children had begun to grow.

Over the years, the Michigan-based agency has received support from local donors that include Education Secretary Betsy DeVos and her family members, who have contributed more than $3.1 million. One DeVos relative worked for Bethany, and another served on its board.

As the agency started receiving more Central American children, several former Bethany social workers said they were encouraged to recruit new foster families at the agency's traditional base, the Christian Reformed Church, and other local churches.

"All of a sudden when we had these younger kids to place, everyone was really excited about that," said Sarah Zuidema, a former Bethany supervisor who grew up within the denomination. "They just felt that if these kids could know Jesus, everything would be OK."

Among the families who stepped up to help were the Barrs - Kory, a physical therapist at a nearby rehabilitation hospital, and his wife, Sherri, who ran a home-organization business. The Barrs had three daughters who were raised in a devout home and already had fostered two Salvadoran sisters in 2013.

Bethany's outreach to local families was part of a rising Christian movement to mobilize support to address what Bethany has called the "global refugee crisis." The movement emphasizes that fostering is aligned with spiritual beliefs, and urges families to approach the role with open hearts.

When Bethany placed Alexa in the Barrs' home, the couple signed a form promising they would not try to seek custody because the Office of Refugee Resettlement was legally responsible for the child. But eight months later, fearing for the girl's safety, that is exactly what they did.

On June 5, 2016, Alexa celebrated her third birthday 3,000 miles away from her mother. The next month, a social worker sent Ramos Facebook photos showing Alexa wearing an American flag tank dress, drawing outside in the Michigan sunlight. In another shot, the girl appears at the Barrs' front door clad in a hot pink ensemble, next to a little red wagon and the family dog.

Around this time, Alexa began meeting with a play therapist and, based on their observations of the girl, the Barrs became deeply suspicious that she had been exposed to abuse before she reached their home. Ramos said they then began limiting her phone contact with her daughter.

The foster program notified the Michigan Department of Health and Human Services, which opened an investigation but decided the complaint lacked sufficient evidence.

Ramos had cried when social workers approached her about the abuse allegations and insisted that Alexa had always been safe in her care. Because Alexa had spent nearly a third of her life away from her mother, she then grew distressed at the thought that her daughter might have been harmed during their separation.

In August, the Young Center for Immigrant Children's Rights, which has a federal contract to advocate for the best interests of immigrant children navigating the legal system, began investigating whether Alexa could safely be returned to her mother. An evaluator repeatedly visited Ramos and interviewed her family, neighbors and employer.

Meanwhile, Salvadoran diplomatic officials began making periodic visits to Grand Rapids to check on Alexa and advocate for her release.

"The foster family started putting up barrier after barrier to delay her departure," said Patricia Maza-Pittsford, El Salvador's consul general in Chicago.

Finally, the girl's immigration attorney, the Department of Homeland Security and the U.S. immigration courts all reached agreement: It was past time for Alexa to be back with her mother.

Just days before Christmas 2016, a federal immigration judge ordered her deported. The Barrs were told to pack up Alexa's things and have her ready to go at a moment's notice.

Alexa had learned to speak English, bonded with her foster sisters and captured their hearts. The Barrs were certain she had been abused and remain so to this day. So they hired a lawyer and went to court.

"The Office of Refugee Resettlement is planning to put Alexa on a plane back to her abuser," the couple said in a handwritten application seeking guardianship. Alexa's mother, they wrote, "has not owned her crimes, not been rehabilitated."

During an emergency hearing, Kory Barr pounded on the judge's bench as he begged him to help them keep the girl in Michigan and insisted that child-welfare experts needed more time to investigate.

"Every day they are telling us this could happen very fast," he said. "We have her bags packed."

Judge Mark Feyen confessed he wasn't familiar with the federal agencies involved, saying, "This is kind of hard to pin down exactly who the interested parties are."

Responding to their concerns that Alexa's life could be in danger, Feyen granted the Barrs temporary custody after their attorney, Joshua Mikrut, asserted he had a "loose understanding" that a prior order had been issued suspending Ramos' parental rights, though he didn't know where. The judge asked him to return with proof, and also scheduled a full guardianship hearing for a few weeks later.

"Every time I get one of these, I learn a little more," the judge said.

Within days, a federal immigration judge granted an emergency motion to stay Alexa's departure.

When state courts gain control of a child being detained by the federal government, that child can become invisible in the system. Alexa and her mother were held in federal custody. But states - not the federal government - typically run child-welfare systems.

Alexa's mom didn't know where to turn, and she didn't have the money to hire an attorney. But she did have Facebook.

In El Salvador, in the days surrounding the Michigan guardianship hearing, she posted a series of increasingly desperate videos - which went viral in Central America and in one case attracted 2.5 million views - speaking directly to the Barrs, to her daughter, to anyone who might help her get Alexa back.

"I'm the girl's mother. You aren't anything to her - you just met her because I traveled with her," she sobbed in one video, her voice breaking as she addressed the Barrs. "Look inside your hearts. . I had her in my belly for nine months. I'm the mother and I'm waiting for her."

In another video, she cried as she displayed dolls modeled on the Disney movie "Frozen" that she bought to give Alexa for Christmas.

Outraged and sympathetic comments poured in and word reached Salvadoran government officials in El Salvador and the Chicago consul's office. Pressure mounted.

A month after the Barrs were granted guardianship of Alexa, the Justice Department weighed in sharply.

"The Barrs obtained their temporary guardianship order in violation of federal law," U.S. prosecutors argued. The Barrs' attorney and the Michigan judge also violated federal law by seeking and granting guardianship, and failed to inform Ramos or Alexa's lawyers about the proceedings, they wrote.

More than a month after they had petitioned to keep Alexa, Sherri and Kory Barr despairingly gave up. The federal government, they wrote the judge, "seems to have us painted into a corner with no way out."

While Mikrut acknowledges the Barrs sometimes were blinded by their passion, he said the federal system should allow challenges to its decisions about the welfare of children in its care.

A few days later, the Barrs sent Alexa home with a huge bag of toys and clothes and a letter from "Papa Foster," as Kory Barr called himself.

"Mi querida Alexa," he began, or "my dear Alexa." He wrote about how she loved her first snow, how they pretended to hold wrestling matches, how he cried at the thought of life without the "baby" of their family.

"I hope this is not the last time we see you, but if it is, I want you to know that I will keep you in my heart forever," he wrote.

Relearning their relationship

Alexa was stunned when she landed in El Salvador in February 2017. Her mother sobbed and clung to her, but the girl barely recognized this woman who called herself Mama. When could she go home to "Mama Foster, Papa Foster" and her three blonde, blue-eyed sisters? And what was this woman saying?

Alexa had lost all her Spanish and spoke English to her mother, using words like "water" and "chicken." Ramos, who spoke almost no English herself, had to point to pictures or call friends to translate.

The Ramos' small brick home, shared with two of Alexa's brothers, is on a quiet dirt street a few blocks from the main drag, a colorful and chaotic mix of shops and services.

Alexa pined for her house in suburban Grand Rapids, its green lawn, her pink room. She rarely giggled and didn't want to play or eat.

Children traumatically separated from their parents are more likely to suffer from emotional problems throughout their lives, according to decades of scientific research. And some more recent studies have found that separation can damage a child's memory.

Ramos showed Alexa baby pictures to help her relearn their relationship.

"I am your mother. I love you so very much," she told her in Spanish, over and over.

Slowly, over time, Alexa began to smile and understand her native tongue. She bonded again with her mother and brothers. Bright and energetic, she now often winds her small arms around her mother's waist and neck. When she wants attention, she whispers in her mother's ear.

Ramos still struggles with the pain of the separation, and to support her family on the few dollars a day she earns at a pizzeria. She often posts Facebook photos and videos of herself with her daughter, a visual assertion of their bond.

She fears for parents who were separated from their children under the zero-tolerance policy and has taken to Facebook to urge them to fight to get their kids back.

"If they give our children up for adoption without our permission, that isn't justice," she said during a recent interview in a park. "They are our children, not theirs."

For months after she came home, Alexa asked if she could talk to the Barrs but Ramos wasn't ready. She had a change of heart when she learned Sherri Barr was ill and now lets them talk every so often.

"I do not feel resentment for them because they also love her and because the family is going through a bad time," Ramos said. "We all deserve an opportunity."

The Barrs worry about Alexa's safety in El Salvador, but say they also worry about Ramos' well-being. They now consider their relationship with mother and daughter part of God's plan.

"No one wins in this one," Sherri Barr said.
Burke reported from Grand Rapids, Michigan. Mendoza reported from San Miguel, El Salvador. Copyright 2018 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
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Deported parents may lose kids to adoption

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As the deportees were led off the plane onto the steamy San Salvador tarmac, an anguished Araceli Ramos Bonilla burst into tears, her face contorted with pain: "They want to steal my daughter!" It had been 10 weeks since Ramos had last held her 2-year-old, Alexa.

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November 16, 2017
The men stood on a concrete island in the middle of Cordova International Bridge, where people leaving the Mexican city of Juarez cross the border to El Paso.

It was Memorial Day, when U.S. soldiers honor fallen service members by kneeling in front of a battlefield memorial - a symbolic cross formed with the soldier's helmet, rifle, boots and, sometimes, dog tags.

The six men standing a few miles from the U.S.-Mexico border did the same May 29, albeit a bit differently: They didn't have a helmet or a rifle, so they improvised using a U.S. flag perched on a concrete cylinder. A pair of desert combat boots was also on the concrete block.

"The boots represent the soldiers that are not here with us no more, the missing soldiers," Ivan Ocon said.

Ocon stood at the front of the group that day, with both hands to his sides as he stared into the distance.

The other men lined up horizontally behind him, saluting.

Together, the men paid homage to fallen U.S. soldiers while wearing black T-shirts that described who they are: "Deported Veterans."

That stirring gesture was captured by Juarez-based photojournalist Herika Martinez, who only had seconds to take the picture.

"The moment they performed the honors was very fast ... I could barely take a few pictures before they took their flag again and saved it to go home," Martinez recalled this week.

The picture, distributed by Agence France-Presse, immediately went viral.

It resurfaced on Veterans Day, when some social media users appeared to be dismayed that veterans can be exiled from the country they had sworn to serve.

Indeed, deportations of veterans, which began decades ago, are often a shock to many who assume that joining the military has always been an automatic guarantee of citizenship.

It isn't, although previous administrations have taken steps to make it easier for foreign-born soldiers to be naturalized. Under President Trump, new regulations extend the waiting period for military green-card holders to become naturalized citizens.

The Army also has stopped enlisting some immigrants who are legal permanent residents while mandating lengthy delays for others.
['It looks like we're afraid of foreigners': Army turns away some green-card holders]
Ocon, a 40-year-old native of Mexico, told The Washington Post that he served in the Army for seven years, and spent a few months in Iraq. The Pentagon has not verified Ocon's service to The Post, but Ocon provided a picture of himself during a reenlistment ceremony in 2001.

He said he was deported a year and a half ago, losing his legal status after he was charged with a crime for not reporting to authorities that his brother had kidnapped someone.

Court records show that Ocon was indicted on several charges in 2006, including conspiracy to kidnap and aiding and abetting. He pleaded guilty and spent nearly 10 years in federal prison.

In 2016, shortly after serving his prison sentence, Ocon was sent back to Mexico, a country he left when he was 7.

He has been living in Juarez since, in an apartment close to the border, and can see the United States from his window.

Ocon said he considers America his home - specifically, Las Cruces, N.M., where he grew up, went to high school and left behind a daughter who's now 14. For Francisco Lopez, who was standing right behind Ocon in the picture, home is Wichita Falls, Tex., where his children and grandchildren live.

"Right here, you're basically isolated; you're alone," Ocon said. "All your friends and family you grew up with are all in the States. Everybody you know from your childhood are all there. That one mistake is who you are for the rest of your life. You can never prove you're a good person."

But Lopez, who turns 73 this month, has been living in Juarez for far longer than Ocon. He was deported in 2003, after serving nine years in federal prison for drug charges. His service record could not be immediately verified, but Lopez said he served for two years in the military in the late 1960s, including a year in Vietnam.

"I thought I was an American citizen," he said. "I like to go home. I like to go back."
[Deported veterans: Banished for committing crimes after serving in U.S. military]
As the picture of Ocon, Lopez and the four other men spread on social media over the weekend, a former White House official was struck by its message.

"I can't believe 'deported veterans' is an actual phrase," Tony Fratto tweeted. His observation struck a nerve, generating more than 100,000 retweets and another 200,000 likes.

Fratto, a former Treasury and White House official in the George W. Bush administration, said in an interview that he was struck by "the juxtaposition of those words together, just two words that didn't belong next to each other. Everybody knows that the immigrant community plays such a big role in our armed services."

He added: "If you take the oath of service, to me you're taking the oath of citizenship. It should be easy and even automatic."

Others see it differently.

"We hold all military veterans in high regard, but if following our nation's laws is a requirement for any guest to remain in our country, then that's the law," a spokesman for the nation's largest veteran group, the Veterans of Foreign Wars, once told The Post. "An honorable discharge is not a free pass."

It's unclear how many veterans have been deported; U.S. officials do not keep track of such figures.

But more than 500,000 foreign-born U.S. veterans lived in the country in 2016, according to the Migration Policy Institute. That's 3 percent of the nearly 19 million veterans in the country.

Since October 2001, more than 100,000 military members have become naturalized citizens, according to U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.
[He served in Vietnam. His HOA just ordered him to remove an American flag from his mailbox.]
Foreign members of the U.S. military can apply for citizenship through a policy enacted by President George W. Bush after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. A 2009 program awarded fast-tracked citizenship to foreign soldiers and their spouses during basic training. Many immigrants, like Ocon, joined and left the military before the 2009 program was in place - and were charged with crimes after returning to civilian life.

Ocon helps run a support house for deported veterans in Juarez. The day the AFP photo was taken, he was handing out fliers and pamphlets to people crossing to the United States.

The Deported Veterans Support House was started in Tijuana in 2013 by Hector Barajas, another deported veteran.

The Juarez location was opened this year, Ocon said. There are now about two dozen deported veterans in Juarez.

Overall, the support house has been in contact with more than 100 former U.S. service members who have been deported to more than 30 countries around the world, according to its website.

For years, deported veterans have received little to no attention in Washington, where politicians are less likely to support convicted criminals. The Trump administration's hard-line immigration policy has steered the debate toward cutting legal immigration, creating a border wall and imposing travel restrictions on people from predominantly Muslim countries.
[The Iraq War veteran who lied his way to a Purple Heart and $750,000]
Margaret Stock, a retired Army officer and an Anchorage-based immigration lawyer, said veteran deportations appear to be happening more frequently under Trump, though the Obama administration also deported some military veterans.

Stock said she has seen a growing movement to try to bring deported veterans back to the United States, but it has not resulted in concrete action.

On Capitol Hill, legislation that would create a pathway for deported veterans back to the United States has stalled. The Veterans Visa and Protection Act, which would require the Department of Homeland Security to create a program that allows deported veterans to return to the country legally and cancels the removal of those facing deportation, has sat in the House since it was introduced in March. It's backed by 60 lawmakers, all Democrats.

The Post reported last summer that the Pentagon was considering a plan to cancel the enlistment contracts of 1,000 foreign-born recruits without legal immigration status, knowingly exposing them to deportation. An undated Defense Department memo, prepared for Defense Secretary Jim Mattis by personnel and intelligence officials at the Pentagon and obtained by The Post, describes potential security threats of immigrants recruited in a program designed to award fast-tracked citizenship in exchange for urgently needed medical and language skills.

The program was suspended last year, and additional security measures were put in place to guard against "espionage potential" among U.S. military recruits born in other countries. In October, however, Mattis said he supports reactivating the program - a sign that Defense Department leaders have backed away from the recommendations of the memo.

On Veterans Day, as the deported veterans photo from May began to go viral again, some of the men in Juarez went back to that same median along the Cordova International Bridge to protest.

This time, there was more than one flag.

A U.S. flag was next to Mexico's. There were Coast Guard and Army flags, too - and a banner showing pictures of several veterans, along with a message: "BRING DEPORTED VETERANS HOME."

Kevin Sullivan and Alex Horton contributed to this report. READ MORE: They met with immigration officers to apply for legal residency - only to be arrested by ICE Video shows U.S. border officers telling Mexican teen to drink the liquid meth that killed him Thousands of ICE detainees claim they were forced into labor, a violation of anti-slavery laws
There were two flags raised at Iwo Jima. The Marines now say they misidentified men at both.

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The story behind this powerful photo of deported military veterans saluting the U.S. flag

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November 16, 2017 The men stood on a concrete island in the middle of Cordova International Bridge, where people leaving the Mexican city of Juarez cross the border to El Paso. It was Memorial Day, when U.S.

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CLOSE

Jesus Aceves was driving three of his fellow farmworkers to the tomato fields in the early morning darkness when he saw lights flash behind him.

Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents pulled him over and asked for his license, registration and insurance and, most forebodingly, whether the men were in the United States legally.

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Aceves and his passengers were taken to an immigrant detention facility. But none of them had been the target of ICE.

Three of the men had no criminal records. The most serious blots on the 44-year-old Aceves' record were several convictions - the most recent in 2012 - for driving without a license.

That morning, an ICE spokesman said, agents went to a Kern County residence where they thought an immigration target lived. One of the men who got into Aceves' car matched that person's description, he said. The ICE agents followed.

The arrests were part of a larger sweep in California's agricultural heartland that has sent fear through the Central Valley, where for generations, immigrants here - both legally and illegally - have picked crops. In some fields, almost all of the foreign workers are in the country without legal status.

While many immigrants have been on edge since President Trump vowed a crackdown on illegal immigration, the recent sweeps have been particularly concerning because they included the arrests of people not specifically targeted by ICE.

The concern extends to farmers, who fear more sweeps will drive away labor at a time when some are struggling to get enough workers to pick the crops.

Manuel Cunha Jr., president of Nisei Farmers League, which represents agricultural employers and their workers throughout the state, said farmers are worried about losing trusted workers. He said the increasingly tense relationship between the Trump administration and California, which declared itself a "sanctuary state,"has upped the anxiety.

"They're not going to be replaced by American workers," Cunha said. "Don't punish the businesses. We're not the ones that came up with the sanctuary state."

In the February sweep across the Central Valley, 232 people were arrested. Of those, 180 were either convicted criminals, had been issued a final order of removal or had been previously removed from the U.S. and returned illegally.

The United Farm Workers of America identified at least 26 farmworkers arrested in Kern, Tulare and Madera counties, most of them stopped before dawn on their way to work.

ICE Director Thomas Homan has said that immigrants who have entered the U.S. illegally "should be afraid."

He warned that California's so-called sanctuary policies, which limit the cooperation between local and federal law enforcement, give the agency no choice but to make arrests in neighborhoods and at work sites. That leads to the arrests of other immigrants in the country illegally who are not intended targets, he said.

"This is a prime example of how sanctuary policies, which have pushed ICE out of jails, force our officers to conduct more enforcement in the community - which poses increased risks for law enforcement and the public," Homan said in a statement to The Times. "It also increases the likelihood that ICE will encounter other illegal aliens who previously weren't on our radar. It is nonsensical to demand that ICE solely focus on criminals, while simultaneously preventing ICE from arresting criminal aliens inside the secure confines of local jails."

Win Eaton, an attorney in Bakersfield, is representing some of the detained farmworkers in immigration court.

"It's just terrible that these people are going to be used as pawns," he said.

On an overcast day a week after the immigration sweep, 33 workers pulled cases of jalapeño sprouts off a truck and transplanted them into tilled soil at a farm in Lamont, Calif.

Some workers said they had altered their driving routes, taking back roads instead of main highways. Many stayed tuned to Facebook groups dedicated to confirming sightings of immigration agents and reminding people of their rights.

In the early afternoon, Melitón Ferred took a water break. His lower back ached after hours of work. Ferred, who emigrated from Veracruz 13 years ago, said just being a Latino - and particularly one working in the fields - made him feel like a target.

"Who is going to work the fields? No one," he said. "This is a difficult job, and all of us are from Mexico."

Alejandra Galacia, 35, said she hardly left her home, not even to buy groceries, the week of the February arrests. The Lamont resident said she worried about being separated from her three young daughters.

She sat them down and told them they would all go back to Mexico together if she was deported. But her oldest daughter, who was born in Mexico and is a junior in high school, has dreams of becoming an oncologist. She told her mother she does not want to return the country of her birth.

"I leave everything in God's hands," Galacia said.

Dozens of workers have fled since immigration agents began checking employee records at San Joaquin Valley farms. ICE said 77 businesses - in the jurisdiction that includes Northern California, Hawaii, Guam and Saipan - were served with employment authorization audit notices in January.

Farmers have struggled in recent years with labor shortages. A summer 2017 survey by the California Farm Bureau Federation showed that 55% of responding farmers experienced shortages, with problems most acute among those whose crops require intensive hand labor, such as tree fruits and grapes.

Phil Martin, professor emeritus of agricultural and resource economics at UC Davis, said while that's true, it would take a huge, targeted immigration operation to really put a dent in the agricultural industry. That's because production requires so many workers and the industry is using more and more people from a temporary guestworker program.

It also would take more deportation officers. While Trump last year pledged to hire 10,000 new ICE agents, Congress has yet to appropriate money for the hiring process.

Aceves, who was arrested while picking up coworkers in Wasco, Calif., spent just under a week in detention. He was released after his family posted an $8,000 bond. He could wait years before facing a judge because of a massive immigration court backlog.

Two other men in his car also were released after posting bond. The fourth man, Alfredo Diaz, voluntarily returned to Mexico after having lived illegally in the U.S. for more than two decades.

The night after his release, Aceves attended a local church service at El Aposento Alto, where his brother Guillermo Aceves has been pastor for eight years.

Guillermo, 46, told the congregation that what happened to his brother could happen to anyone. If ICE knocks on the door, don't answer, he said. You have the right to stay silent. Don't sign anything.

He urged them to decide who would care for their children if they were detained and to save money in case they need to pay a bond.

"These are things we don't like to talk about because there's so much fear," he said. "But you have to do it. You have to make a plan."

Jesus Aceves has been in California for two-thirds of his life, having come to the U.S. when he was 17. He has three U.S.-born children. From the pulpit, he tearfully talked about spending his days at the Adelanto Detention Facility thinking of his kids and his wife.

"I didn't expect this. I never thought it would happen to me," he said.

Guillermo Aceves obtained citizenship through the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986. But younger brother Jesus arrived in the U.S. years later and missed out on President Reagan's amnesty. Now his future is more uncertain than ever.

Toward the end of the service, Jesus stood in a circle with one of the other farmworkers arrested with him that late February morning. He raised his right arm in praise and shut his eyes tight as his brother led the congregation in prayer.
Distributed by Tribune Content Agency
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In Central Valley, ICE arrests raise farmworkers' anxiety

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CLOSE Jesus Aceves was driving three of his fellow farmworkers to the tomato fields in the early morning darkness when he saw lights flash behind him. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents pulled him over and asked for his license, registration and insurance and, most forebodingly, whether the men were in the United States legally.

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This trend is on the upswing and the worldwide population is becoming more obese - which is increasing the risk of other conditions like Type 2 diabetes and cardiovascular disease whose prevalence has doubled globally in the last 30 years. But you may be surprised to learn that it's not just food that is making us fat.

Experiments using animal models have shown that exposure to chemicals used in industry and found in plastics, preservatives, pesticides and flame retardants, just to name a few, may be important contributors to the growing number of metabolic disorders - including obesity.

One of the research goals in my lab is to identify environmental chemicals that may contribute to these increased rates of metabolic diseases and to decipher the mechanisms through which they act. This line of work began with the unexpected discovery that a chemical (tributyltin, or TBT) we were studying for other reasons could activate a hormone receptor linked to the development of fat. We went on to show that TBT could make mice exposed during prenatal life fatter and that this trait could be transmitted to future generations.

Our recent study reveals that dibutyltin, a chemical used in the manufacture of a type of plastic called polyvinyl chloride, or PVC, alters glucose metabolism and increases fat storage in mice.

Obesity and Type 2 diabetes

Polyvinyl chloride (PVC) is used in a variety of applications from plumbing to health care to electronics.
Credit: Sirikanlaya Khlibngern/shutterstock.com

In healthy individuals, the pancreas secretes a hormone called insulin into the bloodstream after a meal when the blood sugar levels rise. Insulin stimulates tissues, such as muscle, fat cells and the brain to absorb glucose from the blood and store it as fat. If the pancreas secretes insulin but tissues are not able to detect it, glucose levels remain unchanged leading to "insulin resistance."

As an individual becomes overweight, there is an increase in free fatty acids in the blood stream which may contribute to reduced insulin sensitivity in the tissues, leading to increased glucose levels in blood. At early stages, when sugar levels are higher than normal, but not too high, the individual is considered prediabetic. At that stage, prediabetics can make lifestyle changes - lose weight and exercise more - to lower their glucose levels and reduce the risk to develop diabetes.

However, there is evidence in rodents showing that exposure to certain environmental chemicals hampers fat mobilization during periods of fasting and when animals are exposed to a low-fat diet, suggesting that losing weight may be tougher than curbing calories.

Chemicals in plastics associated with obesity

The most common explanation for obesity is overeating calorie-rich foods and sedentary lifestyle. However, in the last 10 years, a subset of endocrine-disrupting chemicals (EDCs) called obesogens has been shown to cause obesity in animals and were associated with more fat mass in humans. EDCs are chemicals from outside of the body that interfere with the action of natural hormones present in living organisms. Hormones are secreted by the endocrine glands, such as the pancreas and thyroid, which regulate critical biological functions in the body including reproduction and glucose metabolism. Therefore, altering hormone levels or action can contribute to disease.

Obesogens act by inappropriately stimulating fat storage in the organism by altering fat tissue biology, energy balance and/or the regulation of metabolic needs.

Dibutyltin (DBT) salts are used in the manufacture of PVC (vinyl) plastics that are extensively utilized in many applications including construction materials (e.g., window frames and vinyl flooring), and medical devices (e.g., tubing and packaging). DBT has been found in seafood and house dust, suggesting that DBT exposure may be widespread. However, there is little information available about DBT levels in humans.

Exposure to DBT in mice

We used cells in culture to show that DBT activated two proteins that promote fat cell precursors to become mature fat cells, leading to more fat cells and increased fat in each. Therefore, chemicals that activate these receptors promote the development of fat tissue, making them obesogens.

In our study, cells exposed to concentrations of DBT that are in the realm of what humans are predicted to be exposed to showed increased fat storage, as seen under the microscope, as well as increased activity of genes involved in fat tissue development.

Additionally, we gave DBT to pregnant mice via their drinking water and extended the exposure through lactation. Male offspring, which were exposed during development in the womb and through maternal breast milk, accumulated more fat when their diet was changed from a low-fat to a slightly higher fat diet than did unexposed animals. This indicates that DBT exposure during development and early in life predisposed these DBT exposed animals to become obese. Interestingly, we did not find this response to diet in females.

In these mice we noted that insulin production in the pancreas was altered.

Interestingly, they also had increased higher levels of leptin, a hormone secreted by the fat tissue involved in the regulation of appetite and blood glucose levels. Higher fasting glucose levels were found in both genders, but only males showed increased leptin levels and glucose intolerance. The results of our study indicate early exposure to obesogen DBT and increased dietary fat induces prediabetes in male mice.

Since the sources of human exposure to obesogens are numerous, monitoring obesogen levels, including DBT, in human tissues will help understand and prevent the increasing rates of metabolic disorders such as obesity and T2D in human populations. Reducing the use of plastics that contain obesogens will not only improve our health but will be good for the environment as well, considering the huge plastic garbage patches in the world's oceans.
This article was written by Bruce Blumberg, professor of developmental & cell biology at the University of California, Irvine and Raquel Chamorro-Garcia, associate specialist at the University of California, Irvine. It was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.

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This trend is on the upswing and the worldwide population is becoming more obese - which is increasing the risk of other conditions like Type 2 diabetes and cardiovascular disease whose prevalence has doubled globally in the last 30 years. But you may be surprised to learn that it's not just food that is making us fat.

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INCHEON, South Korea - A landmark report from the United Nations' scientific panel on climate change paints a far more dire picture of the immediate consequences of climate change than previously thought and says that avoiding the damage requires transforming the world economy at a speed and scale that has "no documented historic precedent."

The report, issued on Monday by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, a group of scientists convened by the United Nations to guide world leaders, describes a world of worsening food shortages and wildfires, and a mass die-off of coral reefs as soon as 2040 - a period well within the lifetime of much of the global population.

The report "is quite a shock, and quite concerning," said Bill Hare, an author of previous I.P.C.C. reports and a physicist with Climate Analytics, a nonprofit organization. "We were not aware of this just a few years ago." The report was the first to be commissioned by world leaders under the Paris agreement, the 2015 pact by nations to fight global warming.

The authors found that if greenhouse gas emissions continue at the current rate, the atmosphere will warm up by as much as 2.7 degrees Fahrenheit (1.5 degrees Celsius) above preindustrial levels by 2040, inundating coastlines and intensifying droughts and poverty. Previous work had focused on estimating the damage if average temperatures were to rise by a larger number, 3.6 degrees Fahrenheit (2 degrees Celsius), because that was the threshold scientists previously considered for the most severe effects of climate change.

The new report, however, shows that many of those effects will come much sooner, at the 2.7-degree mark.

Avoiding the most serious damage requires transforming the world economy within just a few years, said the authors, who estimate that the damage would come at a cost of $54 trillion. But while they conclude that it is technically possible to achieve the rapid changes required to avoid 2.7 degrees of warming, they concede that it may be politically unlikely.

[How much hotter is your hometown today than when you were born? Find out here.]
For instance, the report says that heavy taxes or prices on carbon dioxide emissions - perhaps as high as $27,000 per ton by 2100 - would be required. But such a move would be almost politically impossible in the United States, the world's largest economy and second-largest greenhouse gas emitter behind China. Lawmakers around the world, including in China, the European Union and California, have enacted carbon pricing programs.

President Trump, who has mocked the science of human-caused climate change, has vowed to increase the burning of coal and said he intends to withdraw from the Paris agreement. And on Sunday in Brazil, the world's seventh-largest emitter of greenhouse gas, voters appeared on track to elect a new president, Jair Bolsonaro, who has said he also plans to withdraw from the accord.

The report was written and edited by 91 scientists from 40 countries who analyzed more than 6,000 scientific studies. The Paris agreement set out to prevent warming of more than 3.6 degrees above preindustrial levels - long considered a threshold for the most severe social and economic damage from climate change. But the heads of small island nations, fearful of rising sea levels, had also asked scientists to examine the effects of 2.7 degrees of warming.
[What on Earth is going on? Sign up to get our latest stories about climate change.]
Absent aggressive action, many effects once expected only several decades in the future will arrive by 2040, and at the lower temperature, the report shows. "It's telling us we need to reverse emissions trends and turn the world economy on a dime," said Myles Allen, an Oxford University climate scientist and an author of the report.

To prevent 2.7 degrees of warming, the report said, greenhouse pollution must be reduced by 45 percent from 2010 levels by 2030, and 100 percent by 2050. It also found that, by 2050, use of coal as an electricity source would have to drop from nearly 40 percent today to between 1 and 7 percent. Renewable energy such as wind and solar, which make up about 20 percent of the electricity mix today, would have to increase to as much as 67 percent.

"This report makes it clear: There is no way to mitigate climate change without getting rid of coal," said Drew Shindell, a climate scientist at Duke University and an author of the report.

The World Coal Association disputed the conclusion that stopping global warming calls for an end of coal use. In a statement, Katie Warrick, its interim chief executive, noted that forecasts from the International Energy Agency, a global analysis organization, "continue to see a role for coal for the foreseeable future."

Ms. Warrick said her organization intends to campaign for governments to invest in carbon capture technology. Such technology, which is currently too expensive for commercial use, could allow coal to continue to be widely used.

Despite the controversial policy implications, the United States delegation joined more than 180 countries on Saturday in accepting the report's summary for policymakers, while walking a delicate diplomatic line. A State Department statement said that "acceptance of this report by the panel does not imply endorsement by the United States of the specific findings or underlying contents of the report."

The State Department delegation faced a conundrum. Refusing to approve the document would place the United States at odds with many nations and show it rejecting established academic science on the world stage. However, the delegation also represents a president who has rejected climate science and climate policy.

"We reiterate that the United States intends to withdraw from the Paris agreement at the earliest opportunity absent the identification of terms that are better for the American people," the statement said.

The report attempts to put a price tag on the effects of climate change. The estimated $54 trillion in damage from 2.7 degrees of warming would grow to $69 trillion if the world continues to warm by 3.6 degrees and beyond, the report found, although it does not specify the length of time represented by those costs.

The report concludes that the world is already more than halfway to the 2.7-degree mark. Human activities have caused warming of about 1.8 degrees since about the 1850s, the beginning of large-scale industrial coal burning, the report found.

The United States is not alone in failing to reduce emissions enough to prevent the worst effects of climate change. The report concluded that the greenhouse gas reduction pledges put forth under the Paris agreement will not be enough to avoid 3.6 degrees of warming.

The report emphasizes the potential role of a tax on carbon dioxide emissions. "A price on carbon is central to prompt mitigation," the report concludes. It estimates that to be effective, such a price would have to range from $135 to $5,500 per ton of carbon dioxide pollution in 2030, and from $690 to $27,000 per ton by 2100.

By comparison, under the Obama administration, government economists estimated that an appropriate price on carbon would be in the range of $50 per ton. Under the Trump administration, that figure was lowered to about $7 per ton.

Americans for Prosperity, the political advocacy group funded by the libertarian billionaires Charles and David Koch, has made a point of campaigning against politicians who support a carbon tax.

"Carbon taxes are political poison because they increase gas prices and electric rates," said Myron Ebell, who heads the energy program at the Competitive Enterprise Institute, an industry-funded Washington research organization, and who led the Trump administration's transition at the Environmental Protection Agency.

The report details the economic damage expected should governments fail to enact policies to reduce emissions. The United States, it said, could lose roughly 1.2 percent of gross domestic product for every 1.8 degrees of warming.

In addition, it said, the United States along with Bangladesh, China, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Japan, the Philippines and Vietnam are home to 50 million people who will be exposed to the effects of increased coastal flooding by 2040, if 2.7 degrees of warming occur.

At 3.6 degrees of warming, the report predicts a "disproportionately rapid evacuation" of people from the tropics. "In some parts of the world, national borders will become irrelevant," said Aromar Revi, director of the Indian Institute for Human Settlements and an author of the report. "You can set up a wall to try to contain 10,000 and 20,000 and one million people, but not 10 million."

The report also finds that, in the likelihood that governments fail to avert 2.7 degrees of warming, another scenario is possible: The world could overshoot that target, heat up by more than 3.6 degrees, and then through a combination of lowering emissions and deploying carbon capture technology, bring the temperature back down below the 2.7-degree threshold.

In that scenario, some damage would be irreversible, the report found. All coral reefs would die. However, the sea ice that would disappear in the hotter scenario would return once temperatures had cooled off.

"For governments, the idea of overshooting the target but then coming back to it is attractive because then they don't have to make such rapid changes," Dr. Shindell said. "But it has a lot of disadvantages."

For more news on climate and the environment, follow @NYTClimate on Twitter.

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Major Climate Report Describes a Strong Risk of Crisis as Early as 2040 (Published 2018)

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Send any friend a story As a subscriber, you have 10 gift articles to give each month. Anyone can read what you share. Want climate news in your inbox? Sign up here for Climate Fwd: , our email newsletter.

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The Ventura City Council on Monday night will weigh whether to join the city of Oxnard for an up-to-six-month "pilot shelter" in lieu of the traditional seasonal homeless shelter.

Under the proposed plan, the new 24-hour homeless shelter would offer wraparound services such as help with employment, housing, mental health and substance abuse and operate out of the Oxnard Armory.

The city of Oxnard, Ventura and the county would each pay $185,000, with the share potentially "adjusted based on the actual use of the shelter by Ventura and Oxnard persons experiencing homelessness," a staff report notes.

Ventura County homeless coverage:

Both cities would be using the shelter until they open permanent ones. Oxnard is looking for a site to put a permanent shelter in its community, while Ventura is working out the details to lease space on county-owned property on Knoll Drive.

Ventura officials have said the Knoll Drive building, which needs tenant improvements and an operator, could be ready in time for next winter. Costs could be up to $2 million for improvements and $1.2 million to run each year, with half of that being the city's share.

The city held a workshop with area property and business owners on Sept. 13.

"Significant concerns were expressed regarding existing safety concerns and that the shelter will worsen this already challenging environment," the report says in part.

There were also concerns expressed about property values.

The other option would be a shelter that could open just when the weather reaches a certain temperature or rain is predicted at a certain level. Based on the past two years, such a shelter would open 22 days from December through March and cost $15,000 to $20,000.

A location hasn't been identified, but city staff and the Ventura Social Services Task Force have identified several faith-based organizations willing to volunteer once a site is located. The city already has the cots and linens to use in a temporary space.

MORE: Ventura County marketing efforts lack inclusivity, critics say

Also Monday, the city plans to adopt a "declaration of shelter crisis," which paves the way to get money through the state's Homeless Emergency Aid Program. The county will receive just under $4.9 million to distribute early next month. Oxnard, Fillmore, Santa Paula, Simi Valley and the county have already approved the declarations, the report notes.

The council will also move forward on two major infrastructure projects.

One action would authorize staff to receive up to $41 million in state and federal grants to replace the Main Street Bridge.The total project cost is around $46 million, the staff report notes.

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The city of Ventura is looking at relocating the California Street offramp to Oak Street. (Photo: CHUCK KIRMAN/THE STAR)

The other would award $42,000 to the city's consultant for environmental studies related to the relocation of the California Street offramp. The ramp would be moved to Oak Street, according to the plan.That brings the total contract to just over $195,000.

Also Monday, the council will vote on approving a new two-year contract with members of the Service Employees International Union. The contract would give the group a raise of just over 5 percent and a one-time payment of $500 instead of retroactive pay. The previous contract expired June 30.

The new contract runs from July 1, 2018, to June 30, 2020, and costs just under $1.3 million.

The two-year costs for all labor groups approved so far is $3.8 million. That excludes members of the city's two fire unions, which have yet to reach an agreement on a new contract.

Monday's meeting will start at 6 p.m. at City Hall, 501 Poli St.

MORE: Ventura City Council District 1 candidates tackle water, homelessness, traffic

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Ventura's plan for seasonal and permanent homeless shelters moving forward

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The Ventura City Council on Monday night will weigh whether to join the city of Oxnard for an up-to-six-month "pilot shelter" in lieu of the traditional seasonal homeless shelter. Under the proposed plan, the new 24-hour homeless shelter would offer wraparound services such as help with employment, housing, mental health and substance abuse and operate out of the Oxnard Armory.

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COMMENTARY: Reversing 760,000 lost days of learning in our schools

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Schools must be both creative and effective at responding to discipline problems.

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A Colorado boy took his own life the first week of school and his mom said bullying is to blame. The 9-year-old committed suicide just days after telling classmates he was gay.

Leia Pierce said bullying was a factor in the death of her son, Jamel Myles. He started fourth grade at Joe Shoemaker Elementary School on Monday.

Over the summer, his mom said he came out to her as gay.

"And he looked so scared when he told me. He was like, 'Mom I'm gay.' And I thought he was playing, so I looked back because I was driving, and he was all curled up, so scared. And I said, 'I still love you,'" Pierce told KDVR-TV.

Pierce said her son wanted to tell his classmates.

"He went to school and said he was gonna tell people he's gay because he's proud of himself," she said.

On Thursday, four days into the school year, Pierce found her son dead in their Denver home. She said he killed himself after being bullied.

"Four days is all it took at school," Pierce said. "I could just imagine what they said to him. My son told my oldest daughter the kids at school told him to kill himself. I'm just sad he didn't come to me."

A letter from Denver Public Schools to families sent Friday said it's providing extra social workers and its crisis team for students.

"I'm so upset that he thought that was his option," Pierce said.

In the statement, the district said it will continue to offer support to the family.

Through the devastation, Pierce wants to spread awareness about the effects of bullying.

"We should have accountability for bullying. I think the child should because the child knows it's wrong. The child wouldn't want someone to do it to them. I think the parent should be held (accountable) because obviously the parents are either teaching them to be like that, or they're treating them like that," she said.

She said she hopes no parent ever has to go through this pain because their child is different from everyone else.

The Denver Police Department is investigating the death as a suicide.

If you or anyone you know is experiencing suicidal thoughts or depression, there are resources available.

National Suicide Prevention Lifeline (800-273-8255): Speak with someone who will provide free and confidential support 24 hours a day, seven days a week. To learn how to help someone in crisis, call the same number.

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Bullied 9-year-old killed himself after coming out at school

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A Colorado boy took his own life the first week of school and his mom said bullying is to blame. The 9-year-old committed suicide just days after telling classmates he was gay. Leia Pierce said bullying was a factor in the death of her son, Jamel Myles.

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CLOSE

E.O. Green Junior High's current students weren't even in kindergarten 10 years ago. The younger students were just learning to read, some just learning to walk.

But they can all still tell the story of Larry King and the tragedy that befell their school and their community - an impact that is still felt in ripples a decade later.

The ripples caused change. Change in the demeanor and actions of the administrators, the teachers, the staff, the students. Change for the better in the school culture as a whole.

In February 2008, Larry King, who sometimes went by "Leticia," was shot and killed by classmate Brandon McInerney. King was telling friends he was gay in the weeks before the shooting and had been wearing high-heel boots and makeup to school.

McInerney went to trial, with the prosecution arguing he killed King because of King's sexuality, but the defense saying King was sexually harassing McInerney. Friends said King had asked McInerney to be his valentine just days before he was killed. McInerney shot King in the head during a first-period English class on Feb. 12, 2008. King died at the hospital.

The incident thrust the Oxnard school and the Hueneme School District into a harsh national spotlight in the months after the shooting and during a lengthy and emotional trial process. McInerney was tried as an adult and ultimately sentenced to 21 years in prison with no possibility of parole in 2011 after a jury in the first trial deadlocked.

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E.O. Green Junior High School Principal Heidi Haines participates with the school's Prism club. (Photo: CHUCK KIRMAN/THE STAR)

Now, 10 years later, everything in the fabric of the school has evolved. It's a place of acceptance and inclusion, where connections between students and the staff are nurtured and fostered - where everyone has taken an unspoken vow to prevent a repeat of what happened a decade ago.

The school even has a gay-straight alliance called Prism that meets every Tuesday afternoon and creates a safe, diverse and welcoming space for LGBTQ youths and their allies. Although the current middle school students weren't there when King was killed, they carry his memory in the Prism club - and hope their presence means a tragedy like that won't happen again.

In the year that marked the 10th anniversary of the shooting, Prism was honored by the national organization GLSEN as the 2018 Gay-Straight Alliance of the Year for the work members have done on campus in the 16 months since the club's inception.

Moving past tragedy

Principal Heidi Haines never thought she'd return to Green. She was an assistant principal when King was killed and had been plucked from her fourth-grade classroom and placed in that position only months prior.

"I'll never forget that date," Haines said. "It was amazing, the chaos of that day. The way the police swept in. They took all the right steps, of course, but it was terrifying to students and staff alike."

Haines was at Green for about a year and a half before becoming principal at Parkview School, also in the Hueneme district. There, she fielded a couple of offers to come back to Green as principal but declined. About six years ago, she decided it was time to return. There was work still to be done and she wanted to build on the work of the teachers and administrators before her.

Haines said that after the shooting, a vast majority of the staff remained at the school. Often with incidents of gun violence on a campus, teachers and staff leave the school or the profession together, Haines said.

MORE: Ten years after Larry King shooting, challenges remain

But it was those who stayed who pushed for change.

"They made a commitment very shortly after what happened to make sure that every kid had a way to connect with school," Haines said.

They brought back the Associated Student Body and various school clubs and sports.

"We started to just rebuild," Haines said, "and take care of each other the best way that we could."

Ten years ago, the staff and students were dealing with post-traumatic stress, Haines said. Some staff still do.

"There was just this big dark cloud over us," Haines said. "So no matter what we did, what good was happening here, it never got past that."

It took time to rebuild. But rebuild they did.

With Haines at the helm, they implemented a new school motto, rebranded, created logos and clubs for all kinds of student interests - even a ukulele club - and a positive behavior system. The school also placed a plaque under a tree that had previously been dedicated to King's memory.

"There has been a consistent focus on the social and emotional development and needs of students."
Charles Weis, Hueneme board member
"Everyone at Green is treated with dignity and respect" - that's the school's new motto. It's on posters across campus and is reflected in the way teachers, staff and students interact with one another.

Charles Weis, a current Hueneme board member and former county superintendent of schools, said Green has made positive strides. He was at the county office when King was killed.

"There has been a consistent focus on the social and emotional development and needs of students in the last several years," Weis said. "... Green is a place where they listen to young people better than they did before."

Weis said students feel more connected to school, and to the staff, than they did before. That's something he can feel when he's on campus - and especially at promotion ceremonies.

"Just to see how the kids feel about the school and what they've been able to accomplish there, it's a wonderful connection," Weis said. "... There's a completely different culture there than there was 10 years ago."

A culture shift

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E.O. Green Junior High School in Oxnard now has a gay-straight alliance called Prism. The club works to promote inclusion and acceptance of all students. (Photo: CHUCK KIRMAN/THE STAR)

When Prism was forming last year, students saw the chance to be a catalyst for change. There had been changes in state law that opened the door for more inclusive practices for LGBTQ students in schools, and it was kind of the perfect storm.

Eighth-grader Taylor Perez, the club's current president, was one of the founders and said he's proud of the club's growth. It went from 12 or 13 students showing up to meetings last year to meetings where there are 40 or so students and standing room only. Regular attendance is around 25.

"I know if you told me last year we were going to expand this much and make this much progress, I probably would've laughed at you," Taylor said. "I was very unsure of the future of the club last year, but I think the support that we have this year. ... This year, we have a lot of support from the students, and it's definitely made a major boost."

The club has weekly meetings and has put on several all-campus events. There has been a GLSEN No-Name Calling Week, a Day of Silence, a Kindness Week, a California Teachers Association Day of Action and an event that touches everyone on campus - Rainbow Hornet Day, in honor of King. The students wrote positive sayings in chalk on the concrete at the school on that day.

MORE: Group helps aging LGBT community face challenges

The Prism students said the memory of King and the shooting are a part of the club.

"Even though it was 10 years ago, it happened," said Sierra Blaser, an eighth-grader. "And we are going to try and make sure that it never happens again."

In its first year, the club pushed for the school to add gender-neutral restrooms to the campus, something that is also now required by state law.

The students say it's the atmosphere of the club that keeps them coming back each week for meetings.

"People there won't judge you based on either your color or your sexuality or your gender."
Sierra Blaser, eighth-grader at E.O Green Junior High
"I think it's the acceptance and people there won't judge you based on either your color or your sexuality or your gender and you can just be you there and find people who like what you like who are kind of similar to you. It's pretty cool," Sierra said.

Taylor said there's been a noticeable shift on the campus in the way students behave and interact with one another. He said he's seen less bullying of LGBTQ students and hasn't heard "gay" used as a slur nearly as frequently. Club members have noticed their posters haven't gotten torn down or tagged by other students.

"It's nice to be able to look around and see people just be happier than they used to be," Taylor said. "I know we had a few kids in there who would show up with kind of like frowns on their faces, looking like they are on verge of tears and slowly, as time progressed, you could see them come in with smiles on their faces. Eventually, I started to see them starting to walk in the halls with smiles on their faces and I think that the club had a lot to do with that."

Sierra said she recently heard someone say "gay" to refer to something as lame, and saw another student tell them why that wasn't OK. That was a big moment for her, she said, to see another student stand up to a classmate like that.

"I thought it was so cool to hear that," Sierra said, "like we are making a difference."

GSA of the year

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Prism adviser Olivia Strohman is shown with students Uridl Diaz, left, and Valeria Rodriguez. Prism is E.O. Green Junior High School's gay-straight alliance, which works to promote inclusion and acceptance of all students. (Photo: CHUCK KIRMAN/THE STAR)

Four students from Prism, Haines, Hueneme School District Superintendent Christine Walker and the club's advisers Olivia Strohman and Joseph Harrington went to New York in May to accept the national recognition.

Prism is one of more than 6,500 gay-straight alliances in the country.

In the short time of Prism's existence, the advisers say they have successfully advocated for all students' rights and continue to work toward making their school community safer, more diverse and more inclusive every day.

"We support students no matter what is going on in their lives, no matter what they are interested in, what their individual identities are."
Joseph Harrington, Prism adviser
"We support students no matter what is going on in their lives, no matter what they are interested in, what their individual identities are, and for me, it's something that's more about the idea that if a small amount of effort on the part of a staff member can make someone feel safe, then it's completely worth it," Harrington said. "It's like an investment."

The presence of the Gay-Straight Alliance has sparked conversations with the rest of the student body about acceptance, and a big portion of the campus got involved with Rainbow Hornet Day and other events.

"It's been such a great moment for the students and the staff," Walker said of the award. "There's been such a change in culture and climate there."

The school and the club will continue to work toward a culture that's more than just LGBTQ tolerance.

"When you Google E.O. Green now, the shooting will still come up, but so will this award," Haines said. "That happened, yes, but this happened, too."

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10 years after Larry King killing, E.O. Green Junior High sees shift in school culture

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CLOSE E.O. Green Junior High's current students weren't even in kindergarten 10 years ago. The younger students were just learning to read, some just learning to walk. But they can all still tell the story of Larry King and the tragedy that befell their school and their community - an impact that is still felt in ripples a decade later.

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(This October 8 story has been refilled to correct "transsexual" to "transgender" in paragraph 3)

By Linda Carroll

(Reuters Health) - LGBT adolescents are more likely than other kids their age to try to kill themselves, a new analysis confirms.

Data pooled from 35 earlier studies show that sexual minority youth were more than three times as likely to attempt suicide as heterosexual peers, researchers report in JAMA Pediatrics.

Transgender youth were at highest risk, nearly six times as likely to attempt suicide as heterosexual peers, researchers reported.

"Adolescents facing 'non-conventional' sexual identity are at risk of higher self-threatening behaviors, independent of bullying and other risk factors," said the study's lead author, Dr. Ester di Giacomo, a researcher in psychiatry at the University of Milano-Bicocca, in Italy. "I think that a difficulty in self-acceptance and social stigmatization might be keys for understanding such elevation in the risk of self-threatening behaviors."

Many LBGT youth have trouble accepting who they are because of the way they are seen by others, di Giacomo explained in an email.

Suicide is the second leading cause of death in adolescents, di Giacomo and her colleagues noted. A host of factors can raise the risk that teens will try to kill themselves, including psychiatric illness, bullying, and childhood abuse and trauma. Added to that can be sexual orientation.

The 35 studies in the analysis involved a total of nearly 2.4 million heterosexual youth and 113,468 sexual minority youth, ages 12 to 20, from 10 countries.

Overall, sexual minority youth were 3.5 times as likely to attempt suicide as heterosexual peers. Transgender adolescents were 5.87 times more likely, gay and lesbian adolescents were 3.71 times more likely and bisexual youth were 3.69 times more likely than heterosexual peers to attempt suicide.

The big advantage of this kind of study is that "in combining information across so many prior studies you're really getting at one of the best estimates of the disparity of suicide risk due to sexual orientation," said Brian Mustanski, director of the Institute for Sexual and Gender Health and Well Being at Northwestern University's Feinberg School of Medicine in Chicago. "We already knew (LBGT) teens were at risk, but this study gives a more precise estimate of that risk."

Mustanski has followed a group of young people for over a decade. He has found that the accumulation of experiences with victimization and bullying can lead to depression and feelings of hopelessness. "And those increase the risk for suicide," said Mustanski who was not affiliated with the new study.

In a recent study, Mustanski and his colleagues found that having a romantic relationship can be protective against the negative effects of bullying. "If (teens) were bullied but they had a romantic partner, they didn't have depression like those who didn't have a romantic partner," he said. "Having positive family relationships and parental support promotes positive mental health, but it doesn't take away the effects of bullying like a romantic relationship does."

While the outside world can have a negative impact, there are factors that can ameliorate it, said Dana Rofey, an associate professor of psychiatry and pediatrics at the Children's Hospital of Pittsburgh at the University of Pittsburgh Medical Center. "There are protective factors, such as having support from the family, a safe school environment, and a safe and supportive work environment as well as access to psychological and medical care," Rofey said.

Rofey points to an article published in Pediatrics that looked at measures of anxiety and depression in transgender children. Researchers in that study found that children who were supported and allowed to live openly in their "opposite" gender weren't more anxious or depressed than other children.

While the new study underscores the increased risk of suicide attempts in sexual minority youth, "it's important to understand not all LGBT teens are suicidal," Mustanski said. "We read about this community being at risk, but there are plenty of LGBT teens who are happy and thriving and doing great."

SOURCE: bit.ly/2QAFDIi JAMA Pediatrics, online October 8, 2018.

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LGBT youth at higher risk for suicide attempts

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(This October 8 story has been refilled to correct "transsexual" to "transgender" in paragraph 3) By Linda Carroll (Reuters Health) - LGBT adolescents are more likely than other kids their age to try to kill themselves, a new analysis confirms. Data pooled from 35 earlier studies show that sexual minority youth were more than three times as likely to attempt suicide as heterosexual peers, researchers report in JAMA Pediatrics.

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THE anonymous messages poured in daily. "Go kill yourself." "You're worthless." At first Courtney Axford-Dando bottled it all up. She had been bullied since she was five years old. It began in the playground and classroom and then moved to social media. Her bullies would hurl abuse about the way she looked and behaved, and try to isolate her in school. Eventually, when she was 12, her family found out. In her school in Wales, teachers spotted the face-to-face bullying. But online, her tormentors continued after classes and, as most were anonymous, the school would not help. She spiralled into a depression that only years of counselling alleviated.

Of all the forms of bullying, the online variety attracts the most attention these days. It is a big focus of the "Be Best" initiative launched by Melania Trump, America's First Lady, to teach children the importance of social, emotional and physical health. Online platforms offer bullies ever more creative ways to persecute victims outside school hours. Cyber-bullying varies from private threats to cruel public comments to spreading sexually explicit material. Bullies might invite their target to a chat room or group conversation created for the sole purpose of hurling abuse at him or her. Conversely, exclusion from a popular group chat is the online equivalent of being picked last in gym class.
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Reports of teenagers bullied online and committing suicide naturally cause panic among parents and legislators. But cyber-bullying-continuing hurtful harassment-is in fact not as rampant as tabloid headlines suggest. Prevalence estimates vary depending on the definition used. One multi-country study found that the share of children reporting that they had been bullied online more than once a week ranged from 0.7% in Japan to 12.6% in Israel. A second study found that 27% of American children had endured bullying online; a third that 17% of British teenagers have been victims.

Online, where posts can lead their own viral lives and everything leaves a trail, words can be eviscerating. Often the only defence victims have is to delete their online profiles entirely. But that means forgoing a way to interact with others in a positive way. Bullying happens where young people spend their time-at present, mainly Instagram, Snapchat, Facebook and WhatsApp. In South Korea the most likely venue is Kakaotalk, the country's most popular messaging app. A widely suggested "solution" is to forbid teenagers from particular platforms. But then they will migrate to another.

Facebook and Instagram use artificial intelligence to spot abusive language. Most social-media sites have instructions on how to report disturbing material and block other users. Users can anonymously flag posts by others who they think might be suicidal. The source of concern will then receive suggestions and support. Facebook this week announced new ways for users to avoid "unwanted, offensive or hurtful experiences". They will be able to delete or hide a whole set of comments at once. And it will be easier to report bullying anonymously, including on another's behalf. But bullied teenagers are unlikely to find solace in any of this. A recent survey in Britain found that 70% of them thought that social-media companies do too little to prevent bullying.

Schools around the world have varying ways of dealing with bullying, ranging from banning mobile phones to using software that blocks social-media platforms in school grounds. Italy passed an anti-cyber-bullying law last year. It requires schools to assign a staff member responsible for tackling the problem. Websites must remove bullying content within 48 hours. But reducing cyber-bullying through legislation is often tricky. The Canadian province of Nova Scotia introduced an anti-cyber-bullying bill after a high-profile teenage suicide. But the law was later struck down by the courts for violating free speech.

Many scholars agree that the answer to tackling cyber-bullying lies in educating both children and adults in digital skills. Around a third of internet users are under 18. Yet Tijana Milosevic, a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Oslo, says minors are rarely asked about how to curb cyber-bullying. As they use social media without adult supervision, they often find it hard to tell their parents when something goes wrong online. Mrs Trump has produced a leaflet, suggesting parents discuss with their children their online lives, about which they often know nothing. Sensible advice-like her injunction to set an example of good online behaviour, and to remind children that "online actions have consequences". If only adults could take this lesson to heart.

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The school bully has moved online and is following children home

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THE anonymous messages poured in daily. "Go kill yourself." "You're worthless." At first Courtney Axford-Dando bottled it all up. She had been bullied since she was five years old. It began in the playground and classroom and then moved to social media.

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Photographs by Jake Mein
This story appears in VICE Magazine's Power and Privilege Issue. Click HERE to subscribe.

At the start of 2016, the town of Kaitaia, in New Zealand's Far North-population 5,000-had just experienced the loss of six young people to suicide in quick succession. Nina Griffiths, a local high school student, was one of the grieving. Among those who took their lives was a close friend who had been a member of a youth peer-support group with her. "We're a small community, so that touches everyone," Griffiths says. "Everyone knows someone."

After the suicides, roadblocks kept popping up for Griffiths and other teens trying to address the crisis. They applied for funding for more peer-support programs and got denied. Even the meeting rooms they'd been using were closed off. Concerned that in-school discussion could prompt copycat attempts, the town's high schools were not talking about the issue. "We felt like we'd failed," Griffiths says. "I got so frustrated."

Griffiths decided that teens needed to take matters into their own hands. She called a series of community-wide meetings and began campaigning for a broader community response to the deaths. "We're always told as young people, these people, the adults, know better," she says. "And I understand in many situations that might be true, but what I started to realize was we understood our pain better than they did."

New Zealand's teen suicide rate is shocking-the highest in the developed world. According to UNICEF's 2017 report, the suicide rate for teenagers between 15 and 19 is 15.6 suicides per 100,000 people-twice as high as in the United States and about four times the rate in Britain. The suicide rate is in part driven by the legacies of colonization: deprivation, community breakdown, and high rates of incarceration among the indigenous community. According to data from 2018, the suicide rate among Maori men across all age groups was around 1.7 times that of non-Maori.

In New Zealand's Far North, where Griffiths lives, the problem is even more acute. High rates of poverty and drug abuse prompted Ricky Houghton, a well-known activist and philanthropist, to request that the government declare a state of emergency in the region last year. "You need to understand the true social and economical deprivation of this community," Houghton told TVNZ at the time. "Up to 85 percent in some pockets are unemployed, 37 percent are single parents, and the average income is $21,000 [about $14,000 US]."
"We're always told as young people, these people, the adults, know better," she says. "And I understand in many situations that might be true, but what I started to realize was we understood our pain better than they did."
Still, Griffiths says, "Northland is the best place in the world. There is nowhere else in the world like it." New Zealand's least urbanized region, Northland is known as the "Winterless North" for its warm, subtropical climate.

Griffiths says she first came across the issue of depression and suicidal ideation back when she was 12 or 13. The small primary school she had attended, Pamapuria School, was in the headlines after a teacher admitted to abusing multiple children in his care. One of Griffiths's friends disclosed he'd been a victim, and told her how alienating he'd found the formal process of reporting and counseling. It made her realize that many young people found the experts and professionals working in mental health too sterile, unrelatable, and distant. "People needed someone to talk to, and we can talk differently to people our own age," she says.

For teenagers growing up in the north, tough statistics could easily slide into feelings of hopelessness. "One of the problems we have as rangatahi [Maori youth] is the options for when we leave school are really, really limited," Griffiths says of young people in Northland. "It kind of means the ones left behind who don't have the opportunity to do tertiary study just get left. People get down, their friends leave.

"The opportunities are increasing," she continued, but noted, "we need to get that feeling of empowerment to our youth-we've got so many capable young people who have never been told they can achieve."

By the end of 2016, Griffiths's public campaign had proved a success. She had won $10,000 in funding for a youth center, expanded their peer-support program, and propelled the conversation about youth suicide back onto the national stage. She won the Hits People's Choice Award for New Zealander of the Year in 2016. Most promising of all, the suicide rate in Northland dropped 25 percent, from 28 people in 2015 to 21 in 2016. Griffiths responded that the number was still 21 too many.

The campaign also gave young people a chance to speak about the issues affecting their communities the most. "It's about saying your voice is worth something, you have something to say-and if your voice is worth something then you are worth something too," Griffiths says.

This year Griffiths has moved south to New Zealand's capital city, Wellington, where she's completing a diploma in Maoritanga (Maori studies), studying Maori cultural practices. She still hopes to move home one day. For now, she has stepped back from direct involvement in the Northland peer-support scheme, taking time to take care of herself and take a break from the heaviness of it all. But in Northland, the conversation is continuing. Griffiths says there has been a huge increase in community awareness, support groups, and discussion. She also says she won't stop talking about suicide prevention.
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"My strength is to communicate things," she says, laughing. "I've got a big mouth and why shouldn't I use it?"

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How a Teen Tried to Heal Her Town after Losing Two Friends to Suicide

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Photographs by Jake Mein This story appears in VICE Magazine's Power and Privilege Issue. Click HERE to subscribe. At the start of 2016, the town of Kaitaia, in New Zealand's Far North-population 5,000-had just experienced the loss of six young people to suicide in quick succession.

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A new study shows that more Utah teens appear to be struggling with mental health, with nearly 1 in 4 teens in some areas of the state reporting that they recently had seriously considered suicide.

Of more than 34,000 teens statewide who completed questionnaires last year, more than a quarter reported that their feelings of sadness and hopelessness had gotten so bad that they had stopped doing some of their usual activities, according to research released Wednesday by the Utah Department of Health.

That is up significantly from 2013, when about 21 percent reported similar feelings.

"Unfortunately, what stands out most in this report is that the measures we use to track adolescent mental health are all trending in the wrong direction," Michael Friedrichs, an epidemiologist with the state, said in a news statement.

Utah's girls appear to bear the brunt of despair: More than one-third of girls surveyed reported experiencing debilitating sadness and hopelessness for at least a two-week stretch, and they also accounted for most of the increase. Boys' reports of sadness and helplessness rose from about 15 percent to 19 percent in the four years leading up to Wednesday's study.

The study gathered questionnaires from students in grades 6, 8, 10 and 12.

In 2017, about 18 percent of respondents statewide said they had seriously considered suicide at some point in the previous year, with numbers as high as 23.3 percent in and around the Uintah Basin. Statewide, more than 1 in 5 girls said they had contemplated suicide.

One in seven teens statewide reported making a suicide plan in the previous year, and 1 in 13 said they attempted suicide.

More than 1 in 10 girls said they attempted suicide.

Some research has tied rising teen depression and suicide to rising social media use, said Kim Myers, state suicide prevention coordinator - and that may affect girls more than boys, she said.

"Some of the theories that are coming out with social media and technology talk about impact on girls especially," Myers said. Some studies show that girls are more often targeted by cyberbullying and more affected by social comparisons, Myers said.

But it's "never [just] one thing that causes somebody to consider suicide," Myers said. "We have a lot of work to do to figure out what is driving it."

The study also showed dramatic increases in teens' vaping or use of e-cigarettes, from 5.8 percent to 11.1 percent.

But cigarette use decreased slightly (3.9 percent to 2.9 percent), and only 4 percent of teens were using tanning beds, down from 7.7 percent in 2013.

"There are also positive signs in the report," Friedrichs said. "Fewer adolescents are being exposed to cigarette smoke and tanning devices which can put them at significant risk of cancer later in life."

Anyone experiencing suicidal thoughts is asked to call the 24-Hour National Suicide Prevention Hotline, 1-800-273-TALK (8255). Utah also has crisis lines statewide and the SafeUT app offers immediate crisis intervention services for youths and a confidential tip program.

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Nearly 1 in 4 teens in some parts of Utah say they recently considered suicide, new report says

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A new study shows that more Utah teens appear to be struggling with mental health, with nearly 1 in 4 teens in some areas of the state reporting that they recently had seriously considered suicide.

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Part One in an NPR Ed series on mental health in schools.
You might call it a silent epidemic.

Up to one in five kids living in the U.S. shows signs or symptoms of a mental health disorder in a given year.

So in a school classroom of 25 students, five of them may be struggling with the same issues many adults deal with: depression, anxiety, substance abuse.

And yet most children - nearly 80 percent - who need mental health services won't get them.

Whether treated or not, the children do go to school. And the problems they face can tie into major problems found in schools: chronic absence, low achievement, disruptive behavior and dropping out.

Experts say schools could play a role in identifying students with problems and helping them succeed. Yet it's a role many schools are not prepared for.

Educators face the simple fact that, often because of a lack of resources, there just aren't enough people to tackle the job. And the ones who are working on it are often drowning in huge caseloads. Kids in need can fall through the cracks.
"No one ever asked me"
Katie is one of those kids.

She's 18 now. Back when she was 8, she had to transfer to a different school in Prince George's County, Md., in the middle of the year.

"At recess, I didn't have friends to play with," she recalls. "I would make an excuse to stay inside with the teachers and finish extra work or do extra credit."

We're not using Katie's last name to protect her privacy. She's been diagnosed with bulimia and depression.

She says that in the span of a few months, she went from honor roll to failing. She put on weight; other kids called her "fat." She began cutting herself with a razor every day. And she missed a ton of school.

"I felt like every single day was a bad day," she says. "I felt like nobody wanted to help me."

Katie says teachers acted like she didn't care about her schoolwork. "I was so invisible to them."

Every year of high school, she says, was "horrible." She told her therapist she wanted to die and was admitted into the hospital.

During all this time, she says, not a single principal or teacher or counselor ever asked her one simple question: "What's wrong?"

If someone had asked, she says, she would have told them.
Who should have asked?
We talked to educators, advocates, teachers and parents across the country. Here's what they say a comprehensive approach to mental health and education would look like.
The family
The role: The first place to spot trouble is in the home, whether that trouble is substance abuse, slipping grades or a child who sleeps too much. Adults at home - parents, siblings, other relatives - are often the first to notice something going on.

The reality: Many families do not know what to look for. Sometimes a serious problem can be overlooked as "just a phase." But it's those sudden changes - angry outbursts, declining grades, changes in sleeping or eating - that can signal problems. When something unusual crops up, families can keep in close touch with the school.
The teacher
The role: During the week, many students see their teachers even more than their own families. Teachers are in a prime spot to notice changes in behavior. They read essays, see how students relate with other kids and notice when they aren't paying attention.

The reality: Teachers already have a ton on their plates. They're pressured to get test scores up, on top of preparing lessons and grading assignments. Plus, many teachers receive minimal training in mental health issues. But when they do see something concerning, they can raise a flag.
The social worker
The role: Social workers act like a bridge. If teachers come to them with a concern - maybe a child is acting withdrawn - one of the first things they'll do is call home. They see each child through the lens of their family, school and community. They might learn that a family is going through a divorce or homelessness.

The reality: There aren't enough of them. According to one model, every school should have one social worker for every 250 students. The reality is that in some schools, social workers are responsible for many more.
The counselor
The role: In some schools, counselors focus solely on academics: helping students pick classes and apply to college. But in others, they also act a lot like social workers, serving as a link to families and working with students who need support.

The reality: Like school social workers, there just aren't enough counselors. On average nationwide, each counselor is responsible for nearly 500 students. The American School Counselor Association recommends a caseload nearly half that size.
The special education teacher
The Role: Special education teachers may start working with students when a mental health problem affects the ability to do school work. They are primarily responsible for working on academic skills.

The reality: Again, there aren't enough of them. Nearly every state has reported a shortage of special education teachers. Half of all school districts say they have trouble recruiting highly qualified candidates.
The school psychologist
The Role: Here's one job that, on paper, is truly dedicated to student mental health. School psychologists are key players when it comes to crisis intervention and can refer students to outside help, such as a psychiatrist.

The reality: If you sense a pattern here, you're right. In the U.S., there is just one school psychologist for every 1,400 students, according to the most recent data available from the National Association of School Psychologists.
The school nurse
The role: Most any school nurse will tell you, physical and mental health are tough to separate. That puts nurses in a prime spot to catch problems early. For example: A kid who comes into the nurse's office a lot, complaining of headaches or stomach problems? That could be a sign of anxiety, a strategy to avoid a bully, or a sign of troubles at home.

The reality: The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services recommends at least one nurse for every 750 students, but the actual ratio across the country can be much higher.
The principal
The role: As the top dogs in schools, principals make the big decisions about priorities. They can bring in social-emotional, anti-bullying and suicide-prevention programs.

The reality: Principals also have a lot on their plates: the day-to-day management of student behavior, school culture and teacher support.
Getting help, and "excited for life"
Katie says things started to turn around for her when she met a nurse at the Children's National Health System in Washington, D.C., who finally showed interest in what was wrong.

Now, she's begun college and wants to be a pediatric nurse.

"I'm doing a lot better now" she says. " Obviously, I mean, I'm a lot happier. I'm excited for school. I'm excited to graduate. I'm excited for life."

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Mental Health In Schools: A Hidden Crisis Affecting Millions Of Students

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An estimated 20 percent of children show signs or symptoms of a mental health problem. It's a destructive force in schools, but most educators don't have the training or resources to help.

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Educators are increasingly aware of how trauma that students experience in their lives outside school affects learning in the classroom. And while this isn't new information, focusing on how to make the learning environment a safe, nurturing place where those students can succeed has become a robust topic of conversation in many districts. Some teachers worry that trauma-informed practices will mean more work for already overburdened teachers, but others respond that using a trauma-informed approach makes the rest of their job easier.

Edutopia profiled Fall-Hamilton Elementary for a series on shifting to trauma-informed practices and the impact it has made on learning there.

As a whole school, the staff has focused on social and emotional learning, the learning spaces themselves, and building in structures that give students one-on-one time with adults in the building. They've also been careful to acknowledge how teaching this way affects teachers, and have had open discussions about self-care on staff.

To read more of Katrina Schwartz' article, please click here.

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A Glimpse Inside the Transition to Trauma-Informed Practices (kqed.org)

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Educators are increasingly aware of how trauma that students experience in their lives outside school affects learning in the classroom . And while this isn't new information, focusing on how to make the learning environment a safe, nurturing place where those students can succeed has become a robust topic of conversation in many districts.

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An ACE score is a tally of different types of abuse, neglect, and other hallmarks of a rough childhood. According to the Adverse Childhood Experiences study, the rougher your childhood, the higher your score is likely to be and the higher your risk for later health problems. You can take the test below:

So, you've got your score. Now what?

First, remember that the ACE score isn't a crystal ball; it's just meant as guidance. It tells you about one type of risk factor among many. It doesn't directly take into account your diet or genes, or whether you smoke or drink excessively - to name just a few of the other major influences on health.

To learn more, check the CDC's ACE Study website. You'll find, among other things, a list of studies that explore the ways adverse childhood experiences have been linked to a variety of adult conditions, ranging from increased headaches to depression to heart disease.

Remember this, too: ACE scores don't tally the positive experiences in early life that can help build resilience and protect a child from the effects of trauma. Having a grandparent who loves you, a teacher who understands and believes in you, or a trusted friend you can confide in may mitigate the long-term effects of early trauma, psychologists say.

"There are people with high ACE scores who do remarkably well," says Jack Shonkoff, a pediatrician and director of the Center on the Developing Child at Harvard University.

Resilience, he says, builds throughout life, and close relationships are key. Recent research also suggests that for adults, "trauma informed" therapy - which can center on art, yoga or mindfulness training - can help.

How best to find and help kids who are experiencing abuse and neglect right now?

Child psychologist Hilit Kletter, of Stanford University's School of Medicine, says that to spot these children, she looks for visible signs of stress to understand what might have happened to them and how best to intervene. Some kids have nightmares or recurring thoughts of a stressful event, she says, or may re-enact the trauma through play. Or the child may seem distracted or withdrawn.

"This will come out at school," Kletter says. "Teachers will tell parents [their child] seems to be in a daze in the classroom, not paying attention."

Kletter says reactions to trauma are sometimes misdiagnosed as symptoms of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, because kids dealing with adverse experiences may be impulsive - acting out with anger or other strong emotions.

"It's something that's very common in trauma: difficulty in regulating emotions and behavior," she explains. "That's why a lot of these kids get in trouble with the classroom."

Shonkoff's research center at Harvard tests interventions that can build resilience in kids who are growing up with adverse experiences - not just problems in the family, such as those the ACE study investigated, but also trauma stemming from poverty, for example, or from the chronic stress of racial or gender discrimination.

To bolster parents, the Harvard team is testing interventions right now that use video coaching to show moms and dads how to engage their babbling infants, using sounds and facial expressions in a style Shonkoff calls serve and return.

Shonkoff says these early interactions - a kind of conversation - have been shown to help children with later learning and literacy. Even more important, they boost kids' resilience, by helping them build secure attachments with caring adults. Research suggests that just one caring, safe relationship early in life gives any child a much better shot at growing up healthy.

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Take The ACE Quiz - And Learn What It Does And Doesn't Mean

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First developed in the 1990s, the 10 questions of the Adverse Childhood Experiences test are designed to take a rough measure of a difficult childhood. Finding out your score is easy. Now what?

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Research shows that bullying and school climate are linked to children's academic achievement, learning and development. Includes APA recommendations for advocacy and bullying prevention.

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GLSEN: A Champion for LGBTQ issues in K-12 Education

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GLSEN: A Champion for LGBTQ issues in K-12 Education

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In this statement, GLSEN's National Student Council condemns police brutality and calls for greater support for Black lives

Read the Statement

Get involved and join your community, local, or state GLSEN chapter

GLSEN Chapters create LGBTQ-inclusive schools. Community-led chapters offer teacher trainings, student support, community outreach, and more.

Recent Research

Research, Reports, and Briefs

Research, Reports, and Briefs

Research, Reports, and Briefs

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In this statement, GLSEN's National Student Council condemns police brutality and calls for greater support for Black lives Read the Statement GLSEN Chapters create LGBTQ-inclusive schools. Community-led chapters offer teacher trainings, student support, community outreach, and more. Research, Reports, and Briefs Research, Reports, and Briefs Research, Reports, and Briefs

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Wang Fuman, 8, has become a symbol of the plight of the tens of millions of poor Chinese children who grow up largely on their own after their parents leave to work in big cities. Credit Credit Agence France-Presse - Getty Images

BEIJING - On a bitterly cold morning this month, Wang Fuman, 8, set out for school as he usually did, walking 2.8 miles through mountains and streams until he reached the warmth of his third-grade classroom.

When Fuman arrived two hours later, his classmates erupted in laughter. The freezing temperatures had covered his hair, eyebrows and eyelashes with frost, making him look like a snowman. His cheeks were chapped and bright red.

Fuman's teacher at the Zhuanshanbao primary school, in the southern province of Yunnan, snapped a photograph and posted it on WeChat, a popular Chinese messaging app. Soon, the boy became an internet sensation, hailed by commenters as a symbol of the raw determination of rural residents, who make up about 43 percent of China's population.

"Heartwarming," one user wrote on Weibo, a microblogging site. "Please don't forget your original dreams."

Some called him a national hero.

"Some people see beauty and hope in his simple and honest face," one newspaper wrote. "From this little man, foreigners far away will see the great effort and strength of the Chinese nation."

But the photo of Fuman shined a light on the plight of the tens of millions of so-called left-behind children who grow up in impoverished rural areas largely on their own after their parents leave to work in big cities. The social fabric that once held together the Chinese countryside is falling apart as millions of workers move away to chase dreams of prosperity.

Many left-behind children like Fuman live with their grandparents. They face a variety of obstacles, including malnutrition, dilapidated homes and poor access to transportation. Scores of rural schools have been shut in recent years, forcing many children to travel long distances to attend classes.

Those difficulties contribute to high dropout rates among rural children, a crisis that is hurting China's ability to train a highly skilled work force.

"There are so many similar incidents of hardship for left-behind children in China every day," said Kam Wing Chan, a professor at the University of Washington who studies China's rural-urban divide.

Mr. Chan said the government could keep families together by helping them move together to large cities. But many cities impose strict rules on who qualifies for benefits like education and health care, in effect treating rural migrants as second-class citizens.

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Fuman and his older sister live in Yunnan Province with their grandmother, who is ill, while their father works far away. Credit Agence France-Presse - Getty Images

President Xi Jinping has vowed to eliminate extreme poverty by 2020, but it will not be easy. Many families live in isolated areas cut off from modern roads, schools and hospitals. While urban areas are growing rapidly richer, about 500 million Chinese, or about 40 percent of the population, live on less than $5.50 per day, according to the World Bank.

Fuman's story drew many uplifting comments online, but it also provoked some cynicism about China's efforts to eliminate poverty.

"We can't solve poverty," one Weibo user wrote, "but we can praise poverty."

Photos of Fuman's hands, swollen and blistered, also circulated on social media. Internet users praised his penmanship and noted the image of his hands also showed a near-perfect score on an exam.

Students at Fuman's school told state news outlets that they lacked clothing to stay warm, and that it was common for their hair to freeze during their long commutes.

Fuman's story prompted an influx of donations to the school and youth charities totaling at least $330,000. Local officials said they would start a program to provide winter clothes to impoverished children in the region.

In an interview with the state broadcaster China Central Television, Fuman recounted his daily journey to school. On the day that his teacher took the photo, he said, he had forgotten his hat and gloves.

Fuman and his older sister live with their grandmother, who is ill, his father, Wang Gangkui, said by telephone on Saturday. The children's grandfather is in prison, he said.

Mr. Wang often works as a construction worker in Kunming, about 250 miles away from Fuman's home in Ludian County. Fuman's mother left the family two years ago, Mr. Wang said. He said he had to work far away because the family was heavily in debt.

"All the other villagers look down upon us," he said.

Mr. Wang said he hoped for a brighter future for his children.

"I worry about them all the time," he said. "I hope they both can make it to college and find a stable job."

Fuman told the Chinese network CCTV that he hoped to go to a university in Beijing and become a police officer or a scientist.

"Even though I'm now an internet sensation," he said, "I shouldn't be proud."

Iris Zhao contributed research.
Follow Javier C. Hernández on Twitter: @HernandezJavier.

A version of this article appears in print on , Section A, Page 8 of the New York edition with the headline: 'Frost Boy' Elicits Warmth, and Worry. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

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'Frost Boy' in China Warms Up the Internet, and Stirs Poverty Debate

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BEIJING - On a bitterly cold morning this month, Wang Fuman, 8, set out for school as he usually did, walking 2.8 miles through mountains and streams until he reached the warmth of his third-grade classroom. When Fuman arrived two hours later, his classmates erupted in laughter.

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While 23-year-old Alejandro Reyes may blend in perfectly on UCLA's campus, he's keeping a secret from most of his classmates: he's homeless. His school locker is his closet. He brushes his teeth in a public restroom and, at times, he sleeps on a sofa inside a 24-hour campus library.

"I truly believe that I'm going to a different school than my peers are. They have houses right up the hill. They have everything they need. That's not the UCLA I go to," Reyes told CBS News' Carter Evans. "My first quarter here, I actually lived inside of my car. ... That's where I had all my clothes, everything I needed for the day."

But after the car was totaled in an accident, a homeless shelter a few miles away from campus was his only option.

According to the U.S. Department of Education, at least 32,000 college students were homeless in 2017.

Reyes is hoping to attend medical school and become an orthopedic surgeon one day. His yearly tuition at UCLA costs about $13,000, which is covered by financial aid, student loans and a job he has on campus.

After books and food, though, there's nothing left for rent. "It's hard to imagine. ... Obviously it does exist. It's just difficult to grasp and put into a quantitative form," said Serifa Dela Cruz, UCLA's economic crisis manager.

It's not just a housing problem. A survey of students at 10 University of California campuses reveals 48 percent of underclassmen are food insecure and have to skip meals. To combat the problem, UCLA has an on-campus food pantry where students can pick up items for free - no questions asked.

"The problem with homelessness in universities is that because we don't want to stand out, that the university has no idea that we even exist," Reyes said. The shelter where Reyes was living limits stays, and his time has already run out. But he won't graduate until 2020.

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The hidden problem of homelessness on college campuses

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While 23-year-old Alejandro Reyes may blend in perfectly on UCLA's campus, he's keeping a secret from most of his classmates: he's homeless. His school locker is his closet. He brushes his teeth in a public restroom and, at times, he sleeps on a sofa inside a 24-hour campus library.

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Each year, an estimated 4.2 million youth and young adults experience homelessness, of which 700,000 are unaccompanied minors, meaning they are not part of a family or accompanied by a parent or guardian. On any given night, approximately 41,000 unaccompanied youth ages 13-25 experience homelessness.

The Voices of Youth Count from Chapin Hall at the University of Chicago also found that:

One in 10 young adults ages 18-25, and at least one in 30 adolescents ages 13-17, experience some form of homelessness unaccompanied by a parent or guardian over the course of a year.

29% of homeless youth report having substance misuse problems.

69% of homeless youth report mental health problems.

33% had once been part of the foster care system.

50% of homeless youth have been in the juvenile justice system, in jail or detention.

27% of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer and questioning (LGBTQ) youth who are homeless reported exchanging sex for basic needs compared to 9% of non-LGBTQ youth who reported having to exchange sex for basic needs.

62% of LGBTQ youth report being physically harmed while experiencing homelessness while 47% of non-LGBTQ youth reported being physically harmed while homeless.

The lack of a high school diploma or General Equivalency Diploma (GED) is the number one correlate for elevated risk of youth homelessness.

Causes and Consequences of Youth Homelessness

Many factors increase a young person's odds of experiencing homelessness. Demographic risk factors for becoming homeless include being Hispanic or black; parenting and unmarried; or LGBTQ, with LGBTQ youth having more than twice the risk of being homeless than their cisgender or heterosexual peers. In a March 2019 report, the Congressional Research Service identified family conflict and family dynamics, a youth's sexual orientation, sexual activity, school problems, pregnancy and substance use as primary risk factors for youth homelessness. Also noted in the congressional report, females are more likely than males to run away, and among white, black and Hispanic youth, black youth have the highest rates of running away with approximately half of youth running away before the age of 14.

Children in foster care face multiple factors that increase their risk of homelessness, including the number of foster care placements, history of running away from placements and time spent in a group home. According to the Adoption and Foster Care Analysis and Reporting System, over 500 children in the United States ran away from their foster care home or other placement in 2017. Youth in congregate care are also more likely to run away from care than youth in traditional foster care or out of home placement. The age at which a youth enters foster care also influences their risk of running away from care. Youth who are age 15 when they first enter foster care have the highest risk of running away while in care.

Human development also plays a role. Rational decision-making, inhibition, planning and reasoning are all stifled until young people mature, making young people biologically more likely to engage in high-risk behaviors, such as unsafe sexual activity and substance use, than more mature adults. Without safe and permanent homes and caring adults, runaway and homeless youth are at even greater risk of engaging in high-risk behaviors or putting themselves in unsafe or risky situations.

The consequences faced by youth experiencing homelessness are vast and require coordination across the education, child welfare, juvenile justice, health and human services systems. Runaway and homeless youth are vulnerable to multiple threats, including not having their basic food and shelter needs met, untreated mental health disorders, substance use, sexually transmitted diseases and HIV infection, sexual exploitation (including survival sex to meet basic needs), physical victimization and suicide. According to the National Sexual Violence Resource Center, one in three teens on the street will be lured into prostitution within 48 hours of leaving home and the American Academy of Pediatrics finds suicide is the leading cause of death among unaccompanied youth. Also, youth who are homeless often experience a significant disruption in their education due to the transient nature of homelessness.

Definitions

The definition of homeless youth varies across state and federal agencies and leading national organizations. For example, the National Alliance to End Homeless defines homeless youth as unaccompanied individuals ages 12 to 24, while the National Coalition for the Homeless defines homeless youth as individuals under the age of 18. Others define youth as individuals between the ages of 13 and 25.

The Runaway and Homeless Youth Act defines homeless youth as individuals under the age of 18 or between the ages of 16-22, depending on the program the youth is participating in. Under the federal McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act, "homeless children and youths" are broadly defined, without a specific age range.

Researchers also categorize homeless youth into typologies, which itself fosters debate. Typologies include: runaways, throwaways, street youth, systems youth, transient but connected, high risk and low risk. These terms reflect the diversity of experiences and backgrounds among homeless youth, who often do not fit into a single category.

Federal Policy

The Runaway Youth Act, signed into law in 1974, is the only federal law focused on unaccompanied homeless youth. Later renamed the Runaway and Homeless Youth Act, the legislation has been reauthorized five times. The act is administered by the Family and Youth Services Bureau of the Administration for Children and Families within the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. The act, as amended, authorizes federal funding for three programs-the Basic Center Program, Transitional Living Program and Street Outreach Program.

The McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act of 1987 was the first major federal legislative response to homelessness. Title VII of the act includes provisions to ensure the enrollment, attendance and success of homeless children and youth in school. Under the act, schools must work to eliminate transportation barriers and other impediments that may prohibit students from attending school. Schools also must appoint a liaison to work with homeless students and their families.

The Chaffee Foster Care Independence Program provides states with funding to support youth expected to age out of foster care and youth ages 18 to 21 who were formerly in foster care. Funds can be used for housing, educational services and independent living services. The Fostering Connections Act of 2008 increased federal funds available to states to extend assistance to foster youth until age 21 as long as the youth is in school, working or has a medical condition that prevents them from participating in those activities. Services can include housing assistance, vocational and college help, and counseling.

*Federal timeline adapted from the Congressional Research Service report on Runaway and Homeless Youth: Demographics and Programs

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Federal Youth Homelessness Policy Timeline

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The United State Interagency Council on Homelessness (USICH) was created by Congress in 1987 to coordinate the federal government's collaborative response to homelessness. It works in partnership with 19 federal agencies and a national network of state and local affiliates (see graphic below). In 2010, USICH announced its goal to end youth homelessness by 2020 as part of its Opening Doors Strategic Plan, the nation's first comprehensive homelessness strategy.

USICH's 2012 Framework to End Youth Homelessness expands upon specific supports and strategies for meeting its homeless youth goals. In 2015, USICH announced its vision for the community response to youth homelessness, which identified four core outcomes and instructions for the system collaboration necessary to achieve those goals. In 2017, USICH also established criteria and benchmarks to assess progress toward ending youth homelessness. The criteria and benchmarks were updated in 2018.

State Legislative Activity

States have adopted a variety of policies to combat youth homelessness. Some policies address the educational needs of homeless and runaway youth while others appropriate money for shelters and transitional housing. Other policies include counseling and outreach services to homeless youth or youth at risk of becoming homeless.

Since January 2019, at least 30 states have introduced legislation. Topics include:

Addressing the educational needs of homeless youth.

Housing for postsecondary students who are homeless.

Appropriating funds for homeless youth services.

Creating a state office of homeless youth.

Requiring a state plan to address youth homelessness.

Requiring youth in public systems be discharged to stable housing.

Enabling homeless youth to obtain identification cards, drivers licenses and birth certificates.

Other legislation would allow minors to consent to medical, mental, dental and other health counseling and services without a parent or guardian. Fourteen states enacted legislation in 2019:

Arkansas amended a law concerning consent to medical treatment to authorize a liaison under the federal McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act to consent to medical treatment for a homeless minor.

Colorado passed legislation permitting school mental health professionals to identify food insecurity, homelessness and other issues affecting students and make referrals to services within the community, and bring those services into the school setting where possible.

Georgia passed a resolution recognizing and commending the National Association for the Education of Homeless Children and Youth (NAEHCY) for its contributions to the academic success of 1.3 million children and youth experiencing homelessness throughout the nation for more than 30 years.

Indiana established that homeless youth may have access to their birth certificate, photo identification and driver's license without charge or the consent of a parent, guardian or custodian, if the homeless youth provides proof of ownership of a policy of motor vehicle insurance, pays all costs of the policy of motor vehicle insurance and presents required paperwork. This legislation also outlines the primary responsibilities of the office of the coordinator for education of homeless children and the duties of the local liaisons of every local educational agency, regardless of whether it receives a McKinney-Vento Act grant.

Kentucky established alternatives for educational coursework completion for students who are homeless children or youth and established that homeless individuals under a certain age shall not have to pay a fee to obtain a copy of their birth certificate. The legislation also established that a qualified mental health professional may provide outpatient mental health counseling to any child over a specified age upon request of such child and without the consent of parent(s) or guardian(s).

Maryland repealed a provision requiring a county superintendent of schools to allow a child awaiting foster care placement not subject to certain educational stability provisions of the federal McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act to attend school in the county, even if the child is not currently domiciled in that county. The legislation also updated certain provisions of law to include references to the educational stability provisions of the Every Student Succeeds Act.

Maryland also established the "Workgroup to Study Shelter and Supportive Services for Unaccompanied Homeless Minors." The workgroup is required to identify and compile information on unaccompanied homeless minors and make recommendations regarding policy initiatives to address their needs, including funding requirements. The legislation requires the Senate Chair and House Chair of the Joint Committee on Ending Homelessness to serve as cochairs of the workgroup. The workgroup must report its findings to the governor and General Assembly by Dec. 1, 2019.

Minnesota appropriated funds to the Office of Higher Education for a matching grant program to support eligible institutions with a demonstrable homeless student population. The legislation requires the appropriation to be used to meet immediate student needs that could result in a student not completing the term or their program, including but not limited to emergency housing, food and transportation.

Nevada passed a bill requiring each public and charter school to develop a procedure to identify and review the academic plan for each homeless student, unaccompanied pupil or pupil who lives in foster care and adjust the plan as appropriate to maximize the accrual of credits and progress towards graduation for each pupil. The legislation also established that unaccompanied pupils or pupils who live in foster care receive full or partial credit for a specific course of study without satisfying any attendance requirement for the course if the pupil completes the coursework in compliance with procedures adopted by the board of trustees of a school district or the sponsor of a charter school.

Nevada created the position of the liaison for postsecondary education for homeless pupils, established the duties of the liaison and authorized the Board of Regents of the University of Nevada to grant certain waivers of fees for homeless or unaccompanied pupils.

New Jersey established the Office of Homelessness Prevention in the Department of Community Affairs. The legislation requires the department to establish and support a comprehensive program for homeless youth by contracting with licensed organizations and agencies that provide street outreach or center-based shelter or transitional living services for homeless youth. The legislation also permits the governing body of a county or municipality annually to appropriate funds to a private, nonprofit organization to provide services to runaway or homeless youths and their families.

Tennessee requires a degree-granting postsecondary educational institution to designate a staff member to serve as a homeless student liaison to assist homeless students who are enrolled, or are planning to enroll, in the institution, and to develop a plan to provide homeless students who are enrolled in the institution access to housing resources.

Texas passed a bill regarding the determination of appropriate disciplinary action to be taken against a public school student who is in foster care or who is homeless.

Utah established the ability of homeless youth to consent to temporary shelter, care or services and modified the circumstances under which a person who provides temporary shelter to a homeless youth is subject to a criminal penalty. The legislation also allowed a homeless youth to consent to temporary shelter, care or services under certain circumstances.

Virginia aligned provisions relating to when a homeless child or youth is deemed to reside in a school district.

Washington passed six bills relating to youth homelessness:

SB 5324 revises provisions relating to support for students experiencing homelessness, expands award criteria for state grants, requires school districts receiving grants to monitor and report on the academic outcomes of students experiencing homelessness served by the grants and revises criteria for a grant program to link homeless students and their families with stable housing and revises eligibility criteria for students.

SB 5800 establishing the Helping Homeless College Students Act, which provides for a pilot program to assist students experiencing homelessness and to students who were in the foster care system when they graduated from high school. The legislation also allows college districts to establish plans to develop surplus property for affordable housing to accommodate the needs of students experiencing homelessness and students who were in the foster care system when they graduated high school.

HB 1599 revises the minimum requirements for High School and Beyond Plans, which ensures courses taken are aligned with the student's goals for education or training and career after high school. The bill also requires such plans include information specific to students who are or are at risk of being homeless.

HB 1657 adds a definition of street outreach services to provisions relating to services provided by the Office of Homeless Youth Prevention and Protection Programs.

HB 1893 helps certain postsecondary students, including students experiencing homelessness, remain enrolled in school by providing access to food or transportation.

Additional Resources

The resources below are for informational purposes only and do not necessarily reflect the positions of NCSL.

National Homelessness Law Center, Alone Without a Home: A National Review of State Laws Affecting Unaccompanied Youth

United States Interagency Council on Homelessness, Homelessness in America: Focus on Youth

United States Interagency Council on Homelessness, Homelessness Statistics by State

Chapin Hall at the University of Chicago, Youth Homelessness

Chapin Hall at the University of Chicago, Voices of Youth Count

School House Connection, State Laws on Minor Consent for Housing Related Services

Congressional Research Services, Runaway and Homeless Youth: Demographics and Programs

National Network for Youth, Fact Sheets and Issue Briefs

Office of Planning, Research and Evaluation, an Office of the Administration for Children & Families, Building Capacity to Evaluate Interventions for Youth/Young Adults with Child Welfare Involvement At-Risk of Homelessness (YARH), 2013-2019

HUD Exchange, Youth Homelessness Demonstration Program

About This NCSL Project

NCSL's Denver-based Children and Families Program conducts research and analysis on human services issues, tracks legislation and provides learning opportunities, consultations and technical assistance for legislators and legislative staff. Denver staff can be reached at (303) 364-7700 or cyf-info@ncsl.org.

NCSL staff in Washington, D.C., track and analyze federal legislation and policy and represent state legislatures on issues before Congress and the administration. Washington staff can be reached at (202) 624-5400 or cyf-info@ncsl.org.

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national conference of state legislatures

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Each year, an estimated 4.2 million youth and young adults experience homelessness, of which 700,000 are unaccompanied minors, meaning they are not part of a family or accompanied by a parent or guardian. On any given night, approximately 41,000 unaccompanied youth ages 13-25 experience homelessness.

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One thing I never understood about Meg Shimatsu was how she kept her spirits up, given her health problems and her circumstances.

When I wrote about the former legal secretary a little over a year ago, she was living in a 1990 Toyota Corolla but figured things could be worse, given how many people she saw in tents.

"I consider myself luckier than most homeless people," she told me at the time.

Shimatsu has spent years on a waiting list for a kidney transplant, and for more than a year, she parked the Toyota in the lot of the Glendale hospital where she gets dialysis treatment. At night, unable to afford a home on her disability check, she curled up in the back seat of the Corolla, closed her eyes and went to sleep.

We've stayed in touch since then. Shimatsu reads the paper and sends me her thoughts on current events. But 10 days ago she had another reason to check in.

"Hey Steve," she wrote, "just wanted to let you know that I'm no longer homeless."

So that's one down, more than 50,000 to go here in the homeless capital of the United States. If you look at it that way, you can easily get discouraged about the monumental human catastrophe and the sprawl of tent cities. But rather than dwell on that now, I decided to take a look at how Shimatsu made it home, and to see if there's something we can learn from her experience.

More than a year ago, a friend told Shimatsu she should check out the Women's Room at Friends in Deed, a Pasadena nonprofit whose motto is "Doing together what we cannot do alone." The interfaith organization reaches out to people living on the edge and tries to help them transform their lives. The Women's Room is a drop-in program for women who are homeless or close to it - a place to rest safely, do laundry, get a healthy meal, and get hooked up with housing services and other support.

Marlene Martinez, the program director, works in conjunction with another Pasadena nonprofit, Affordable Housing Services, that was looking for women interested in sharing a five-bedroom town home in northwest Pasadena. Martinez knew that Shimatsu was one of several Women's Room clients who might be an ideal tenant, based partly on her ability to devote roughly one-third of her disability income to pay the subsidized rent.

"We're a small nonprofit housing provider," said Michelle White, executive director of Affordable Housing. In the 1990s, White's agency bought eight single-family town homes that were in foreclosure. In recent years, when two of the families moved out, the agency decided to address the growing need for housing among older homeless women by converting two of the units into shared homes. So five women each get their own bedroom, and the kitchen, living room and bathrooms are shared spaces.

How does a small nonprofit like Affordable Housing Services buy real estate in an expensive market?

White said her agency initially bought the town homes from Fannie Mae, the Federal National Mortgage Assn., with assistance from parishioners of Pasadena's All Saints Church. That seed money was supplemented by Pasadena city grants and loans and conventional private market financing.

"That's a typical way nonprofits buy housing," said White, who explained the process of cobbling together money from multiple sources.

Not everyone wants to share space in a home, said Rabbi Joshua Levine Grater, Friends in Deed's executive director.

"Some people feel like they may have only one shot at housing, and they hold out for their own unit," Grater said.

They may have a pet they're unwilling to part with, he said, or they worry that they won't mesh with other tenants, or they don't have a stable enough income to feel comfortable about signing a one-year lease.

In my experience, some people who have nothing eventually come to terms with the idea that at least they have nothing left to lose. And they fear not being able to handle the pressure of suddenly having something they might not be able to hold on to.

But one Women's Room client jumped at the opportunity and moved in right away. Shimatsu had some trepidation at first and wanted to check out the living arrangements before committing. But she liked what she saw.

"It looked like everything was modern and up to date. There were ceiling fans, tiles, wood floors. It was very nice," said Shimatsu, who also liked the tree-shaded patio and the serenity of a unit set back from the street.

Two weeks ago, she moved in.

"The first night was a little hard. In an unfamiliar place, sleeping can be difficult. But it's better now," Shimatsu said.

"Sleeping in a car is bad for your back, but believe it or not, I got used to it," she added. Shimatsu had upgraded to a more comfortable 2002 Camry after I wrote about her. But now, sleeping in a bed, her back feels better.

"It's very comforting to know you can shut the door and you can pretty much do what you want in the comfort of your own home," Shimatsu said. "Solitude is very nice."

Pasadena housing director Bill Huang said he thinks that in a region with tens of thousands of homeless people, there's great potential in shared housing arrangements like this. He cited one example in which three men are sharing a three-bedroom, two-bath house.

"It's cheaper and faster to acquire 10 three-bedroom homes that can house 30 people than to build a new 30-unit apartment building," said Huang, "and there's less neighborhood impact."

When Shimatsu moved in, the Women's Room, with the aid of its many devoted volunteers, helped gather donations of bedding, linens, cookware and toiletries. That spirit of generosity, along with the original help from All Saints parishioners, and donations from Times readers who saw Shimatsu's story last year, had Rabbi Grater thinking about the prayers and sermons he delivered at synagogues when celebrating Rosh Hashana.

"Who by hunger and who by thirst," he said. "Who shall live and who shall die."

This is a time of year, Rabbi Grater said, to honor the idea that "good deeds, repentance and prayer make the pain more bearable."

I took Shimatsu to lunch Tuesday with Times photographer Francine Orr, who documented Shimatsu's nightly ordeal in the Toyota Corolla. Shimatsu expressed her gratitude for the staff and volunteers at the Women's Room, and for the generosity and dedication of the folks at Affordable Housing Services.

After lunch, we went to check out her new home.

Shimatsu turned the key and took us into the living room and kitchen, then led us upstairs to show us her bright, lovely new bedroom. Outside, in the garden, she wanted us to see the pomegranate tree, which was full of fresh fruit, and a nearby lemon tree promised a robust harvest.

"Sometimes," Shimatsu had said in her text to me, "there is a happy ending."

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Last year, she was sleeping in her car. Today she's proof homeless stories can have happy endings - Los Angeles Times

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Meg Shimatsu has spent years on a waiting list for a kidney transplant, and for more than a year, she parked the Toyota in the lot of the Glendale hospital where she gets dialysis treatment. Ten days ago, she called to tell me she was no longer homeless.

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That's the kind of journey it has been with Ayers, a homeless skid-row musician I met in 2005. He's taken me places I'd never been to, like the White House, where he performed at the invitation of the Obama administration. And he's made connections for me with mental health advocates.

People such as Preis, who will be honored this month by the Mental Health Advocacy Services nonprofit he ran for nearly 40 years. And L.A. Philharmonic musician Gupta, the recipient Thursday of a MacArthur Foundation genius grant honoring his nonprofit Street Symphony, which takes classical music to prisons, mental health clinics and shelters. Gupta was chosen for "bringing beauty, respite and purpose to those all too often ignored by society."

A few days ago, when I visited Ayers at the mental health rehabilitation center where he lives, he told me he was on an Andre Watts jag and couldn't get enough of the classical pianist. I got out my phone, as I often do during our visits, and asked Ayers what he wanted to hear. The Liszt Sonata in B Minor, he said. So we watched Watts hammer that for a while before Ayers asked if I could find a video of Watts playing the Rachmaninoff Piano Concerto No. 2.

The man never ceases to amaze.

Thanks to Ayers' willingness to let me write about him, Preis and his nonprofit honored us at their 2008 gala.

Ten years later, the gala is scheduled for later this month, and as I said, this time the honoree is Preis himself. He is retiring after four decades of defending the rights of those with disabilities and mental illness. But several days ago, I learned from Bob Sipchen - my former editor and a close friend of Preis' - that Jim is fighting the spread of cancer and is worried he might not be able to attend the event.

Sipchen and Alex Raksin won the Pulitzer Prize in 2002 for a series of Times editorials on solutions to people living on the streets with mental illness and addiction. Back then, Sipchen learned that Preis was a national authority with firm convictions but a civil nature, even if he disagreed with you.

"Our editorials wound up advocating for, among other things, expanding the way that people with mental illness could be involuntarily committed. Jim remains passionate in his belief that on this point we were wrong," Sipchen said.

Sipchen admired the way in which Preis and his team fought for equal protection of everyone, including those "too ill or poor to take the fight to the courts or legislatures themselves." In recent weeks, Sipchen was inspired by "the courage and dignity" with which Preis faced his own disabilities, such as "getting in and out of a car on cancer-withered legs. ... I suspect his attitude stems from him always seeing the dignity in the people he works to help."

Elyn Saks, the USC law professor who wrote about her own struggles with schizophrenia in the book "The Center Cannot Hold," said Preis - her faculty mate at USC - has fought ferociously to make sure the wishes of patients are heard.

"He really wanted to find alternatives to hospitalization so people would be neither institutionalized nor living on the streets," Saks said.

I went to the hospital Friday morning to visit Preis, but he was too sedated for us to have a conversation. His wife, Debbie, daughter Annie and son John were at his side, hoping doctors could stabilize him so he could begin immunotherapy treatment.

"He made very clear the best thing you could do with your life's work was public service," said Annie, a U.S. Navy lawyer. John is on that same track after serving as a nuclear engineer in the Navy.

In the hospital waiting room, John worked on a Facebook tribute to his father, saying the only thing his dad was never good at was raising enough money for the nonprofit to meet a growing demand for help.

"I only hope I can tell him before he goes that his life's work is on sturdy footing," John wrote, calling attention to the fundraising tribute to his father later this month.

I'm humbled by people like Preis, and by Gupta. I'd left him a message, congratulating him on the MacArthur award, and he called back as I was leaving the hospital Friday.

"I am elated," he said during intermission of a Disney Hall concert in which he was performing.

I met Gupta in 2007 in the office of Adam Crane, who was then communications director for the L.A. Phil. Gupta was only 19, and said he'd had trouble deciding between music and a career in neuroscience, with a focus on brain disorders.

I introduced him to Ayers, they clicked, and Gupta was happy to offer violin pointers. Inspired by Ayers' passion for music, Gupta and Crane teamed up to start Street Symphony, operating on the principle that great art shouldn't be available only to a privileged minority, even as thousands of less fortunate people sprawl on city streets below Disney Hall.

Since 2011, said Gupta, there have been roughly 500 concerts involving about 100 musicians, including everyone from L.A. Phil performers to Colburn School students and skid-row residents.

"I haven't made plans yet" as to what to do with the $625,000 grant, Gupta said. "But I feel absolutely that the work of Street Symphony is just beginning."

His immediate goals are to have more concerts in more locations, including performances of Messiah in women's prisons, and to hire more skid-row residents to the nonprofit staff.

Gupta threw a nod to Ayers, saying this might never have happened without his inspiration. When I called Ayers to tell him that on Friday, he was thrilled for Gupta, and wanted to know when the violinist could visit the mental hospital and give him another lesson.

Hang in there, Mr. Ayers, it'll be soon, I'm sure.

Keep sawing away, Vijay Gupta.

And thank you, Jim Preis. The impact of your tireless devotion to a noble cause is incalculable.

(To find out more about Street Symphony and see a list of concert dates, go to streetsymphony.org. To find out more about the work of Mental Health Advocacy Services and the fundraising tribute to Jim Preis, go to mhas-la.org.)

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One mental health advocate thrives, another fights for his life - Los Angeles Times

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That's the kind of journey it has been with Ayers, a homeless skid-row musician I met in 2005. He's taken me places I'd never been to, like the White House, where he performed at the invitation of the Obama administration. And he's made connections for me with mental health advocates.

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This section pulls together fundamental information about bullying, including: In 2014, the Centers for Disease Control and Department of Education released the first federal definition of bullying.

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2018 school shootings: a list of incidents that resulted in casualties - cnn

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There has been, on average, 1 school shooting every week this year

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We're 21 weeks into 2018, and there have been 23 school shootings where someone was hurt or killed. That averages out to more than 1 shooting a week.

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This logic, of minimizing spaces that could trigger trauma, led Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, to remain closed for nearly four years after a gunman killed 26 people there in December 2012. Students were sent to an elementary school in a nearby town while the entire Sandy Hook facility was torn down and rebuilt.

Kennedy-Paine believes that schools need to build some time into their schedules for recovery, and re-open with an "open house" of some sort, perhaps on an evening before school starts up again. At Santa Fe, students and their parents were invited back to campus for a two-hour assembly the morning before classes began. At Marjory Stoneman Douglas, an open house was held on a Sunday afternoon before classes resumed later in the week. When students come back, "It's not unlike when you have a home burglary-you feel very violated," she says. At Thurston, Kennedy-Paine remembers, parents and teachers entered with the students, hand in hand. "It gave a very nice sense of taking back the school from this terrible thing that happened," she says.

If there's one big commonality in how schools respond to shootings, it's reinforcing security. When students return to school in the immediate wake of a tragedy, Kennedy-Paine says, "we also want to make sure there are overt signs of physical safety." Often, schools beef up the presence of security officers and parent volunteers, just to have "more eyes on kids, more people watching what's going on." And since schools often have a number of entrances and exits, Kennedy-Paine says locking more doors to limit possible points of entry for an intruder can help students feel safer.
Security companies are thriving in the era of mass shootings
Many schools plan out their security strategy in two phases: First, figure out what to do for the remainder of the current school year, and second, figure out what to do permanently. In both cases, some extra security measures are a given, such as an increase in the number of school resource officers (SROs)-essentially, police officers assigned to patrol a school full-time. Marshall County High School, for example, had one SRO on duty last year but reopened this fall with five, as well as a new set of metal detectors.

While an SRO's primary duty is to protect students in the event of an attack at school, another is to prevent such attacks from happening in the first place, which Mo Canady, the executive director of the National Association of School Resource Officers, says involves building and maintaining trusting relationships with students. Of course, in communities where views of law enforcement are less than favorable, administrators are often less enthusiastic about shoring up the police presence in schools.

SROs assigned to schools in the wake of school shootings and acts of violence, Canady says, are often surprised by the degree to which they end up working to protect students' emotional health in addition to their physical safety. Often, Canady finds, students talk to the officers about more than just potential dangers. Years ago, Canady worked as an officer in a school where one student stabbed another between classes, and the next day, "we thought we would be spending our time keeping the school physically secure, but we spent more of our time in the room where all of the counseling was going on." Granted, not all students have positive experiences with SROs: An officer at a South Carolina high school came under public scrutiny in 2016 after he violently dragged a student across a classroom floor.

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The Developing Norms for Reopening Schools After Shootings

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This logic, of minimizing spaces that could trigger trauma, led Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, to remain closed for nearly four years after a gunman killed 26 people there in December 2012. Students were sent to an elementary school in a nearby town while the entire Sandy Hook facility was torn down and rebuilt.

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Jackie Diaz kneeled near a statue of the patron saint of adolescents, whispered to her son's grave and gently rubbed the gravestone as if comforting her child. She does this nearly every day, bringing fertilizer and fresh water so the grass around Isaiah Diaz's grave stays green.

Here, at St. Mary's Cemetery in south Sacramento, she is quiet and angry and focused, especially on this day - Oct. 3, 2016 - one year after someone shot her 16-year-old son in his grandmother's driveway and escaped into the night.

"They're out there on holidays eating and being with their families," she said, thinking of Isaiah's killer. "But this is what our holidays are."

Isaiah Diaz, a sophomore at American Legion High School, spent his last night eating Milky Way candy bars with his family and died of a gunshot wound to his pelvis after being driven to the hospital in a friend's car.

Four weeks earlier, Zai Wu, 18, was playing video games in his Lemon Hill bedroom when a fight erupted outside. A stray bullet struck Wu in the head, killing him.

And nearly six weeks later, on Nov. 13, popular Grant High School football player Jaulon "J.J." Clavo was shot and killed while riding in a car a few hours before a game. The mayor and hundreds of mourners attended his funeral.

All told, 114 teenagers died violently in Sacramento County since the beginning of 2007. The bloodshed claimed honor roll students and street gang soldiers, young fathers and children of immigrants.

Young people in Sacramento between the ages of 15 and 19 are twice as likely to be killed in homicides as the general population, and the teen murder rate here is higher than both the state and federal averages, according to an analysis of Sacramento Coroner's Office records obtained by The Bee through the state's Public Records Act.

The Bee analysis showed more teens were killed by gunshot wounds to the head than by any other means, and guns were used to kill teenagers here at a significantly higher rate than the national average.

The victims' last hours were spent at house parties in Rancho Cordova, walking to school in Valley Hi and sitting in the garage of a relative's home in North Natomas. Seven teenagers have been killed in the past three months, including a 17-year-old boy shot while trying to calm an argument over a song and two brothers gunned down in the middle of the day along bustling Fruitridge Road.

A teen died violently in 37 Sacramento ZIP codes and in every incorporated city in the county except tiny Isleton. The victims lived in Elk Grove, Citrus Heights and Folsom. Many more came from Del Paso Heights, Oak Park, North Highlands and Meadowview.

Police here solve a large majority of the homicides they investigate. Yet despite the public outrage and confusion that often follow a young person's violent death, 42 teen murders since 2007 remain unsolved, according to a review of cases investigated by Sacramento County law enforcement agencies. Detectives in California's other big counties have similar - or worse - rates of finding who killed teens.

You can chart the arrest rates by skin color. For Latino victims like Isaiah Diaz, slightly more than half the cases over the last 10 years were "cleared," meaning police arrested a suspect, authorities ruled the killing was justified or in self-defense, or prosecutors determined there was insufficient evidence to obtain a conviction. Nearly three-quarters of cases involving white victims and 67 percent of those with black victims were cleared, according to The Bee's review of cases investigated by Sacramento County law enforcement agencies.

Officials say Sacramento's gang culture presents a constant challenge in solving teen cases because it places a premium on street loyalty - and scorns cooperation with law enforcement. The Sacramento Sheriff's Department said roughly half of its 22 unsolved teen cases over the past decade were connected to the gang lifestyle. Witnesses in those cases were often reluctant to cooperate out of fear of retribution, although that kind of street justice rarely occurs, authorities said.

"I understand that fear - I do - and I'll ask (witnesses), 'What are you afraid of?' because I don't want to be presumptuous," said Sacramento sheriff's Sgt. Tony Turnbull, a former homicide investigator who is now the department's spokesman. "But it comes down to integrity. I tell them, 'Put yourself in the shoes of that victim's mother or brother.'"

Some of the toughest homicide cases had dozens of witnesses. In at least eight unsolved cases, teens were killed at large house parties, according to media reports and information released by police. Those parties grew out of hand, often fueled by social media posts attracting unwanted guests carrying guns. Multiple witnesses led detectives down fruitless paths, chasing nothing more than a suspect's first name or where he went to elementary school.

And time is not an ally to a detective working a murder. For the Diaz family and many others, hope fades that an arrest will be made after the first 72-hour window, when detectives devote every waking hour to interviewing witnesses and searching for evidence. After that, key elements - cellphones, cars, weapons, blood-stained clothes - disappear.

TEEN HOMICIDES

"As a detective, you feel like a failure when you're not able to solve a case," said Sacramento police Sgt. Bryce Heinlein, another former homicide investigator. "Not only because the family doesn't have closure, but because you don't want there to be another victim."

The parents left behind say their greatest fear is that their children will be forgotten. They become convinced the police will move on to the next case, that their son or daughter's killers will remain free to spend holidays with their families. As the months and years pass, parents begin to express a sense of isolation, a feeling that everyone else has moved on while they remain trapped in their grief.

Harley Bonacci, 15, was shot in the head by an unknown assailant while riding in a car with friends in a tough North Sacramento neighborhood more than two years ago. He remained on life support for weeks before dying May 2, 2015. James Bonacci has his son's name, date of birth and date of death tattooed to his hand. He struggles to talk about Harley without sobbing.

"I don't know, I don't know if there's any such thing as closure," he said. "I don't think anything will do that. It is indescribable - the pain you go through when your child dies - and I don't think anything will change that."

Graveyard for the young

Pastor Les Simmons of the South Sacramento Christian Center said he isn't surprised by the number of teen homicides reported over the past decade; he says he's been to more funerals than weddings. And he said there is plenty of blame to go around when cases go unsolved.

"We need a deeper commitment by police," he said. That means dedicating more detectives to cases and more effort reaching out to community members, parents and potential witnesses who may provide useful information. "If a mom is saying, 'That guy around the corner did it,'" police need to act on those tips immediately, said Simmons. "That doesn't always happen."

But Simmons said parents and community members also bear much of the burden. In forums organized by Simmons and other youth activists, community leaders urge people to develop better relationships with police. Parents are starting to understand that they need to "not live by the street code of 'don't tell'" when it comes to violence committed by or against young people, Simmons said.

"I think there is a new-found consciousness of parents saying, 'I won't be silent,'" he said.

Sacramento police used a common label to describe Isaiah Diaz's homicide: "gang related." Jackie Diaz insisted her son was not tangled in the gang life. She said a friend of her son who was with him the night he died had wandered down a troubled path and that he - not Isaiah - may have been the intended target. Two of her son's friends witnessed the shooting and Jackie Diaz believes people in her neighborhood know who is responsible.

"No one wants to be a snitch," she said. "It's my worst fear, that it won't be solved. I don't want a cold case."

For five generations, members of Isaiah Diaz's family have lived within a few blocks of one another in Colonial Village, a neighborhood of modest homes and dirt yards near the warehouses that line Power Inn Road in Sacramento. At the center of the neighborhood is Bill Bean Jr. Memorial Park, a public park protected by a black wrought-iron fence named for a Sacramento police officer killed by a parolee in 1999.

Isaiah Diaz spent much of the night of Oct. 2, 2015, at the house on 17th Avenue where his grandmother, Mary Diaz, lives and cares for his great-grandmother. He left at 10 p.m. and walked home, around the corner. But at some point before 1 a.m., Isaiah walked back to his grandmother's house, a common practice for him. He often had trouble sleeping.

A friend arrived. A car pulled up and someone inside opened fire. The friend ducked for cover, but Isaiah was hit.

Jackie Diaz buried her son just 35 feet away from the grave for Brayan Castanon, a childhood friend of Diaz's from elementary school.

Castanon and a group of friends had walked to Edward Kemble Elementary School in Meadowview on Christmas night, 2013. They argued with two young men. Castanon was shot in the head, a 17-year-old boy was shot in the shoulder and neck, and an 18-year-old took a bullet in the hand. Castanon died three days later at the age of 15.

"These poor children don't even get to live their lives," Jackie Diaz said.

Diaz and Castanon have something in common: They were among 15 Latino teenagers in Sacramento County killed in the past decade whose homicides remain unsolved.

The question of whether a victim's race plays a role in arrest rates is unanswered. Charles Wellford, a criminologist and professor of criminal justice at the University of Maryland, said clearance rates vary by city, and likely have more to do with the level of cooperation investigators receive and whether investments have been made in crime-fighting tools in certain neighborhoods.

"The problem is whether people are willing to come forward and whether there's an equal distribution of technology that police can use," he said. "(The research) seems to suggest that the differences are not a reflection of police effort."

The Diaz family expresses a deep mistrust of the Sacramento Police Department. Authorities, in turn, say the house on 17th Avenue where Isaiah was killed has long been a magnet for crime.

The city of Sacramento considers the home a "public nuisance," chronicling cases of drug use, gang activity, drive-by shootings and loud noise back to March 2002, according to a civil court complaint filed by the city in 2011. Last year, the city threatened to fine the family $40,000 for allowing large vigils near the site of Isaiah's homicide, alleging the gatherings "attract criminal activity, including gang activity, illegal narcotics possession, and illegal weapons," according to a letter the city attorney's office sent the family. The city took the unusual step of attaching a large, neon yellow sign to Mary Diaz's front porch declaring the property a "DRUG AND GANG FREE ZONE" and warning "THESE PREMISES ARE BEING WATCHED BY THE SACRAMENTO POLICE DEPARTMENT."

The family denied that the home is a magnet for crime.

On the anniversary of Isaiah's death, three police patrol cars drove slowly by the home as friends and relatives began gathering for an evening vigil. The officers did not stop or speak with the mourners.

"I wish they'd put more effort into finding who killed my son instead of putting all that effort into us," Jackie Diaz said.

At St. Mary's Cemetery, Diaz and her sister placed rosary necklaces and plastic religious statutes on Isaiah's grave. Red and gold party streamers were placed around the plot, a nod to the San Francisco 49ers, Isaiah's favorite team. More than two dozen mourners spent the day at the cemetery.

As the adults took turns quietly staring at the grave, some of Isaiah's young friends kept their distance, talking, laughing and drinking soda. One young girl looked at her iPhone as she sat on the ground next to a statue of Saint Padre Pio who, among other traits, is known as the patron saint of adolescents. Jackie Diaz wasn't aware of the saint's connection to young people, or of the prayer chiseled into the statue's stone base just a few feet from her son's final resting place.

"I will stand at the gates of Heaven," the prayer reads, "and I will not enter until all of my spiritual children are with me."

The killing grounds

Gunshots boomed through the neighborhood surrounding Meadowview Park on a summer night in 2013, but nobody called police to report them. Hours later, an early-morning jogger spotted a young woman lying face up on a patch of grass between a basketball court and a playground, blood pooling from bullet wounds in her head and neck.

The killer, and any possible witnesses, were long gone. Finding out who murdered LaShawn Peters, 19, in the darkness in south Sacramento promised to be a daunting task.

Nearly four years later, the circumstances that led to her lonely death on June 13, 2013, remain wrapped in mystery.

Lashawn's aunt, Tama-Sha Peters, recently cradled her own 3-year-old daughter Nyomi in her apartment not far from American Legion High School, which LaShawn and her twin, LaShay, attended. "No one should have to die that way," she said, dissolving into tears. "The hurt will never go away."

Nyomi, who was just a baby when LaShawn died, is a constant reminder of the family's loss. She has the same light skin tone as her aunt; the high forehead and full lips; the solid build.

LaShawn, who family members called "Vanilla" to her twin sister's "Chocolate," was outspoken and funny, with a smile that brightened bad days, Peters said. She loved to cook, and planned to attend culinary school. But in the months before she died, her aunt got the impression that she had started hanging out "with people who were messed up," Peters said.

"I wish I would have been able to pull her out of it," she said.

Tama-Sha held a photo of LaShawn, smiling with her sister, next to little Nyomi's face. She showed another image on her cellphone, of LaShawn in a casket, looking as though she is peacefully sleeping. For a time, Tama-Sha kept an urn heavy with her niece's ashes on her kitchen table.

LaShawn's death, and the knowledge that her killer is free, have further fractured a family that was fragile even before her death, relatives said. The teen's mother, Jovon Peters, did not appear for a scheduled interview with The Bee about her daughter. LaShay Peters has been elusive since her sister's death, Tama-Sha said, adding that she was unsure where her surviving niece was living.

Police investigators and prosecutors often cite unsteady home lives as factors when young people turn to violence or become victims. Turnbull, the former sheriff's department investigator, said many of the cases in that department's jurisdiction involved teenagers who were out much later than the county's 10 p.m. curfew.

"Some of the parents of these kids may not realize how they are influencing their kids in a negative way, because they were raised the same way," said Heinlein, the Sacramento Police Department spokesman. "It becomes a cycle. Kids who have unstable home lives are going to resort to 'friends' who become their family."

Myesha Lomack grew up with the Peters twins. They were three cousins who were as close as sisters.

"We called ourselves the triplets," she said at her brother's apartment in the Florin area. As children, they attended church services together, hunted Easter eggs, captured insects. But after high school, "we went a different way," said Lomack, 24, a home health worker who commutes between Sacramento and the Bay Area.

In the months before LaShawn died, Lomack said her cousin had been "hanging out with shady people," some of whom were involved with drugs.

"It's a war in some neighborhoods here in Sacramento," Lomack said.

South Sacramento neighborhoods like Meadowview were some of the most violent for teenagers in the past decade. The working class and ethnically diverse enclaves south of Fruitridge Road were the killing grounds for 35 teenagers since 2007.

Lomack has ideas about what might have happened to LaShawn, but she said detectives never contacted her. Tama-Sha Peters said she has not spoken to police since shortly after her niece's death.

LaShawn's Facebook page remains active, and Lomack and others frequently post messages and tributes. They also vent their frustration that her killer is still on the loose, three years later.

"Whoever stole my cousin/sis LaShawn Peters life I'm looking for you!!" Lomack wrote in August.

Peters' homicide was investigated as local police agencies were only beginning to emerge from a period of depleted staffing. The Sacramento Police Department had 10 percent fewer officers in 2015 than it did seven years earlier, and operated without a robust gang enforcement unit for some of that time. The Sheriff's Department lost three homicide detective positions to budget cuts in 2009 and did not regain those officers until September 2016.

Crime experts said there is a direct correlation between the staffing of specialized police units - especially detectives - and homicide clearance rates.

"It takes boots on the ground, it takes trained homicide investigators being given the necessary time and necessary overtime to make an arrest," said Thomas Hargrove, who has studied decades of FBI data to create the nonprofit Murder Accountability Project. "It is just as simple as can be: If you don't pony up the resources, you're not going to solve the murders."

Police insist they have not given up on finding LaShawn's killer, and that one good clue could lead to an arrest.

"We know that someone has information about what happened to this young lady," Heinlein said. "It has to be weighing on their conscience. The right thing to do is to come forward."

Lomack is less than optimistic. Talking to police "is not the thing to do" in south Sacramento, she said. "People are scared to say anything," she said, for fear of retaliation, even death.

On a recent afternoon, Lomack visited where her cousin took her last breaths. It was one way, she said, to keep her close to her heart.

On the sidewalk next to the playground, she saw letters scrawled in fading green paint.

"RIP LaShawn Peters," it read.

Lomack crumpled to the ground and wept.

Fatal parties

By midnight, the party was spinning out of control.

A volatile mix of more than 100 young people, most of them uninvited, had shown up to a home near the end of a cul de sac in Rancho Cordova. Alcohol flowed. Partiers later said people had flashed gang signs and shouted at each other. Within an hour after sheriff's deputies dispersed the crowd, it swelled again.

Joseph Burrola, 17, his older cousin, Victor, and two friends arrived at the home after receiving a text about a party earlier in the evening. They ditched their plans to shoot pool at Hard Times Billiards off Garfield Avenue and headed to Rancho.

Just past 1 a.m., a group of five young men began hitting one another. They punched a teenage girl who tried to intervene. She fell. As she lay, apparently unconscious, someone smashed her face with a bottle. Gunfire erupted. Joseph and his group headed for the door.

They and other partygoers poured from the house and onto the street, running toward their cars. "I'll air all you all out!" a man shouted, gang parlance for gunplay. A volley of shots ricocheted around Joseph, Victor and their friend, including some that appeared to come from a car.

Neighbors called 911, and deputies sped out to Sarament Court for the second time that night. This time they found a body.

It was Joseph Burrola.

Joseph, the eldest of four children, died weeks before he was scheduled to graduate from Elwood J. Keema High School. He was working on getting his driver's license. A swimmer and junior lifeguard, Joseph "was drawn to the water," said his grandmother, Lorraine Burrola. He dreamed of a job on big vessels with the Coast Guard.

Relatives said he was never involved in gang life.

Based on witness statements and cellphone video captured at the party, detectives do not believe Joseph was fighting on the night he died, or that he was targeted by the shooters, Turnbull, the sheriff's spokesman, said. He was simply in the wrong place at the wrong time: a house party in the suburbs.

Two people, Gregorio Ybarra and Julian Sabido, have been sent to prison for crimes related to the shooting on June 21, 2015. Both had prior criminal records and are described as gang members in court records. In a plea deal on firearms and assault charges, Sabido - 19 at the time of the shooting - received a sentence of 17 years. Ybarra, who was 20, was sent away for 25 years.

Neither was charged with firing the bullet that killed Joseph Burrola. But at Ybarra's sentencing hearing, Deputy District Attorney Brian Morgan said "it was really his and his group's conduct that caused the murder."

Detectives are still trying to sort out that night, said Turnbull. Cases involving large numbers of people and multiple shooters are particularly difficult to crack. Many witnesses must be interviewed. Conflicting stories surface. Parents of young people who may have information are sometimes reluctant to share it for fear of pulling their child into a murder investigation.

Turnbull's best advice to parents for protecting their children: Make sure they are home after dark, or where their parents know they are safe.

"Many of these minors, if they were not out after curfew, would be alive today," he said. "Part of your responsibility as a parent is to keep them off the streets at night."

At least 13 teenagers were killed at parties in Sacramento County since 2007. Most of those cases have not been solved.

Cheaquis Jones, 18, was shot when a group of uninvited guests arrived at a party he was attending in Sacramento's Lawrence Park neighborhood in April 2014. Another teen was injured, but survived, and the assailant is still free. Uninvited guests were also blamed for killing Marlon Morales, 18, and Christopher Valdes, 19, at a party in a barn on rural Rising Road in Wilton in 2010. More than 50 people were there before a group showed up around 1:30 a.m. They were asked to leave and responded with violence. The shooter is still on the loose.

Dijon Smith, 19, was at a raucous party near Gerber Road in south Sacramento in the early hours of Sept. 23, 2012. Deputies were called to the house four times, the final time around 2:45 a.m., when they found Smith lying on the sidewalk with a fatal gunshot wound to his chest.

Despite a $12,000 reward, no one has been charged with shooting 18-year-old William Virdee to death on Sept. 27, 2009. He was killed as he drove away from a Rio Linda house party and detectives said many people may have seen what happened.

And Jimmy Le, a 16-year-old Hiram Johnson student, was standing outside a home near Lemon Hill Avenue on Oct. 17, 2010, when someone drove past and opened fire. Le was attending a party for his cousins - Marines on leave from an overseas deployment. Le was a peace activist who handed out pins with positive messages to fellow students. He died two days after he was shot.

Burolla's killing also shows that youth violence isn't confined to inner city neighborhoods.

Six teenagers were shot and killed in Rancho Cordova the past 10 years. Three died in Citrus Heights and three more in Elk Grove. Detectives also worked crime scenes in Folsom, Galt, North Natomas and Arden Arcade.

Burrola was living with his grandparents in Rio Linda when he was killed. He came to the Sacramento area three years ago from Texas, where his mother lived. He had been skipping school, getting into trouble, "not being a responsible citizen," said his father Manuel, who lives in Del Paso Heights with his wife and other children. So they decided to move Joseph to California.

The change seemed to be working. Joseph was doing well in school, enjoyed weekend fishing and camping trips, and was thriving on the rural property where his grandparents kept goats, turkeys and horses. He worked at a Smog King office managed by his father's wife, Julia Fox, and was saving money for an apartment and car, relatives said.

On the afternoon before he died, Manuel Burrola drove to Rio Linda to drop off Joseph's paycheck. Joseph came outside, and Manuel handed him the check. Then he drove away, glancing back at the boy who seemed ready to become a man.

"I wish I had put him in the car and pulled away with him," he said. Instead, he smiled and waved goodbye to Joseph.

Just after 4 the next morning, someone pounded on his door. It was a friend whose son had been at the Rancho Cordova party with Joseph.

"Joe's been shot," she told Manuel.

He and Fox arrived on Sarament Court and saw a body covered in a white sheet. A detective asked if they wanted to talk to a chaplain. They declined. They drove to Rio Linda to break the news to Joseph's grandparents, and called the boy's mother in Texas.

Manuel Burrola said he wants to scatter his son's ashes in some of his favorite places: fishing holes, campsites and hiking trails. But he cannot do it, he said, until Joseph's killer is found.

"I just don't feel comfortable letting him go," he said, "until justice is served."

'Where the bullets fly'

Harley Bonacci's father told him to avoid The Manors. For 30 years, it's been the kind of neighborhood where the simplest act could get you in trouble, he told him.

For Harley Bonacci, that act was listening to a song.

Strawberry Manor - known locally as The Manors - is a tough stretch of North Sacramento, where youngsters on scooters zip by boarded-up homes once occupied by drug pushers and users. Teenagers carrying backpacks walk with their heads down, wary of making eye contact with someone who may have a grudge. The homes on Mabel Street, down by an elementary school, are ringed with chain-link fences and signs warning of dangerous dogs.

"He knows to stay away from that place," James Bonacci said. "But we can't watch our kids every single minute of the day."

It was a little after 3 p.m. on March 12, 2015, when 15-year-old Harley Bonacci and three friends drove into The Manors. School had just let out and it was a pleasant late-winter day, with clear skies and temperatures in the 70s.

Bonacci and his three buddies were listening to Del Paso Heights rapper TreSolid. The lyrics of his song - "2's Up" - tell a raw story of money, cars and women. A video for the track was shot not far from The Manors.

"I represent the north, where the bullets fly, where you gotta be a soldier or you're gonna die," is a line in the song.

According to Bonacci's family, the kids drove by someone who didn't like the song, perhaps someone representing his territory in a different part of the city. Harley stuck his head out a car window and bullets flew. One shot hit Harley in the head.

Harley's friends sped out of The Manors and rushed him down busy Norwood Avenue, to the parking lot of the T&Y Market. They called 911 for help and Harley was taken to the hospital, alert but clinging to life. A section of the boy's skull was gone and he languished on life support for weeks. He died May 2, three days after his family pulled the plug.

On a sunny and windy Friday afternoon nearly two years later, James Bonacci sat at a picnic table in Robertson Park on Norwood Avenue, not far from the route his son's friends took when they rushed Harley out of Strawberry Manor. His massive and cracked hands were clenched as he spoke, providing a clear view of the tattoo on his left hand that is a memorial to his son.

Harley Bonacci had been stabbed on the street a few weeks before he was killed and spent too much time worrying about girls and cars, his father said. But he also wasn't a gangster, his dad said. He was a sophomore at Elwood J. Keema High School, played video games with his dad and stuck up for his older sister.

"He was a typical teenaged kid," James Bonacci said. "He wanted to grow up too fast."

James Bonacci moved his kids to South Natomas from North Sacramento a few years ago, thinking he could shield them from the kind of street violence that claimed seven teenagers over the past decade in the 95838 ZIP code. But many of their friends remained in Del Paso Heights and the kids were there often.

"I hate this place," he said. "It's a trap."

Harley Bonacci was one of three teenagers shot dead in Strawberry Manor over the span of seven months in 2015. It was a stretch that also claimed the life of Clavo, the Grant High football player killed before a game while driving around with his friends. Clavo's violent death rattled North Sacramento and much of the city. Activists, students and teachers held candlelight vigils at Grant High School, and a pastor speaking at Clavo's funeral declared he was "sick of burying our babies."

Police arrested 16-year-old Keymontae Lindsey on a weapons charge the day after Clavo was killed. Three months later, they charged Lindsey in Clavo's death, announcing the arrest during a widely viewed press conference at police headquarters.

The other young man killed during that stretch was Lamar McCants, 18, who was shot shortly after midnight on April 20 in front of a relative's home on Cookingham Way. McCants stumbled into the house, collapsed and was pronounced dead by paramedics a few minutes later. Police attributed his shooting to a gang feud and his murder remains unsolved.

No one has been charged in Bonacci's homicide either, and his shooting received no media attention. His father is convinced police have given up finding the killer. "I wake up in the middle of the night and I don't understand how he could have been swept under the carpet," Bonacci said.

Detectives apparently didn't have much to work with. Witnesses told investigators the gunshots may have been fired from a "green, four-door, American-made car with silver after-market rims," according to a police log of the incident. Police said the "investigation remains open and active," but offered no other details.

Detectives often say they are driven by a sense of duty to find closure for the loved ones of murder victims. Turnbull, the sheriff's sergeant, described his comrades as passionate and driven, often going three days without sleep when a big case lands on their desk. He said a good detective will tell a victim's family what he or she can about a case's progress and will always believe that a killer can be found, even years later.

"You make your own luck," he said, "and you do the best you can."

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Why Sacramento County has so many teen murders - and many are unsolved | The Sacramento Bee

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Violence has claimed the lives of 114 teens in Sacramento since 2007, with a higher murder rate than state and national averages for this age group. Nearly all were killed by guns, about 40 percent are unsolved, and all leave families desperately clinging to memories of lost children and dreams of what lives they may have led.

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An independent review of the fatal shooting of Alfonso Limon Jr. by Oxnard police was released Monday, more than four years after the tragic incident in La Colonia.

The audit, conducted by the Los Angeles-based Office of Independent Review, included 19 recommendations for police department improvement. The 35-page report outlined department missteps, including not having enough officer supervision, delayed cleanup of the crime scene and inappropriate officer comments.

But in general, the report, which cost the city $25,000, praised the department for its internal response and action plan following the shooting.

"In our view, the depth and thoughtfulness of (Oxnard police department's) process could well serve as a paradigm for other law enforcement agencies," according to Michael Gennaco, of OIR Group.

On Oct. 13, 2012, Limon was mistaken for a suspect when he was shot and killed by police. The incident started as a traffic stop that led to a pursuit of a vehicle occupied by three men. Two suspects ran out of the vehicle and one fired at officers. It was during the exchange of gunfire that Limon walked by and got caught in the crossfire.

A wrongful-death lawsuit filed by the Limon family ended in a $6.7 million settlement with the city of Oxnard. The settlement also included a commitment by police to pursue body-worn cameras. Since then, 150 body-worn cameras have been deployed.

Police Chief Scott Whitney said the mission of the report is to find errors and identify areas of improvement.

"It adds a different perspective," Whitney said. "It's always good to have a rigorous assessment."

Whitney, who was the assistant police chief during the shooting, said Limon was "truly an innocent victim" and the department will always have the highest sympathies for his family.

The Limon family could not be reached for comment.

Included in the report is an overview of police response during and after the shooting and the suggested corrective actions.

According to the report, cleanup of the crime scene was delayed leading to blood stains, medical waste and other debris to remain in the neighborhood a day after the incident. The delayed cleanup could be interpreted as disrespect and disdain for the neighborhood, according to the report.

In response, the department has provided training on the need to properly clean up a crime scene.

The report also called for establishing crime scene protocols with the county medical examiner's office. In the case of Limon, his body was left at the scene at least nine hours after the shooting, which the report considered "problematically long."

Following the investigation and civil proceedings, the report suggested better communication with the Limon family.

"(Oxnard Police Department) could have inquired in more depth from the Limon family regarding how the department's on-scene handling of the event impacted them and engaged in more fact collecting from its members with regard to issues raised by the family," according to the report.

One area of the report focused on officer conduct during the initial traffic stop. One officer repeatedly used profanity and referred to the people in the car as stupid.

"While the officer told the occupants at one point to put their hands up, he instructed his partner to shoot one of the occupants in the back of the head if his hands came up," according to the report.

The report credited the department for listening to more than 100 hours of audio conversations conducted by this officer in other incidents. It was found that one other incident involved the use of profanity and the department took "remedial action" and issued a training bulletin to remind other officers against the use of inappropriate language.

There were some areas of the report that Whitney disagreed with.

For example, the report suggested that additional supervisors should have been requested or have the responsibilities delegated at the crime scene. According to the report, one sergeant responsible for gathering information from the officers involved in the shooting was also dealing with crowd control.

"As a result, while he was questioning individual officers, the remaining officers discussed the incident among themselves. At one point, the sergeant instructed officers not to discuss the incident, but the officers nonetheless continued talking," the report stated.

Prohibiting officers from talking to each other prevents witness contamination issues, the report noted.

Whitney said there simply wasn't enough personnel to send to the incident.

"We had three of our best sergeants there," Whitney said. "We had asked for mutual aid, and they were on their way over."

Of the 19 recommendations, Whitney said the majority have already been addressed. The report recognizes that corrective training has been provided for most of the department's failings.

Whitney said no written report can truly capture the chaos of the event nor the stress and pressure put on the officers. The officers' actions required split-second decisions without the benefit of hindsight, Whitney said, adding that they performed their duties with "bravery and heroism."

The report was requested by former Police Chief Jeri Williams within weeks of the shooting.

Williams, who is police chief of Phoenix, said via email on Monday that it was a difficult incident for the Limon family, who suffered the loss of Alfonso, and the involved officers, who were forced to react to suspects who chose to be noncompliant.

"That non-compliance included shooting at and intentionally wanting to take the lives of Oxnard police officers and potentially the lives of those in the community," Williams said. "When I requested the OIR investigation, it was done so that we could learn from this tragedy and become a better law enforcement agency as a result of the review."

The OIR Group, a consulting firm focused on police practices, also conducted a review of the in-custody death of Robert Ramirez. In 2012, Ramirez was overdosing on methamphetamine while police were restraining him when he died. The report was released last year.

Read or Share this story: https://www.vcstar.com/story/news/local/communities/oxnard/2017/02/27/report-offers-praise-police-response-limon-death/98495310/

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Praise, recommendations offered in response to Limon death

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An independent review of the fatal shooting of Alfonso Limon Jr. by Oxnard police was released Monday, more than four years after the tragic incident in La Colonia. The audit, conducted by the Los Angeles-based Office of Independent Review, included 19 recommendations for police department improvement.

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This website is using a security service to protect itself from online attacks. The action you just performed triggered the security solution. There are several actions that could trigger this block including submitting a certain word or phrase, a SQL command or malformed data.

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The trauma of sexual assault or harassment is not only hard to forget; it may also leave lasting effects on a woman's health. This finding of a study published Wednesday adds support to a growing body of evidence suggesting the link.

In the study of roughly 300 middle-aged women, an experience of sexual assault was associated with anxiety, depression and poor sleep. A history of workplace sexual harassment was also associated with poor sleep and with an increased risk of developing high blood pressure.

"These are experiences that [a woman] could have had long ago ... and it can have this long arm of influence throughout a woman's life," says Rebecca Thurston, lead author of the study, and a research psychologist and director of the Women's Behavioral Health Laboratory at the University of Pittsburgh.

The study data come from a survey of healthy women between ages 40 and 60 who had been recruited for a study on menopause and cardiovascular disease - not sexual harassment or assault. They all had their blood pressure checked at study visits, as well as height and weight.

Among other questions, the survey asked the women if they had ever experienced sexual harassment at work. Participants were also asked if they had ever "been made or pressured into having some type of unwanted sexual contact." The women were not asked when those events occurred.

Twenty-two percent reported a history of sexual assault, and 19 percent said they'd experienced workplace sexual harassment.

Though the sample size was small, the results are statistically significant. Women who had experienced sexual assault had on average an almost threefold increased risk of developing depressive symptoms, compared to women who hadn't. They also had a greater incidence of clinically significant anxiety.

About 1 in 4 women who had been sexually assaulted met criteria for depression, while approximately 1 in 10 who had not were depressed.

Those who experienced sexual harassment at work had a twofold increased risk compared to women who hadn't of developing high blood pressure. Poor sleep was more common, too.

"These [traumatic experiences] are clearly critical things that happen to people early on, that have these really long-lasting effects," says Susan Mason, an assistant professor of epidemiology at the University of Minnesota who studies the effects of trauma. "These really shape people's life trajectories."

Mason was not involved in this study, but says the findings dovetail with other research on the relationship between trauma and physical or mental health later in life. Intimate partner violence, for example, has been associated with the development of diabetes and high blood pressure.

Wednesday's study is particularly noteworthy, Mason says, because it includes clinical data - in-office blood pressure checks, for example, and validated diagnostic tools for depression and anxiety - rather than depending exclusively on self-reported diagnoses.

Clinicians don't have the ability to corroborate women's memories of sexual assault or harassment, however. Thurston points to literature on the way traumatic memories are processed that demonstrates that discrete events like a sexual assault often remain vivid in a way other memories don't. This is why, she says, she trusts the study participants who say they've been through these experiences.

"If the patient thinks it's important, it's important," says Dr. Valerie Gilchrist, chair of the department of family medicine at the University of Wisconsin who has written about screening for sexual violence in primary care.

She recommends that clinicians ask patients if they've experienced sexual assault, particularly patients who are experiencing significant stress or have difficulty with pelvic exams. Authors note that sexual assault and harassment seemed to be less common in this group of women than in national estimates.

The prevalence in their cohort was significantly lower than a 2014 estimate from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, which found that 19 percent of American women had been raped, and almost 44 percent had experienced another form of sexual violence.

Thurston thinks this is because the study excluded a fair number of women for reasons related to its original intent of researching menopause and cardiovascular disease. Women taking medications for depression were not included, for example, as well as those with serious medical problems.

"Sexual assault and sexual abuse are much more common than people think," Thurston says. These are "key toxic stressors for women."

While researchers weren't surprised that sexual assault and harassment seemed to be related to the development of mood disorders and poor sleep, they were impressed by the strength of the association.

"These should be urgent public health priorities," Mason says. "How do we address the fundamental ways that our social structure affects health?"
Mara Gordon is a family physician in Washington, D.C., and a health and media fellow at NPR and Georgetown University School of Medicine.

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Sexual Assault And Harassment May Have Lasting Health Repercussions For Women

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The trauma of sexual assault or harassment is not only hard to forget; it may also leave lasting effects on a woman's health. This finding of a study published Wednesday adds support to a growing body of evidence suggesting the link.

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August 29
Students accused of sexual misconduct would have greater rights to defend themselves in college disciplinary inquiries under draft regulations circulating within the Education Department, officials familiar with the proposal said Wednesday.

The Trump administration plan also would set a more stringent threshold for the types of allegations colleges should investigate, establishing a definition of sexual harassment as "unwelcome conduct on the basis of sex that is so severe, pervasive and objectively offensive" that it denies access to an educational program, according to two government officials who have seen the document or been briefed on it. The definition draws on Supreme Court precedent.

During the Obama administration, the department had embraced a broad view of sexual harassment as "unwelcome conduct of a sexual nature," including sexual advances, requests for sexual favors, and other verbal, nonverbal and physical conduct.

The draft proposal for enforcement of the 1972 law called Title IX, which prohibits sex discrimination in schools that receive federal funding, was first reported Wednesday by the New York Times.

The department declined to comment on a proposal that is likely to have significant repercussions for how colleges and universities handle allegations of sexual assault.

"We are in the midst of a deliberative process," department spokeswoman Elizabeth Hill wrote in an email Wednesday evening. She said reports of emerging details about the proposal are "premature and speculative and therefore we have no comment."

Education Secretary Betsy DeVos had signaled in September 2017 a major shift on the issue when she rescinded guidance that officials under President Barack Obama had provided colleges on Title IX and sexual violence.

She pledged at the time to replace what she called a "failed system" of campus sexual assault enforcement, to ensure fairness for accusers and the accused. DeVos also said that the Obama administration had "weaponized" its civil rights enforcement instead of working with schools.

The Obama guidance had told colleges to use a standard known as "preponderance of the evidence," common in civil law, when deciding whether a person violated rules against sexual violence.

Advocates for survivors say that adopting the preponderance standard was a key step to secure educational rights of sexual violence victims. But critics said that the standard too often allows accused students to be expelled or suspended on flimsy evidence, in proceedings that occur behind closed doors.

The Trump administration said in an interim statement in 2017 that colleges could choose to use the preponderance standard or a higher threshold known as "clear and convincing evidence."

Exactly how the department will address standards of evidence will be a key issue in formulating new regulations. Neither standard is as strong as the "beyond a reasonable doubt" threshold for a criminal conviction.

The two government officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the draft publicly, told The Washington Post on Wednesday that the proposed rules would give accused students stronger due-process rights than they had under Obama's guidance.

Nationwide, colleges have faced rising pressure over the past several years to respond to sexual assault allegations.

The administration's proposal would ease the investigative burden on colleges in certain situations, the two officials said. Schools would be held responsible for investigating complaints of sexual violence that occur within their programs and on campus. But they would not necessarily be responsible for investigating certain incidents that occur off campus, officials said. That would be a departure from Obama's guidance.

At some point, the department is expected to publicly release a proposed rule that would be subject to revision before final adoption.

Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.), chairman of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, who was critical of the Obama administration for issuing less formal guidance, praised DeVos in a statement for "beginning the appropriate public rulemaking process, including the opportunity for notice and comment, to bring much needed clarity to the federal rules helping colleges protect the safety and rights of students."

But Sen. Patty Murray (Wash.), the committee's ranking Democrat, said: "It's shameful and appalling that Secretary DeVos is still considering issuing a rule that would make it harder for students to seek justice if they've been sexually assaulted on campus."

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Education Department considers greater rights for students accused of sexual assault, officials say

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August 29 Students accused of sexual misconduct would have greater rights to defend themselves in college disciplinary inquiries under draft regulations circulating within the Education Department, officials familiar with the proposal said Wednesday.

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The former Stanford University swimmer Brock Turner leaving jail in Santa Clara County in 2016, the year he was convicted of sexual assault. Credit Credit Dan Honda/Bay Area News Group, via Associated Press

A California appeals court has upheld the conviction of Brock Turner, the former Stanford University swimmer who was sentenced to six months in jail in 2016 for sexually assaulting an unconscious woman, despite his lawyer's argument that there was insufficient evidence and that Mr. Turner had sought only "outercourse."

Mr. Turner was appealing his 2016 conviction on charges of sexual assault of an unconscious person, sexual assault of an intoxicated person and sexual assault with intent to commit rape. The felonies stemmed from his assault of a 22-year-old woman after she had blacked out from drinking at a campus party in January 2015, when he was 19.

In March 2016, the news of Mr. Turner's sentence of half a year in county jail and three years' probation set off a national outcry and drew attention to sexual assaults on college campuses. He served three months in jail.

His lawyer, Eric Multhaup, filed a 172-page brief in December 2017 saying that Mr. Turner did not get a fair trial for several reasons, including insufficient evidence and the exclusion of character witnesses. The brief included about 60 pages on how intoxicated the victim was on Jan. 18, 2015, the night of the attack.

In July, Mr. Multhaup told a three-judge panel of California's Sixth District Court of Appeal in San Jose that Mr. Turner should not have been convicted of intending to commit rape because he had kept his pants on and fly zipped and had merely sought "outercourse," defined during his appearance and in the brief as sexual activity other than vaginal sex.

But on Wednesday, the panel affirmed the conviction. "We are not persuaded," wrote Associate Justice Franklin D. Elia. "While it is true that defendant did not expose himself, he was interrupted."

Justice Elia wrote that jurors "reasonably could have inferred from the evidence" that if two graduate students had not stopped Mr. Turner when they saw him on top of the unresponsive woman, "he would have exposed himself and raped" her.

The justices also ruled that there was substantial evidence that Mr. Turner knew that the victim was unconscious at the time he sexually penetrated her with his finger, and noted that he had lied to a detective in the case about trying to run away.

The case prompted public outrage over the sentence, which was widely regarded as lenient. At the sentencing, the victim, who became known as Emily Doe, read a lengthy statement. "This is not a story of another drunk college hookup with poor decision making," she said. "Assault is not an accident."

It also called attention to sexual assaults on college campuses, and led to a vote in June to recall the sentencing judge in the case, Aaron Persky of Santa Clara County Superior Court, the first judge recalled in California in more than 80 years.

Mr. Turner lost his swimming scholarship to Stanford and had to register as a sex offender in Ohio, his home state. He is required to register as a sex offender for the rest of his life because he was convicted of trying to rape an intoxicated person.

On Thursday, Mr. Multhaup declined to comment on whether he would seek to take the case to the state's Supreme Court or on other details of the case.

Laurie L. Levenson, a professor at Loyola Law School, said that it was unlikely that the court would take the case because there were no dissents among the panel of judges and the court affirmed there was sufficient evidence. "It takes a look when there is a conflict in the lower courts on legal issues, when different courts are coming out in different ways that they have to reconcile," she said. "It's a real long shot. He may be at the end of the line."

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Brock Turner Loses Appeal to Overturn Sexual Assault Conviction

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A California appeals court has upheld the conviction of Brock Turner, the former Stanford University swimmer who was sentenced to six months in jail in 2016 for sexually assaulting an unconscious woman, despite his lawyer's argument that there was insufficient evidence and that Mr. Turner had sought only "outercourse."

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A rape kit is often seen as the first step in bringing a rapist or assailant to justice.

But for Amanda Nguyen, it's something she has to contend with twice a year - every six months, she must fight to keep her rape kit in the system.

In some states, there are decades-long backlogs, with thousands of kits waiting to be tested. But in other states, they're never tested - because if the crime isn't reported, they're destroyed within a certain amount of time. In Massachusetts - the location of Nguyen's 2013 rape - it's six months.

The additional layer of trauma Nguyen found in dealing with the criminal justice system in the aftermath of her rape led her to create the non-profit organization Rise, dedicated to preserving and furthering the rights of survivors.

Nguyen and Rise have worked with elected officials to introduce two bills: One in Massachusetts and a federal bill in the United States Congress, which passed unanimously through the Senate (something that happens with only 2.8 percent of bills.) They're working to raise the funds necessary to pass bills like this throughout the country with GoFundMe.

Progress has already been made in Massachusetts with the Bill of Rights for Victims of Sexual Assault. After a day spent in the Massachusetts State House, Nguyen and her Rise co-workers spent 14 hours on their feet, talking to everyone they could about the necessity of the bill. Their approach was effective - that evening, the Speaker of the Massachusetts House brought it up in session, and it passed. This week, the bill will be voted on the Massachusetts State Senate.

This win came against the odds: Nguyen nearly didn't get on the plane to Massachusetts after being told there was a slim chance of the bill even passing.

"I thought, 'I'd rather just cry at home before it gets slaughtered,' " she says. But it was the encouragement of members of the Rise team who told her to be present, so she'd be able to look them in the eye if they didn't pass the bill. And it was the face-to-face time with the members of the Massachusetts House that swayed them to her cause.

"There's nothing more powerful than hearing it straight from the people it has affected," Nguyen says. "We pushed the boundaries from a 0 percent chance to a 100 percent chance in 14 hours."

Nguyen revisited her own experience as well, explaining the elaborate process she has to go through every six months to keep her kit in the system. In some states, that time period is even shorter - in New Hampshire, it's just 60 days, and in Florida, it's 30. Although extensions to the six-month limit are available, there are no official instructions given to survivors on how to get one, so Nguyen has had to get creative.

Kits are destroyed if a survivor does not press charges - a decision that is deeply personal to Nguyen as she has not yet reported her criminal case because she has a full-time job out of the state of Massachusetts, (she is currently the Deputy White House Liason for the U.S. Department of State and lives in Washington, D.C.) and doesn't currently have the time and resources to participate in a months-, possibly years-long rape trial.

"It's up to everybody to make their own choice," she says. "This six-month rule really hurts my chances of [pressing charges] because it destroys one of the most critical pieces of evidence."

However, a survivor in Massachusetts has 15 years to make that decision, as that is the length of the statute of limitations. This means that although survivors have 15 years to report the crime, the essential evidence needed to convict their rapist will be destroyed within just six months.

"It's traumatizing," Nguyen tells PEOPLE. "It is a horror situation, and I don't know if my justice is going to be preserved."

Protecting rape kits from being destroyed is only one aspect of what the bill of rights hopes to achieve. They also want to give survivors access to their rape kits for free, a request that can cost thousands of dollars.

"The crime is treated differently than other crimes," she says. "Why are survivors forced to pay for their rape kits?"

Many of the protections the bill is looking to make federal law are relatively basic, Nguyen says. They include the right to have your rape kit not be destroyed before the statute of limitations is up, not requiring rape survivors to pay for evidence collection (something that not even convicted criminals have to do), mandating that survivors must be informed when their rape kits have been tested and that they're able to receive their kit without cost in the first place.

What's happened so far with the Massachusetts bill is promising, but only scratches the surface of what Rise is hoping to achieve: To pass a Sexual Assault Survivor Bill of Rights in all 50 states and on a national level. The federal bill, the Sexual Assault Survivors Act, was introduced back in February by New Hampshire Sen. Jeanne Shaheen. It received bipartisan support and was passed unanimously through the Senate in late May. Now, it is being examined by the House Judiciary Committee, and Nguyen says Speaker of the House Paul Ryan has indicated it will be brought to the House of Representatives floor in September.

Nguyen believes a national bill has the power to shape the way survivors are treated across the country. Within weeks of the federal bill being introduced in Congress, Rise was contacted by officials from 12 different states who said they wanted to use the bill as a model to pass something similar in their own states. They later learned that even more states (Minnesota in particular), were crafting their own bill.

"People just don't know this is as deep of a problem as it is," she says. "And when people find out, and they are empowered with something that they can do about it, then they will go and do it. This hope is contagious."

However, getting a bill through Congress isn't easy - or cheap. Everyone who works with Rise is a volunteer, and Nguyen says they can't do it alone. So they recently took to GoFundMe to raise the money needed to make the bill of rights a reality at the national and state levels. Their goal is big: $450,000, and as of press time, they've raised just under one percent of that, $4,055. Nguyen says she's drained her personal back account to travel back and forth to Massachusetts and Washington, D.C. in order to fight for these bills.

Beyond financial worries, there's also the added pressure of time: The bill must pass before December 18, the end of the congressional session.

"We have the opportunity to make this a reality for everyone in the nation, because this is organically happening," Nguyen says. "A federal bill is a place and a platform that is visible."

But that's just the beginning: Nguyen and the rest of the volunteers at Rise want to see a bill of rights become law in all 50 states, as well as across the world. She just returned from Japan, where a similar bill is being presented. With the money raised, they hope to send more survivors to share their stories with politicians and hire full-time staff to further their efforts and increase awareness.

"It's a very personal motivation," she says. "I can't wait for the day I can write to the forensic lab and say, 'This is the law,' and I will no longer need to do this. You can't destroy my rape kit anymore - you can't destroy anybody's."

"I cannot wait to do that."

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Meet the Rape Survivor Fighting for Other Survivors' Rights

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A rape kit is often seen as the first step in bringing a rapist or assailant to justice. But for Amanda Nguyen, it's something she has to contend with twice a year - every six months, she must fight to keep her rape kit in the system.

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"We are living in a moment of history where there is a window of opportunity for survivors to be taken seriously," says Amanda Nguyen speaking about the current era of the #metoo movement. While there is a shift and heightened awareness of this issue, according to the current laws that differ state-to-state, there is still a long way to go before victims of sexual assault are treated fairly by the justice system.

This is what rape survivor, Nobel Peace Prize Nominee and Founder of Rise, Nguyen is working to transform and standardize. Leading a movement with urgency, the creator of 'The Sexual Assault Survivors' Bill Of Rights' has a tough fight to battle, but so far she is winning. Here is how:
She presented a bill that was undeniable
The bill was only the 21st bill in modern United States history to pass without any opposition. "The statistic for that is .016 %," Nguyen declared to thunderous applause on stage at the 2018 Women@Forbes Kickoff to the Forbes Under 30 Summit.
She took change into her own hands
Righting the wrongs of the justice system takes persistence. "After I was raped at Harvard I felt a lot of despair," describes Nguyen. "But, I also felt fire and like so many survivors, we need growth in the criminal justice system after they come out, like in my case, my rape kit could be destroyed by the statute of limitations. I rewrote the law." Now, victims of federal sexual assault cases have the right to be notified 60 days before their rape kit will be destroyed and the right to access their medical information.
Her courage is transforming lives
Built on the idea that hope is contagious, Rise has built a movement that reaches beyond the work of the organization. Its recent project is a model that enables everyday citizens to pen their own civil rights into existence. Using a gamified approach to lawmaking, the model is for anyone to drive democracy, scale hope, and create change.
She empowers others
Educating, training and empowering survivors and allies, Rise has engaged hundreds of young people to fight for their civil rights around the world. Nguyen says, "They can get mentorship, coaching, funding for a couple of opportunities. That didn't exist for civil rights until now. I am creating America's first civil rights accelerator."

Keeping her focus on creating laws and systems to elevate the stories of other survivors, she believes that justice should not be dependent on geography or a lack of expertise. Nguyen affirms, "The main core is this, it's that no one is powerless. We come together and no one is invisible when we demand to be seen."

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How Rape Survivor And Founder Of Rise Rewrote The Law So No One Else Feels Powerless

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Built on the idea that hope is contagious, Rise has built a movement that reaches beyond the work of the organization. Rape survivor and Founder of Rise, Amanda Nguyen believes we are living in a moment of history where there is a window of opportunity for survivors to be taken seriously.

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No parent wants to put his or her child's life at risk. But for families like mine, crossing the border was our only hope for a better future.

By Reyna Grande

Ms. Grande is a Mexican-American author.

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Credit Credit Rachel Levit Ruiz

On Aug. 2, Ivanka Trump seemed to blame immigrant parents for the separation of families that happened this summer at the United States-Mexico border. We should be "very careful of incentivizing behavior that puts children at risk," she said. She is not alone in putting the blame on immigrants. In a June poll, 54 percent of American voters said that parents are at fault when their children are taken from them.

While Ms. Trump's father was separating thousands of families through his " zero tolerance " policy, I thought about my own father and the choice he had to make: leave me behind in Mexico or put my life at risk by bringing me to America for a chance at a better future. It was not a decision he made lightly.

I begged him to take me with him, but he worried that at 9 years old, I was too young to survive the treacherous journey. Only my older sister, Mago, 13, and my brother, Carlos, 12, would go with him.

"I'll come back for you, Chata," he said.

I shook my head and said, "The last time you left, you were gone for almost eight years, Papi."

In 1977, when I was 2, my father left to look for work in the United States. My mother followed him two years later, leaving my siblings and me in the care of our grandparents. At the time, Mexico was in an economic recession and on the verge of a national debt crisis. There were no jobs in my hometown - Iguala, in Guerrero, one of the country's poorest and most violent states.

For the nearly eight years he was gone, I longed for my father. There was a black-and-white photo of him hanging on the wall at my grandmother's house. It was the only thing I had to remember him by.

He returned in May of 1985 for a two-week visit. This time, he decided to take Mago and Carlos with him back to Los Angeles. Not only did he tell me I would have to stay behind again, I'd be left without my beloved sister, who was like a mother to me.

"Please, take me with you," I begged my father. "Don't leave me, Papi."

Over the past few months, I have watched in horror as thousands of children have been taken from their parents as a repugnant deterrent for illegal border crossings. When Attorney General Jeff Sessions said, "If people don't want to be separated from their children, they should not bring them with them," I thought about how I begged my father to bring me with him. How many of those children had also begged to not be left behind?

Luckily for me, my father changed his mind. As the coyote guided us through the rugged terrain of Otay Mountain, my father carried me on his back when I got tired, which was often. We got caught twice by Border Patrol and sent back to Tijuana to start over again. We made it across on our third attempt.

Ms. Trump also said, "We are a country of laws." While she is passing judgment on immigrant parents like my father, her father's administration is making it harder for families to seek legal entry into the United States by tightening the standards for asylum and legal migration. No parent wants to uproot and risk his or her child's life. Unlike Ms. Trump's mother, my father was an economic migrant, too poor to qualify for even the most basic visa requirements. He was a maintenance worker with a third-grade education, and the only way to give his children a better future was to break the law.

My American-born daughter is now a year older than I was when I crossed the border. When I look at her, I think about how my father must have felt, trudging through the wilderness with me on his back. I couldn't imagine doing the same with my daughter. Would she survive what I survived?

Every day, in countries around the world, mothers and fathers are deciding whether saving their children means leaving them behind to suffer or bringing them on a perilous journey to a place where they could have a better future.

There are grave consequences to either choice.

Before we blame these parents for the situation their families are in, we should think about how they got there in the first place. Ms. Trump said that she is "very vehemently against family separation and the separation of parents and children." If that's the case, then she should advise her father to reconsider proposed cuts to the foreign aid the United States gives to countries like Mexico. Advise him to stop limiting the opportunities for migrant families to seek and receive asylum. Beg him to show compassion.

If she doesn't, many more families will continue to face this painful dilemma. My heart breaks for my father and for all the parents in the world right now who are looking at their children and wondering which choice to make.

Reyna Grande is the author of the forthcoming memoir "A Dream Called Home."
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Opinion | The Impossible Choice My Father Had to Make

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No parent wants to put his or her child's life at risk. But for families like mine, crossing the border was our only hope for a better future. By Reyna Grande Ms. Grande is a Mexican-American author. On Aug. 2, Ivanka Trump seemed to blame immigrant parents for the separation of families that happened this summer at the United States-Mexico border.

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People protesting the Trump administration's policies toward gender and gay rights in New York last year. Credit Credit Yana Paskova for The New York Times

WASHINGTON - The Trump administration is considering narrowly defining gender as a biological, immutable condition determined by genitalia at birth, the most drastic move yet in a governmentwide effort to roll back recognition and protections of transgender people under federal civil rights law.

A series of decisions by the Obama administration loosened the legal concept of gender in federal programs, including in education and health care, recognizing gender largely as an individual's choice and not determined by the sex assigned at birth. The policy prompted fights over bathrooms, dormitories, single-sex programs and other arenas where gender was once seen as a simple concept. Conservatives, especially evangelical Christians, were incensed.

Now the Department of Health and Human Services is spearheading an effort to establish a legal definition of sex under Title IX, the federal civil rights law that bans gender discrimination in education programs that receive government financial assistance, according to a memo obtained by The New York Times.

The department argued in its memo that key government agencies needed to adopt an explicit and uniform definition of gender as determined "on a biological basis that is clear, grounded in science, objective and administrable." The agency's proposed definition would define sex as either male or female, unchangeable, and determined by the genitals that a person is born with, according to a draft reviewed by The Times. Any dispute about one's sex would have to be clarified using genetic testing.

"Sex means a person's status as male or female based on immutable biological traits identifiable by or before birth," the department proposed in the memo, which was drafted and has been circulating since last spring. "The sex listed on a person's birth certificate, as originally issued, shall constitute definitive proof of a person's sex unless rebutted by reliable genetic evidence."

The new definition would essentially eradicate federal recognition of the estimated 1.4 million Americans who have opted to recognize themselves - surgically or otherwise - as a gender other than the one they were born into.

"This takes a position that what the medical community understands about their patients - what people understand about themselves - is irrelevant because the government disagrees," said Catherine E. Lhamon, who led the Education Department's Office for Civil Rights in the Obama administration and helped write transgender guidance that is being undone.

The move would be the most significant of a series of maneuvers, large and small, to exclude the population from civil rights protections and roll back the Obama administration's more fluid recognition of gender identity. The Trump administration has sought to bar transgender people from serving in the military and has legally challenged civil rights protections for the group embedded in the nation's health care law.

Several agencies have withdrawn Obama-era policies that recognized gender identity in schools, prisons and homeless shelters. The administration even tried to remove questions about gender identity from a 2020 census survey and a national survey of elderly citizens.

For the last year, the Department of Health and Human Services has privately argued that the term "sex" was never meant to include gender identity or even homosexuality, and that the lack of clarity allowed the Obama administration to wrongfully extend civil rights protections to people who should not have them.

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Roger Severino, now at the Department of Health and Human Services, was among the conservatives who blanched at the Obama administration's expansion of sex to include gender identity. Credit Aaron P. Bernstein/Getty Images

Roger Severino, the director of the Office for Civil Rights at the department, declined to answer detailed questions about the memo or his role in interagency discussions about how to revise the definition of sex under Title IX.

But officials at the department confirmed that their push to limit the definition of sex for the purpose of federal civil rights laws resulted from their own reading of the laws and from a court decision.

Mr. Severino, while serving as the head of the DeVos Center for Religion and Civil Society at the Heritage Foundation, was among the conservatives who blanched at the Obama administration's expansion of sex to include gender identity, which he called "radical gender ideology."

In one commentary piece, he called the policies a "culmination of a series of unilateral, and frequently lawless, administration attempts to impose a new definition of what it means to be a man or a woman on the entire nation."

"Transgender people are frightened," said Sarah Warbelow, the legal director of the Human Rights Campaign, which presses for the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people. "At every step where the administration has had the choice, they've opted to turn their back on transgender people." After this article was published online, transgender people took to social media to post photographs of themselves with the hashtag #WontBeErased.

[Read more about the L.G.B.T. community's reaction to the proposal.]
The Department of Health and Human Services has called on the "Big Four" agencies that enforce some part of Title IX - the Departments of Education, Justice, Health and Human Services, and Labor - to adopt its definition in regulations that will establish uniformity in the government and increase the likelihood that courts will accept it.

The definition is integral to two proposed rules currently under review at the White House: One from the Education Department deals with complaints of sex discrimination at schools and colleges receiving federal financial assistance; the other, from health and human services, deals with health programs and activities that receive federal funds or subsidies. Both regulations are expected to be released this fall, and would then be open for public comment, typically for 60 days. The agencies would consider the comments before issuing final rules with the force of law - both of which could include the new gender definition.

Civil rights groups have been meeting with federal officials in recent weeks to argue against the proposed definition, which has divided career and political appointees across the administration. Some officials hope that health and human services will at least rein in the most extreme parts, such as the call for genetic testing to determine sex.

After more than a year of discussions, health and human services is preparing to formally present the new definition to the Justice Department before the end of the year, Trump administration officials say. If the Justice Department decides that the change is legal, the new definition can be approved and enforced in Title IX statutes, and across government agencies.

The Justice Department declined to comment on the draft health and human services proposal. The Justice Department has not yet been asked to render a formal legal opinion, according to an official there who was not authorized to speak about the process.

But Attorney General Jeff Sessions's previous decisions on transgender protections have given civil rights advocates little hope that the department will prevent the new definition from being enforced. The proposal appears consistent with the position he took in an October 2017 memo sent to agencies clarifying that the civil rights law that prohibits job discrimination does not cover "gender identity, per se."

Harper Jean Tobin, the policy director of the National Center for Transgender Equality, an advocacy group, called the maneuvering "an extremely aggressive legal position that is inconsistent with dozens of federal court decisions."

A transgender flag outside a bar in Brooklyn. The agency's proposed definition would define sex as either male or female, unchangeable, and determined by the genitals that a person is born with. Credit Annie Tritt for The New York Times

[Two weeks before the midterms, transgender people say they feel like 'pawns.']

Health and human services officials said they were only abiding by court orders, referring to the rulings of Judge Reed O'Connor of the Federal District Court in Fort Worth, Tex., a George W. Bush appointee who has held that "Congress did not understand 'sex' to include 'gender identity.'"

A 2016 ruling by Judge O'Connor concerned a rule that was adopted to carry out a civil rights statute embedded in the Affordable Care Act. The provision prohibits discrimination based on race, color, national origin, sex, age or disability in "any health program or activity" that receives federal financial assistance.

But in recent discussions with the administration, civil rights groups, including Lambda Legal, have pointed to other court cases. In a legal memo presented to the administration, a coalition of civil rights groups wrote, "The overwhelming majority of courts to address the question since the most relevant Supreme Court precedent in 1998 have held that antitransgender bias constitutes sex discrimination under federal laws like Title IX."

Indeed, the health and human services proposal was prompted, in part, by pro-transgender court decisions in the last year that upheld the Obama administration's position.

In their memo, health and human services officials wrote that "courts and plaintiffs are racing to get decisions" ahead of any rule-making, because of the lack of a stand-alone definition.

"Courts and the previous administration took advantage of this circumstance to include gender identity and sexual orientation in a multitude of agencies, and under a multitude of laws," the memo states. Doing so "led to confusion and negative policy consequences in health care, education and other federal contexts."

The narrower definition would be acutely felt in schools and their most visible battlegrounds: locker rooms and bathrooms.

One of the Trump administration's first decisive policy acts was the rescission by the Education and Justice Departments of Obama-era guidelines that protected transgender students who wanted to use bathrooms that correspond to their gender identity.

Since the guidance was rescinded, the Education Department's Office for Civil Rights has halted and dismissed discrimination cases filed by transgender students over access to school facilities. A restrictive governmentwide definition would cement the Education Department's current approach.

But it would also raise new questions.

The department would have to decide what documentation schools would be required to collect to determine or codify gender. Title IX applies to a number of educational experiences, like sports and single-sex classes or programs where gender identity has come into play. The department has said it will continue to open cases where transgender students face discrimination, bullying and harassment, and investigate gender-based harassment as "unwelcome conduct based on a student's sex" or "harassing conduct based on a student's failure to conform to sex stereotypes."

The Education Department did not respond to an inquiry about the health and human services proposal.

Ms. Lhamon of the Obama Education Department said the proposed definition "quite simply negates the humanity of people."

A version of this article appears in print on , on Page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Trump May Limit How Government Defines One's Sex. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

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'Transgender' Could Be Defined Out of Existence Under Trump Administration

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WASHINGTON - The Trump administration is considering narrowly defining gender as a biological, immutable condition determined by genitalia at birth, the most drastic move yet in a governmentwide effort to roll back recognition and protections of transgender people under federal civil rights law.

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https://www.wri.org/blog/2018/10/curbing-climate-change-and-preventing-deaths-air-pollution-go-hand-hand

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November 7
A racial taunt turned a California classroom into the site of a brawl between two unlikely participants last week: a 64-year-old music teacher and a 14-year-old student. Days later, thousands of supporters have flooded a GoFundMe account, raising more than $149,000.

The altercation began at Maywood Academy High School when Marston Riley asked a male student, who was improperly dressed and in violation of the school uniform rules, to leave the room, the Sacramento Bee reported. A cellphone video shows the teenager refusing, then throwing a basketball at the teacher, who is black, and saying, "Why you wisecracking, my n-----?"

The Sacramento Bee also reported that Riley appeared to call for backup from school authorities.

Riley then let loose on the boy, reportedly pummeling him repeatedly. Some students looked on or jumped in to break up the fight. Others pulled out smartphones and recorded the brawl.

The student was taken to a hospital. Riley was arrested Friday on child-abuse charges by the Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department's special victims bureau.

Cecilia Diaz Jimenez, a former colleague and current school district employee, quickly launched a GoFundMe page to raise funds for Riley's legal fees, writing: "He is going to need all the help he can get. Be mindful that the school district is looking at dismissing him and I would not doubt if the student's parents are looking into pressing criminal charges. I am sure Mr. Riley will need money to pay any fines, fees and lawyers."
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Since Riley's arrest, Jimenez has updated the page with the teacher's status. On Saturday, she posted a YouTube video with a message from Riley, who called the donors a "blessing."

In four days, the campaign surpassed $149,000, far more than its $50,000 goal.

Jimenez is not alone in her support of Riley.

On Monday, students gathered outside the school holding posters lined with music notes that read: "Riley deserves better" and "Justice for Riley."

Najee Ali, a local parent, also told The Washington Post that he supports Riley.

"Many of us identify with this teacher, who is loved and respected by his students. We don't condone physical violence against any student, but we also don't condone racial slurs or threats directed at any teacher," he said.

The faction supporting Riley also intends to hire a private investigator to "search for the truth," Ali said.

Riley has since posted a $50,000 bond and was released Saturday, according to the Sheriff's Department. He is scheduled to appear in court Nov. 30; the local district attorney's office does not have a case filed against Riley, who could not be reached for comment.

After Riley's release, the Los Angeles Unified School District issued a statement Monday calling the behavior "disturbing."

"We take this matter very seriously and do not condone violence or intolerance of any kind," the statement said.

A spokesman said that the agency could not comment further because of an ongoing investigation.
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A teacher allegedly beat up a student who called him the n-word. Now he's a $149,000 GoFundMe hero.

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November 7 A racial taunt turned a California classroom into the site of a brawl between two unlikely participants last week: a 64-year-old music teacher and a 14-year-old student. Days later, thousands of supporters have flooded a GoFundMe account, raising more than $149,000.