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Brady is uniting Americans against gun violence. We invite everyone who wants to end our epidemic of gun violence to take action, not sides.

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Jane Kim is an educator and advocate born, raised, and based in NYC who is passionate about issues of culture, accessibility, learning, and justice. She has been teaching in the classroom and beyond for more than a decade. Her words and insights have been featured in multiple outlets, such as NowThis News, National Geographic, Scholastic, The Independent, various podcasts, Reclaim Magazine, and more. She mainly writes and speaks on the topics of racial justice, education, equity, and inclusion. Jane earned her Bachelor of Science (B.S.) degree in Human Development, with a focus on social and personality development, from Cornell University and both her Master of Arts (M.A.) degree and her Master of Education (Ed.M) degree from Teachers College, Columbia University.

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Jane Kim is an educator and advocate born, raised, and based in NYC who is passionate about issues of culture, accessibility, learning, and justice. She has been teaching in the classroom and beyond for more than a decade.

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Monterey Park Lunar New Year Victims Fund, organized by Asian Americans Advancing Justice Southern California

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At least 10 individuals killed and many more seriously injured in a shooting spree that occurred just blocks away from a joyous New Year festival where thousands of people gathered. Our hearts go out to the victims of this horrific tragedy. All proceeds contributed to the fund will go to the many individuals who are now suffering from this senseless violence.

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Monterey Park Lunar New Year Victims Fund, organized by Asian Americans Advancing Justice Southern California

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At least 10 individuals killed and many more seriously injured in a shooting spree that occurred just blocks away from a joyous New Year festival where thousands of people gathered. Our hearts go out to the victims of this horrific tragedy.

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National Day of Racial Healing: An MSNBC town hall

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National Day of Racial Healing: An MSNBC town hall

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In the "National Day of Racial Healing: An MSNBC Town Hall," MSNBC's Chris Hayes and Joy Reid talk with activists, journalists, artists and experts to explore the harm racism has caused in our society, and to consider how we might heal from it. Sponsored by the W. K. Kellogg Foundation.

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Rising Against Asian Hate: One Day in March | PBS

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[PBS] Rising Against Asian Hate: One Day in March

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[PBS] Rising Against Asian Hate: One Day in March

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Rising Against Asian Hate: One Day in March | PBS

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Explore the fight against Asian American hate following the March 2021 mass shootings.

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Hello, I’m Charnaie!Let me help you diversify your bookshelf with thousands of diverse and inclusive book recommendations for kids and adults. My Bookshop.org store is jam packed, organized by category and is frequently updated so be sure to check back often! Independent bookstores are vital to our…

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July Fourth and early Black Americans: It's complicated | Cornell Chronicle

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July Fourth and Early Black Americans: It’s Complicated

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July Fourth and Early Black Americans: It’s Complicated

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On July 15, 1776, the signing of the Declaration of Independence was front-page news in the New-York Gazette and Weekly Mercury. The newspaper ran the text in full and reported the declaration had been read to the Continental Army's New York regiment, led by Gen. George Washington.

The paper also featured two freedom notices of a different sort.

One offered a reward for a 21-year-old Black man named Prince, who had escaped his enslavers and was "supposed to have gone towards Rye [New York] or entered the Army." The other featured two brothers, Nathanial and Jacob, who had escaped from separate enslavers near Long Island, New York.

Derrick R. Spires, associate professor of literatures in English in the College of Arts and Sciences, imagines those men hearing the declaration read somewhere in New York, and knowing that it did not apply to them.

"Black Americans were in a position where they believed in the principles of the declaration and the American Revolution itself," says Spires, an award-winning expert in early African American and American print culture, citizenship studies and African American intellectual history. "And yet, many of them were enslaved or formerly enslaved. From their perspective - and maybe even today - there were better days to celebrate."

Black people in the early years of the United States had a complicated relationship to the Fourth of July holiday, Spires says, confronting a "national double-speak" in which white Americans celebrated their freedom of political expression while supporting the enslavement of Black people.

"If you're in the Washington household, your enslaver is the general of the Continental Army," Spires says. "Or if you're in Madison's or in Jefferson's household, your enslaver is penning the Declaration of Independence and maybe you're bringing him a glass of water when he's in Virginia, running through some of those drafts."

Black communities in the 1700s and 1800s used national holidays like the Fourth of July as an opportunity to demonstrate their citizenship, patriotism and civic organizations - to show they were fully part of the fabric of the United States, Spires says.

But Black communities would often celebrate July Fourth on July 5, Spires says, to avoid the violence they experienced when they celebrated the holiday on the same day, on the same streets, as white Americans.

They also began celebrating the idea of independence on other days, Spires says. In 1808, Black people in the U.S. began celebrating Jan. 1, when the U.S. banned the transatlantic slave trade. Black New Yorkers used July 5 to mark the day New York's gradual emancipation law took effect in 1827. Similarly, Aug. 1 also became a holiday in 1834, when Great Britain abolished enslavement.

"Those dates might not supersede July 4," he says, "but in terms of national notions of independence, they're just as important and don't carry the same kind of baggage."

The downside was that those displays of patriotism were often met with violence, Spires says.

For example, in 1841, Black communities held parades in Cincinnati to celebrate the West Indies' emancipation. "And they were met with white mob violence," Spires says. The Cincinnati riot was likely the most violent mob action against a free Black community before the Civil War.

A similar scene played out in Philadelphia the next year. In Boston in the 1850s, Black people advocated for a state-recognized militia company. When they mustered and paraded across the city of Boston, in the fall of 1857, white mobs attacked attendees with bricks, prompting the militia to turn and protect their Black fellow citizens.

"This is the sort of thing that would happen across the country," Spires says.

Throughout the 1800s, Black Americans used the July Fourth to argue for emancipation and full citizenship, making the case that Black citizens - free and enslaved - had as much right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness as white people.

On July 5, 1852, Frederick Douglass, by then a well-established activist and abolitionist, was invited by the Rochester Ladies Anti-Slavery Society to give a Fourth of July lecture he titled "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?" in Rochester, New York.

Douglass, Spires says, starts with some "sugar." He praises George Washington, James Madison and their colleagues, saying they set into motion a worldwide revolution and calling the Constitution and Declaration of Independence sacred documents.

"And then he makes a turn," Spires says, "and he says, essentially, 'You have been getting by on your forefathers' legacy.'"

Douglass said the existence of enslavement in the United States "brands your republicanism as a sham, your humanity as a base pretense, and your Christianity as a lie."

"He's saying that the day of supposed celebration should actually be a day of national mourning, because the nation's promise has fallen short," Spires says. "It should not be a day of covering up with symbols and celebrations a revolution fought and won, because it's not done yet."

That is why Black Americans have also celebrated other days, historically, including Juneteenth, Spires says, and why his own relationship with the Fourth of July is "vexed." "I can't celebrate it without some irony, especially now," he says. "As Black activist Martin R. Delany would say, 'true patriotism' and love of country requires critique.

"At the same time, I have really great memories of shooting fireworks with my uncles and having barbecues," he says. "This is home. So, it's complicated."

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July Fourth and early Black Americans: It's complicated | Cornell Chronicle

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On July 15, 1776, the signing of the Declaration of Independence was front-page news in the New-York Gazette and Weekly Mercury. The newspaper ran the text in full and reported the declaration had been read to the Continental Army's New York regiment, led by Gen. George Washington.

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Opinion | Happy Fifth of July, New York! (Published 2005)

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Op-Ed Contributors

STANDING before a gathering of the Ladies' Antislavery Society in Rochester, Frederick Douglass, newspaper editor and internationally known voice of abolition, moved his audience with the force of his argument. It was July 5, 1852, the day after the national celebration of American independence. This former slave confronted a hushed crowd and a nation with the stunning question: "What, to the American slave, is your Fourth of July?"

Douglass followed his question, an indictment of America's commitment to the value of human freedom in the decades before the Civil War, with an equally challenging reply: "A day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim."

In the wake of the new federal Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, which allowed bounty hunters to seize runaway slaves who had fled to states where slavery was illegal, Douglass spoke bitterly of the betrayal of American ideals. The law gave those accused of being fugitive slaves no right to a trial or even to speak in self-defense. It thus endangered the already precarious liberty of free black people everywhere in the country, including those in New York State, where slavery had officially ended a quarter century before in 1827.

Although most people today imagine slavery as a Southern institution, it existed in all of the original 13 British colonies. In New York, it was an important labor system for 200 years, beginning with the arrival of the first African slaves in New Amsterdam in 1627. Recent excavations in Lower Manhattan that uncovered the African Burial Ground have brought the city's connection to slavery to public attention. Still, most New Yorkers and Americans today have little sense of the city's and state's long involvement with slavery. Public schools teach little of the history of slavery that, as the historian Ira Berlin has recently remarked, "insinuated itself into every nook and cranny of life in New York City."

Slavery was central to New York's development from its formative years as a Dutch and British colony to the early days of the United States. During British rule, 40 percent of New York City households owned slaves, who accounted for 20 percent of the city's population. There were more slaves in New York City than in any other city in the British colonies except Charleston, S.C.

New Yorkers owned and traded in slaves, rented out their slaves as day laborers and produced ships and trading merchandise for slaving voyages. Landmarks in Manhattan that were built by slaves include the wall on Wall Street, Fort Amsterdam in what is now Battery Park, the road that became Broadway, the first and second Trinity Church buildings and the first city hall (the Dutch Stadt Huys on Pearl Street).

The story of New York's black population during slavery includes heroes like the poet Jupiter Hammon and the actor James Hewlett who resisted injustice even as they produced a rich cultural legacy in the face of adversity. And New Yorkers -- both black and white -- fought to erase slavery from the state. Several prominent New Yorkers, including Aaron Burr, John Jay and Alexander Hamilton, encouraged by Long Island's Quaker population, formed the New York Manumission Society, the state's first antislavery club, in 1785, and two years later established the African Free School in New York City to educate freed slaves.

New York antislavery forces pressured newspapers not to run slave-sale advertisements and auction houses not to hold slave sales. They also provided free legal council to slaves seeking to sue their masters for freedom.

These efforts bore fruit when the State Legislature enacted a gradual emancipation law that took effect on July 4, 1799. The law freed all children born to slave women after July 4, 1799, but only after at least two decades of forced indenture. Males became free at age 28, and females at age 25. Until then, they were tied to the service of the mother's master. Unrestricted freedom did not come to New York's slaves until a new emancipation law took effect 28 years later, on July 4, 1827.

As that date approached, there was considerable debate among New York's black residents over how to celebrate abolition of slavery. In March 1827, two New Yorkers, the Rev. Samuel Cornish and John Russwurm, established Freedom's Journal, the nation's first black-owned newspaper, and its early issues resound with this debate. Black New Yorkers worried, among other things, that a parade on Broadway on the Fourth of July to celebrate abolition would be disrupted; white revelers often attacked blacks on public holidays.

In the end, the day after was chosen for the commemoration. And on July 5, 1827, 4,000 blacks marched along Broadway, preceded by an honor guard on horseback and a grand marshal carrying a drawn sword. The parade wound through the downtown streets to the African Zion Church, where the abolitionist leader William Hamilton declared, "This day we stand redeemed from a bitter thralldom." Celebrations were held around the state. Even blacks in Boston and Philadelphia celebrated the news from New York. Thus, both Douglass's speech about the significance of Independence Day to American slaves and the celebration of slavery's end in New York on July 4, 1827, took place on the fifth.

There are no public celebrations of the fifth today, but as the history of New York's long involvement in slavery becomes better known to New Yorkers through lectures, debates, exhibitions and in discussions about the proper way to memorialize the African Burial Ground, it is fitting to reclaim the powerful significance of July 4 and 5, 1827, as a holiday of freedom for all New Yorkers.

By restoring this historical meaning, we acknowledge the role our city and state played in the institution of slavery. We also honor the African-Americans who overcame its hardships and injustices to make important contributions to New York City's cultural life, as did other immigrants who came here more willingly.

We are the heirs of July 4, treasuring -- as Douglass did -- the vision of independence set forth in Philadelphia in 1776. But we are also the heirs of July 5, which recognizes the evolution of human freedom in our state.

Op-Ed Contributors Louise Mirrer, James Oliver Horton and Richard Rabinowitz are working on a forthcoming exhibition about slavery at the New-York Historical Society.

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Opinion | Happy Fifth of July, New York! (Published 2005)

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STANDING before a gathering of the Ladies' Antislavery Society in Rochester, Frederick Douglass, newspaper editor and internationally known voice of abolition, moved his audience with the force of his argument. It was July 5, 1852, the day after the national celebration of American independence.

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Cab rides for Asian women, Asian LGBTQ, Asian elderly in NYC in need.

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Statement on the Robb Elementary School Massacre in Uvalde, Texas - Asian American Christian Collaborative (AACC)

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Asian American Christian Collaborative (AACC)

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Grace Ou, Licensed Marriage and Family Therapist

Rev. Dr. Peter Lim, Senior Pastor, 4Pointes Church of Atlanta

Francis Juloya, Administrative Pastor, Supper Church

Eric Richey, Partnership Specialist, CCO Campus Ministry

Melissa Littlepage, Intercultural Consultant and Community Organizer, Jam & Bread LLC

Rev. Dr. Andrew Lee, Global Diaspora Institute, Wheaton College Billy Graham Center

Hannah Park

Dr. Amy Hayton, Physician, Professor in the Loma Linda University School of Medicine

Ciera Horton McElroy

Joon Young Park, Machine Learning Engineer

Stephen Boice

Rev. Dr. Lena Crouso, Vice President and CDO, Southern Nazarene University

Rev. Bill Haley, Executive Director, Coracle

Derek Chinn, Dean, Multnomah University

Larry Lin, Matthew 5:9 Fellowship

Jon Houghton, Regional Director, Chicagoland Young Life

Albert Kim, Executive Pastor, Christian Assembly

Pastor Sam Kang, Reconcile Church

Madison N. Pierce, Associate Professor of New Testament, Western Theological Seminary

Rev. Gail Merrick Ebersole Chair of Board of Trustees Western Theological Seminary

Jennifer Clark

Noemi Vega Quiñones, doctoral student, co-author of Hermanas: Deepening our Identity and Growing our Influence

Dr. Fellipe do Vale, Assistant Professor of Biblical and Systematic Theology, TEDS

Harriet R. Congdon

Mattea Gernentz, MLitt, University of St Andrews

Marian Sunabe, Deacon, Evergreen Baptist Church of Los Angeles

Rev. Michael Ra

Erik Rine, Esq., JD Akron Law, MA Liberty U

Katie Nguyen, Minister, MA Christian Leadership

Rev. Abe Kim, Pastor, Evangelical Covenant Church

Janet Fobes, Senior Associate, Pharmaceutical Company

Jesse Lit, Campus Staff, InterVarsity Christian Fellowship

Bonnie E. Lin, PhD Candidate in Practical Theology, Princeton Theological Seminary

Michelle Knight, PhD, Assistant Professor of Old Testament and Semitic Languages, Trinity Evangelical Divinity School

Rev. David A. Ritchie, Lead Pastor, Redeemer Christian Church

Rev. Dawn Taloyo, Associate Superintendent, Pacific Northwest Conference of the Evangelical Covenant Church

Mark Olson, Retired Pastor, University Administrator

Elise Cho, Music Educator

Sam Levy, Campus minister, Coalition for Christian Outreach

Rudy Mitchell, Senior Researcher, Emmanuel Gospel Center

Gregory Gee

Bin Sou

Hannah L. Jung

David Lai, Youth Director, Mountain View Chinese Christian Church

Luis Iza

Dr. Gene L. Green, Professor Emeritus, Wheaton College and Graduate School

Rev. Joshua Lee, Lead Pastor, The Crossing, CFC Church of Hayward

Carlos Taloyo, PHD. Psychoanalytic candidate

Thomas Hwang, MD, Professor of Ophthalmology, Oregon Health and Science University

Andrew Fouché, WA

Stacey Breshears, Registered Dietitian at 3E Wellness & Servant Leadership Council Member at Wellspring Covenant Church

Mika Roland, MA BSN RN CHPN

Alice Matagora, LMFT, The Navigators

Pastor Christopher Hooper, First Evangelical Free Church of Brooklyn NY

Clark Fobes IV, Associate Pastor, First Baptist Church of San Francisco

Rev. Sunia Gibbs, Lead Pastor, The Groves Church

Sandra Chan, Trustee, Lincoln Unified School District (Stockton, CA)

Joel Sommer, Access Covenant Church

Petr Ahn, Lead Pastor, Metro Community Church

Dr. Rebecca Hernandez, Organizational Development & Racial Equity Director

Paul Han, EdM, Teacher

Sarah Gowing, MA Ethnic Studies

Christine Tsai

Rev. Rebecca Stringer, Wellspring Covenant Church

Jannie Lung, WA

Lindsay O'Connor, M.Ed., mother of 2 elementary students

Rev. Joel To

Jennifer M. Jukanovich, Ph.D. Candidate-Global Leadership and Change, Pepperdine University

Rev. Nancy Sugikawa, Pastor, Lighthouse Christian Church

Kristin Carlton, Community Moderator & Newsletter Writer, Asian American Christian Collaborative (AACC)

Larissa Lam, Filmmaker and Recording Artist

Marcos Ortega, NY

Julie Bruton, MS, LPC, Unity Builders, The Hills Church

Dr. Justin Kwan, OD, FAAO, Optometrist and father

Jason Dewey, Co-Senior Pastor, The Sign of the Dove Church

Pastor Phyllis Myung, Next Generation Pastor, Great Road Church

Rev. Edrin C. Williams, Lead Pastor, Sanctuary Covenant Church

Scott Eng, Pastor, Ethnos Community Church

Rev. Sherin Mathew Swift, Pastor of Connections & Equipping, New Life Fellowship Church

Eben Drost, Worship Team Director, Westmont College

Hyun Berglund, Founder

Rev. Kat Hampson, Lead Pastor, Highrock Brookline Church

Vivian Long, Executive Director, Long Family Foundation

Kristine Gilmore, Executive Assistant, Pacific Southwest Conference

Jana Snyder, Mom, Grandma, Retired Designer, Voter

Rev. Nikki Ramage, Adult Ministries Pastor, Free Methodist Church of Santa Barbara

Rev. Dr. Jeff Hutchinson, Church Planter, House of Mercy

Prasanta Verma, MBA MPH

Dorothy Littell Greco

Mike Park, Missions & Outreach Pastor, Lighthouse Christian Church

Sarah Raquel Gautier, J.D., Pastor, Living Stones & Coach, EastieFit CrossFit Gym

Minister Kate Denson

Pastor Steve Wong, Pasadena Covenant Church

Andrew Mark, Family Pastor

Rev. Michelle Ramage, Associate Pastor, FMCSC

Dr. Jennifer M. McBride, Associate Professor, McCormick Theological Seminary

Rev. Dr. Waltrina Middleton, Community Renewal Society

Rev. Sanetta Ponton, Pastor of Justice, Advocacy & Compassion, Metro Community Church

Esther Kang, MS, MSN, CPNP-PC, OVME

Kirk E. Miller, Pastor, CrossWay Community Church of Milwaukee

Jeremy Chen, PhD Student in Intercultural Studies, Fuller Seminary

Corey LauJames Lee, Psy.D., clinical psychologist, Liminal Space

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Dr. Angela Courage, Courage Communication 4 Change

Dr. Juily PhunJulie Aleman, Executive Director, YFF

Joanna Kong

Michael Wear, Founder, Public Square Strategies, LLC

Steve Lee, CEO Aura Health

Rev. Kerry Schottelkorb, President, ChinaSource

Stephanie Chan, Senior Account Executive, Google

Priscilla Chinn, Wheaton College '22

Kelly Younger, MSW

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Mindy Whittington, Sunday School Teacher and Former Marketing Professional

Nihar Shah, Lawyer

Pastor Ruby Varghese

Angela Maeda

Cheryl Takabayashi, Pastor of Community & Life, Wellspring Covenant Church

Kevin Zong, Research Assistant

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Nancy Blackman, Writer + Editor PhD, mother, friend, parachurch leader, author, Moms Getting Real (under contract)

Aimee Arceo

Josephine M. Kim, PH.D., LMHC, NCC, Faculty, Harvard University

Billy Kim, Pastor, 180 Church

Jennifer Smith, Student Minister, South Elkhorn Christian Church

Maria Liu Wong, EdD, Provost, City Seminary of New York

Pastor Jin Lee

Darren, J. Ho, Founder and Executive Leadership Coach, The Restored Leader

Rev. Steve (Young Dong) Kim, Lead Pastor, Pound Ridge Community Church

Allison Lehenbauer

James C Ward, Recording Artist

David T. Culkin, PhD

Rev. Matt Erickson, Senior Pastor, Eastbrook Church

Erin Feldman

Dr. Hans P. Vought, Professor of History, SUNY Ulster

Anne Cheung

Colleen Andre

Michael Yorke, M.A. Wheaton College, M.T.S. Candidate Candler School of Theology

Danica Middlebrook

Michael Herchenroder, Software Engineer, Father of Four

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Mia Orbanes

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Leiani Seibert

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Marie Moy, MA Theology & Social Justice, Director of Operations Erie County Restorative Justice Coalition

Maryam Mazhin, JD

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Rev. Dr. Gun Ho Lee, Pastor, Greenville Korean Presbyterian Church

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Dr. Henry Zonio, Director of Center for Academic Excellence, Asbury University

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Rev. Joseph Tsang

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Ken Reyes, PhD Student, University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa

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Ann Ahrens, PhD

David Lee, Lighthouse Immigrant Advocates

Esther M, artist and mom

Becky L McCoy, Writer (Grief, Mental Health, & Spiritual Formation)

Trisha Huddleston

Priti Sanghani

Rev. Jordan Luther, Associate Pastor, Zion Mennonite Church

Keith So, MD, MPH, MDiv

Evan Kerr

Mark Ro, Pastor, Joy Manhattan

Adam Forgety

Megan Pierce, Graduate Assistant Athletic Trainer, UNC - Chapel Hill

Rev. Dr. Paul Sorrentino

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Emily Leung, MA, Program Coordinator UCSF

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Rev. Benjamin Cremer

Malisa Price

Rev. Dr. Catherine Gilliard, Superintendent

Bailey Payne, Pastoral Associate, Dayspring Baptist Church

Kathy Barbini, Big Voice Pictures

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Sara Weibel, Christian Neighbors Church

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Melba Mathew, M.S. MFT

Ryan Aubrey

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Grayson Jones, Youth Pastor, Antioch Fort Worth

Chase Andre, Biola University

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Valerie Quiring

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Collette Awalt, Pastoral Counselor

Anna Jones

Kelly Carnathan

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Luis Castillejo, Self Employed

Melissa Sponseller

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David Coleman

Danielle Castillejo, Mental Health Therapist

Danielle Kim

Kellie MacDonald

Greg Poarch

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Andrew Kim, Pastor, Kensington Church

Lauren Januzik, Pastor

Adam Lewis

Adrianna Ko, mother and educator

Joy Marques, MSW

Christopher Cole, Lead Pastor Redeemer, Baptist Church

Jonathan Dodson

Margaret Harrington, retired preschool director and grandma

Ann Donovan, Christian and Mom

Christopher Hui, Pastoral Intern, Asian American Baptist Church

Rev. Shelly Burkhalter

Derek Swanson

Brad Gerdin, Elder Board Chair - North Haven Church, North St. Paul, MN

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Jonathan Branch

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Rev. Kara J. Stromberg, Superintendent-elect, Northwest Conference of the Evangelical Covenant Church

Debbie Humphrey

Nathaniel Davis, co-founder Split United

Heather George

Rev. Joshua Kang, EM Lead Pastor, Korean Church of Dallas

Judie Kuo, MPS

Beth Steinbach, concerned citizen

Bunmi Ishola

Daniel Schwartz, PhD

Bret Saiki

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Lakisha Clemons, OneRace Movement

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Sandra Lee, Connecticut

Elizabeth Lee, UX Designer, Reputation

Andrea Welvaert

Stacy Box, MFT Trainee

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Rev. Taehwan Son, Senior Pastor, Chicago Joyful Community Church

John Livingston, Calvary OPC, Glenside, PA

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Jong Park, The Redemption Church

Rev. Christopher Miller, Pastor, Trinity Presbyterian Church

Gabrielle Piceno

Anna Snider, RN, BSN; Navigator Rep, The Navigators

Lesley Mayra, Internship Coordinator, World Outspoken

Jeff Mayra, Treasurer, World Outspoken

Kevin Wolz, Mdiv

Stephanie Mathis, OR

Michelle Lewis , IL

Tony Chen, Entrepreneur / Investor

Tatiana Oliveira

Danee Sledge

Becky J Haight

Mr. Joseph Park

William Gray

Nathaniel Fisher

Rev. Terry Coon, Jr., Pastor, Citylights Church Long Beach

Ruthann Grace

Sarah Hall, KY

Hailey Small

Tricia Krimm

Doug Campbell

Thomas B. Yee, DMA, Assistant Professor of Instruction

Erin Mohring, mother & former teacher

Rev. Dr. David Mark, Retired

Daniel Romo

Loc Ta

Katie Chang

Judy Dominguez, Real Estate Assistant

Forceman Yen

Kevin Mo-Wong - Executive Director, Solidarity

Gwendolyn Mark, CA

Esther Hwang, Renewal Mainline church

Erik Hitechew

Matt Allbritton, Founder, WayHouse Media

Karen Rouggly, CA

Rev. Dr. Joseph Seo, Children Ministry Pastor, Hebron Presbyterian Church

Andy Perez, CEO, AudiencePoint

Dr. Seth Busetti

Jennifer Kahla

Kristin Duckworth

Sharon Kim

Mr. Jacob Murrie, 7th Grade English teacher, Texas

Kya Mangrum

Ken Ferry, Professional Engineer

Susana E Hudson

Mrs. Leslie Bustard, editor Wild Things and Castles in the Sky: A Guide to Choosing the Best Books for Children

Jim Eaton, Lead Pastor, Mosaic Church

Rev. Michael Lee, Lead Pastor, All Nations Community Church

Jessica Kim, PhD Candidate, University of Pennsylvania

Rev. Dr. Wayne D. Faison, Chesapeake, Virginia

George Hu

Rev. David Larry Kim, Lead Pastor, Harvest Church

Jason Min

Samuel Burr, OR

Samantha Morren

Sarah Chu, CPA, Owner, Blue J Financial, Inc.

Kirk Williams

Rebecca Carhart

Stacy Davis

Marilyn Sanchez

Peter Sandberg, Ph.D., Judson University

Rev. Dr. Daniel J. Lee

Rev. Joshua Huver, Associate Pastor, FaithBridge Church

Katie Cook, Elementary school teacher

Stephanie Rotramel, daughter of a VET, mother

Rev. Sandra Richter, Rector, Christ Our Peace Anglican Church

Reverend Cokiesha Bailey Robinson

Wayne Bridegroom, Pastor

Elizabeth Barnard

Pastor Jason Eeten

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Anita Sorenson, Pastor for Spiritual Formation, Pasadena Covenant Church

Xuhan Wang, Founder of Petite Studio NYC

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Shelley Hiller

Clarence Chan, CA

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Pastor Angeline Lau, Japanese Baptist Church

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Rev. Dr. Johann Kim, Senior Pastor, Seattle Onnuri Church

Gene Liu

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Nahara Vargas Maldonado, BSc. PhD (s) Emory University

Sarah J Callen, Author

Leah San Mateo, WA

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Dr. Richard Pointer, Professor of History Emeritus, Westmont College

Rus St.Cyr, Oregon

Sarah Chen

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Philip Yung - Lead Pastor, Hope City Church

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Christian Arnold, Youth Worker, New International

Johan Q., Talent Agency Founder and CEO

Joyce Rim, Retired RN

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I-man Uyeda, Executive Search Consultant

Jorgie Wu

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Statement on the Robb Elementary School Massacre in Uvalde, Texas - Asian American Christian Collaborative (AACC)

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Rev. Billy Chang, Irvine Taiwanese Presbyterian Church, Laguna Woods, CA Rev. Allen Hu, Secretary General, Evangelical Formosan Church General Assembly Dr. Roger Tsai, Moderator, Evangelical Formosan Church General Assembly Rev. Benson Wang, Pastor-In-Charge, Evangelical Formosan Church General Assembly Rev.

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Verified fundraisers for people affected by the Robb Elementary School shooting in Uvalde, Texas

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Verified fundraisers for people affected by the Robb Elementary School shooting in Uvalde, Texas

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On May 24, nineteen students and two adults were killed in a shooting at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, Texas. The GoFundMe community is coming together to support all those affected. Our Trust & Safety team will continue to update this hub with more fundraisers as they are verified. Donate to verified Texas elementary school shooting fundraisers below to offer your help.

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Uvalde, Texas Elementary School Shooting

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On May 24, nineteen students and two adults were killed in a shooting at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, Texas. The GoFundMe community is coming together to support all those affected. Our Trust & Safety team will continue to update this hub with more fundraisers as they are verified.

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15 Tips for Talking with Children about School Violence

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15 Tips for Talking with Children about School Violence

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Talking to Children About Violence: Tips for Parents and Teachers

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National Association of School Psychologists (NASP)

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High profile acts of mass violence, particularly in schools, can confuse and frighten children and youth who may feel in danger or worry that their friends or loved ones are at risk. They will look to adults for information and guidance on how to react. Adults themselves may struggle with the growing reality of mass violence in the United States, particularly gun violence. However, caregivers and school personnel have a responsibility to help children and youth feel safe by establishing a sense of normalcy and security, reinforcing their natural resilience, and talking with them about their fears.

1. Reassure children that they are safe. Remind them that you and other adults are there to protect them. Emphasize that schools are generally very safe, even though the news may contribute to the perception that they are not. Indeed, research is clear that schools are among the safest places for children and that the likelihood that any individual child will experience violence at school is very low.

2. Validate children's feelings. Explain that all feelings are okay when a tragedy occurs. Let children talk about their feelings, help put them into perspective, and assist them in expressing these feelings appropriately. If appropriate for the child, acknowledge that the prevalence of mass violence in this country is disturbing and unacceptable, and that many adults are working to address the problem.

3. Make time to talk. Let children's questions be your guide as to how much information to provide. Be patient; children and youth do not always talk about their feelings readily. Watch for clues that they may want to talk, such as hovering around while you do the dishes or yard work. Some children prefer writing, playing music, or doing an art project as an outlet. Young children may need concrete activities (such as drawing, looking at picture books, or imaginative play) to help them identify and express their feelings.

4. Keep your explanations developmentally appropriate.

Early elementary school children need brief, simple information that should be balanced with reassurances that their school and homes are safe and that adults are there to protect them. Give simple examples of school safety like reminding children about exterior doors being locked, child monitoring efforts on the playground, and emergency drills practiced during the school day.

Upper elementary and early middle school children will be more vocal in asking questions about whether they truly are safe and what is being done at their school. They may need assistance separating reality from fantasy. Discuss efforts of school and community leaders to provide safe schools.

Upper middle school and high school students will have strong and varying opinions about the causes of violence in schools and society. They will share concrete suggestions about how to make school safer and how to prevent tragedies in society. Emphasize that adults are responsible for keeping students safe but that they can have a role in maintaining safe schools by following school safety guidelines (e.g., not providing building access to strangers, reporting strangers on campus, reporting threats to school safety made by students or community members), communicating any personal safety concerns to school administrators, and accessing support for their mental health needs.

5. Review safety procedures. This should include procedures and safeguards at school, in the community, and at home. Help children identify at least one adult at school and in the community to whom they go if they feel threatened or at risk.

6. Observe children's emotional state. Some children may not express their concerns verbally. Changes in behavior, appetite, and sleep patterns can also indicate a child's level of anxiety or discomfort. In most children, these symptoms will ease with reassurance and time. However, some children may be at risk for more intense reactions. Children who have had a past traumatic experience or personal loss, who suffer from depression or other mental illness, or who have special needs may be at greater risk for severe reactions than others. Seek the help of a mental health professional if you are at all concerned.

7. Limit access to television and social media attention to these events. Limit television viewing and be aware if the television is on in common areas. Developmentally inappropriate information can cause anxiety or confusion, particularly in young children. Adults also need to be mindful of the content of conversations that they have with each other in front of children, even teenagers, and limit their exposure to vengeful, hateful, and angry comments that might be misunderstood.

8. Correct misinformation. Speculating or spreading rumors about the specifics of a violent event can unnecessarily escalate anxiety and fear. Emphasize that law enforcement and other designated authorities have the most accurate information. Counter misconceptions that people with mental illness are more inclined toward violence. This isn't true. In fact, people with mental illness are more likely to be victims of violence than perpetrators. Experts, including the FBI, emphasize that it takes a combination of multiple, often cascading, factors to lead someone to violence.

9. Maintain a normal routine. Keeping to a regular schedule can be reassuring and promotes physical health. Ensure that children get plenty of sleep, regular meals, and exercise. Encourage them to keep up with their schoolwork and extracurricular activities but don't push them if they seem overwhelmed. Support healthy social connections.

10. Talk about steps children and youth can take to make a positive difference. The ability to take action, even in small ways, can help reduce anxiety and promote resilience. Help children and youth identify organizations they can support or things they can do either related to violence prevention or simply to make a positive contribution to their family, school, or broader community.

Suggested Points to Emphasize When Talking to Children

Schools are safe places. School staff work with families and public safety providers (such as local police and fire departments, emergency responders, and hospitals) to keep you safe.

Our school building is safe because ... (cite specific school procedures).

Adults are responsible for keeping you safe, but we can all play a role in school safety. Be observant and let an adult know if you see or hear something that makes you feel uncomfortable, nervous, or frightened.

There is a difference between reporting and ratting, tattling, or gossiping. You can provide important information that may prevent harm either directly or anonymously by telling a trusted adult what you know or hear.

Although there is no absolute guarantee that something bad will never happen, it is important to understand the difference between the possibility of something happening and the probability that it will affect you (or our school community) directly. Even though any act of mass violence is horrible and unacceptable, the statistical likelihood of experiencing such violence in school is low. Based on data from the 2020-2021 school year, any given school might experience a shooting with casualties about once every 1,400 years. For perspective, 1,400 years ago was 623 A.D. Furthermore, the chance of getting injured or killed at school is about 1 in 450,000 (or .0000022%), with less than 3% of youth homicides of any kind occurring at school.

Senseless violence is hard for everyone to understand. Doing things we enjoy, sticking to our normal routine, and being with friends and family help make us feel better and help keep us from worrying about the event.

Sometimes people do bad things that hurt others. They may be unable to handle their anger, be under the influence of drugs or alcohol, or suffer from mental illness. Adults (parents, teachers, police officers, doctors, faith leaders) work very hard to get those people help and keep them from hurting others. It is important for all of us to know how to get help if we feel really upset or angry and to stay away from drugs and alcohol.

Stay away from guns and other weapons unless under adult supervision with the proper training. Tell an adult if you know someone has a gun. Access to guns is the leading risk factor for deadly violence.

Violence is never a solution to personal problems. Students can be part of the positive solution by participating in antiviolence programs at school, learning conflict mediation skills, and seeking help from adults if they are or a peer is struggling with anger, depression, or other emotions they cannot control.

NASP has additional information for parents and educators on school safety, violence prevention, children's trauma reactions, and crisis response at www.nasponline.org.

Please cite this document as: National Association of School Psychologists. (2023). Talking to children about violence [Handout].

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Talking to Children About Violence: Tips for Families and Educators

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High profile acts of mass violence, particularly in schools, can confuse and frighten children and youth who may feel in danger or worry that their friends or loved ones are at risk. They will look to...

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Asian Americans Book List by Social Justice Books

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Asian Americans Book List by Social Justice Books

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The book list includes titles on Asian Americans and Asia for children, young adults, and educators.

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Behind the History of AAPI Heritage Month

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Behind the History of AAPI Heritage Month

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The reason lawmakers chose May is because of its historical significance for the AAPI community. It commemorates the immigration of the first Japanese people to the United States, as well as Golden Spike Day (May 10, 1869), which marked the completion of the transcontinental railroad, largely built by Chinese laborers.

Why did the name change to Asian American Pacific Islander Heritage Month?

In 1990, President George H.W. Bush signed a bill passed by Congress to extend the week to a full month. In 2009, President Obama officially changed the name to Asian American and Pacific Islander Heritage Month, with the signing of Proclamation 8369.

In his statement announcing the change, Obama wrote, "The vast diversity of languages, religions, and cultural traditions of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders continues to strengthen the fabric of American society.... During Asian American and Pacific Islander Heritage Month, we remember the challenges and celebrate the achievements that define our history."

What are some criticisms of heritage months?

AAPI Heritage Month is a significant symbol of the importance of the AAPI community in U.S. history, but it also faces valid criticism given how little has been done to tangibly advance the rights of these communities. "[AAPI Heritage Month] brings a level of visibility in the same way that Black History Month does," Wu said. "But a lot of people also believe that attention span seems really short-lived, if not tokenizing. Heritage months do have this distillation effect on the way the United States organizes our society. It's built on these very oversimplified racial and ethnic categories that do not capture the full complexity of people and their communities, their cultures, and their concerns."

One of the major criticisms of AAPIHM is the consolidation of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders into one group. The reason behind this is historic. According to Wu, there were far fewer immigrants from these regions living in the U.S. in the 1970s, so the two groups banded together in solidarity. During this period, the Census used "Asian Pacific Islander" as a catchall term to describe people coming from very different communities with distinct histories and immigration patterns. Today, some critics have argued that there's little utility in using one umbrella term to refer to millions of people across the socioeconomic spectrum despite their different cultures, languages, and religions. Doing so can further the false idea that minorities are monolithic groups.

Another major flaw of having a month dedicated to a particular minority group is how support and attention tend to wane once the month is over. For example, brands will participate in AAPIHM - or similarly, Black History Month, or Latinx Heritage Month - to play the role of the ally, only to drop off once the spotlight shifts from the community. Ideally, heritage months can coexist with the ongoing support of minority communities, rather than existing only in a vacuum where people of color are highlighted for that month.

How to celebrate AAPI Heritage month respectfully

Supporting the AAPI community should go beyond just liking Instagram infographics during May. There are many actionable ways to give back and stand in solidarity. For example, you can sign up for bystander intervention courses for what to do if you witness someone being harassed. You can also support Stop AAPI Hate's initiatives to raise national awareness around hate crimes against the AAPI community. By advocating for AAPI rights on a local level you can influence your community to be more aware and proactive all year-round.

Visibility goes beyond community organizing and legislation. You can support AAPI creators by intentionally seeking out AAPI-made media, from a new television show to binge with your friends or a book by an AAPI author whose work you've never read. By supporting AAPI creators, you're supporting the idea that AAPI voices deserve a place at the table in mainstream media.

Regardless of how you celebrate AAPIHM, we can all agree that the AAPI community is an important fiber in the fabric of American society. The conversation should be about how Americans can give back to the AAPI community in meaningful, enduring ways that extend beyond the month of May.

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Behind the History of AAPI Heritage Month

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The reason lawmakers chose May is because of its historical significance for the AAPI community. It commemorates the immigration of the first Japanese people to the United States, as well as Golden Spike Day (May 10, 1869), which marked the completion of the transcontinental railroad, largely built by Chinese laborers.

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Education Resources | Yuri Education Project | United States

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Yuri is an Asian American education project, providing curriculum and resources to tell Asian American stories in the classroom.

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[PBS] Anti-Asian Racism: Connections in History

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[PBS] Anti-Asian Racism: Connections in History

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YURI Education Project

In Partnership with Center for Asian American Media (CAAM)

© 2021 YURI Education Project. All Rights Reserved.

Project Manager & Curriculum Lead

Freda Lin, Co-Director, YURI Education Project

Curriculum Contributor & Editor

Cathlin Goulding, Co-Director, YURI Education Project

Center for Asian American Media (CAAM)

Don Young, Director of Programs

Rights and Clearances & Archival Research

Alexandra Margolin

Content Project Illustrator

Cori Lin

Contributor

One Nation AAPI is a coalition of Asian American and Pacific Islander community leaders and members, service providers, educators, policy makers, legal advocates and elected officials. The report discusses the impact of Covid19 on the Asian American community, in terms of health and the rise in anti-Asian hate. One Nation Commission Report II  was edited by author and journalist Helen Zia and strategic communications leader Sara Ying Rounsaville, with contributions by Viet Thanh Nguyen and AAPI researchers.

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Anti-Asian Racism: Connections in History | PBS LearningMedia

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This will help students make sense of anti-Asian racism today by connecting it with history. Prejudice and racism against Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders (AAPI) stretches back to the beginning of this history. AAPIs have been seen as "others" who do not fully belong in the U.S.

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American attitudes towards Asian Americans in 2022

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American attitudes towards Asian Americans in 2022

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Asian Americans face a somber reality in 2022: despite a new administration, a relative decline in the severity of the Covid-19 pandemic, and an improved economy, attacks against our community continue to increase at alarming rates.

Deeper root causes related to prejudice, fear, and "othering" of Asian Americans as foreigners and threats are manifested in discrimination, stereotypes, and violence against our community.

The time is now for greater awareness and action.

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Asian Americans face a somber reality in 2022: despite a new administration, a relative decline in the severity of the Covid-19 pandemic, and an improved economy, attacks against our community continue to increase at alarming rates. Deeper root causes related to prejudice, fear, and "othering" of Asian Americans as foreigners and threats are manifested in discrimination, stereotypes, and violence against our community.

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Lee & Low Books is the top publisher of Asian American children's books. Find award-winning books for young readers featuring Chinese, Korean, Indian, Japanese, Filipino, and Hmong cultures. Our collections offer a wide range of genres, including nonfiction biographies of important figures in Asian history and culture such as Su Dongpo, Sammy Lee, Anna May Wong, Bruce Lee, Soichiro Honda, Isamu Noguchi, and many more; page-turning fiction featuring Asian American main characters; and poetry. Jump in and find the perfect book for every reader!

Want help building your own customized classroom collection? Get in touch with us to build a custom school order.

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Chinese, Korean, Asian American Kids' Books | Lee & Low Books

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Lee & Low Books is the top publisher of Asian American children's books. Find award-winning books for young readers featuring Chinese, Korean, Indian, Japanese, Filipino, and Hmong cultures.

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South Asian American Digital Archive (SAADA)

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South Asian American stories are not taught in classrooms, found in textbooks, or reflected in popular media. We can change that.

For the last thirteen years, SAADA has worked to document, preserve, and share stories from the South Asian American community.

Now, for the first time, South Asian American stories can be on bookshelves in homes, schools, and libraries across the country.

With stories spanning from the 1780s to the present day and bringing together the voices of sixty-four authors, Our Stories: An Introduction to South Asian America demonstrates the diversity, vibrancy, and power of the South Asian American community.

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Our Stories: An Introduction to South Asian America

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South Asian American stories are not taught in classrooms, found in textbooks, or reflected in popular media. We can change that... and it starts right now! Get your copy of "Our Stories," SAADA's new book demonstrating the diversity, vibrancy, and power of the South Asian American community.

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Learning Together during COVID-19 | Learning Together

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Learning Together during COVID-19 At SmithsonianAPA, we believe that education serves as a bridge between K12 teachers and Asian American and Pacific

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Asian Americans | Episode 1: Breaking Ground | PBS

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PBS: Asian Americans documentary episodes

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PBS: Asian Americans documentary episodes

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On SchoolTube

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SchoolTube - Safe video sharing and management for K12

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In an era of exclusion and U.S. empire, new immigrants arrive from China, India, Japan, the Philippines, and beyond. Barred by anti-Asian laws they become America's first "undocumented immigrants," yet they build railroads, dazzle on the silver screen, and take their fight for equality to the U.S. Supreme Court. Asian Americans is a five-hour film series that delivers a bold, fresh perspective on a history that matters today, more than ever. Told through intimate and personal lives, the series will cast a new lens on U.S. history and the ongoing role that Asian Americans have played in shaping the nation's story.

Narrated by Daniel Dae Kim.
https://www.pbs.org/weta/asian-americans/

#PBS #AsianAmericans #AsianAmerican #AAPI #AsianAmericanPacificIslander #StopAsianHate #AAPIHeritageMonth

DISCLAIMER: I do not own this video. It has been uploaded for educational purposes only.

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Asian Americans | Episode 1: Breaking Ground | PBS

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In an era of exclusion and U.S. empire, new immigrants arrive from China, India, Japan, the Philippines, and beyond. Barred by anti-Asian laws they become America's first "undocumented immigrants," yet they build railroads, dazzle on the silver screen, and take their fight for equality to the U.S. Supreme Court.

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So You Want To Teach Asian American History? These Educators Are Here To Help

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Asian American history is having a moment, after generations of neglect in classrooms and textbooks.

The past year has seen Asian American teachers and parents push through laws requiring their history be taught in Illinois and New Jersey public schools, with similar campaigns underway in other states.

Around the country, thousands of K-12 teachers are signing up for training on the struggles and contributions of Asians Americans. Some are from California, where an upcoming ethnic studies requirement for graduation has schools looking to expand their offerings of Asian American history.

Demand for workshops by the Asian American Education Project is so high that co-founder Stewart Kwoh said the group needs to raise more money to hire extra trainers. The tide of attacks on Asians during the pandemic is driving interest among non-Asian participants (the majority of teachers are white women) who Kwoh said are asking, Why is it happening?

"You don't really understand why there's a surge of anti-Asian violence unless you understand Asian American history as well," said Kwoh, who was founding president of Asian Americans Advancing Justice-LA.

The education project offers dozens of multimedia lesson plans, including one covering the little-known massacre of Chinese immigrants in Los Angeles 150 years ago.

"It's not new," he said. "It's something that's happened before. It's happening again."

Why Inclusion In Schools Matters

Scholars have long drawn a bright line between what is taught in K-12 about marginalized groups and how they are regarded in society. In a study of 2021 curricula standards in all 50 states, college professor Sohyun An found that Asian Americans barely registered outside of anti-Chinese immigration laws and the incarceration of Japanese Americans during WWII, leading to the perception of Asian Americans "as an oppressed group lacking civic agency or new immigrants with little contribution to the building of the nation."

When it comes to K-12 curriculum, I don't think we have spent much time or effort on it - until today.

While curriculum designers and textbook companies often failed to invite Asian Americans to the table, the community also did not treat getting their history into schools as a civil rights issue, said An, a professor of social studies education at Kennesaw State University in Georgia.

"When it comes to K-12 curriculum, I don't think we have spent much time or effort on it - until today," An said.

In just the past year or so, efforts to write Asian American curricula and advocate for its inclusion in school districts have exploded, matching a growing audience.

Much of the organizing stems from the organization Make Us Visible, which has launched eight chapters since January, 2021. Some state chapters, such as Florida's, are focused on passing bills to require the instruction of Asian American and Pacific Islander history. By contrast, Pennsylvania's chapter has been supporting Asian Americans candidates for local school boards.

A Make Us Visible chapter for Southern California is in the works, with educators including Virginia Nguyen prepping for its rollout.

Nguyen, a U.S. history teacher at Portola High School in Irvine, has long been aware of the omission of Asian American narratives in history curriculum. The child of Vietnamese refugees, Nguyen took special note of how her community only came up during a unit on the Vietnam War.

"It was told from the point that Vietnamese people came because America felt ashamed of what happened and this was their way of making it right," Nguyen said. "That was how I felt America felt about the Vietnamese."

(Courtesy of Virginia Nguyen)

As a teacher, Nguyen weaves the narratives of underrepresented communities into her lessons, but she knows this is not common practice because she kept meeting younger Asian Americans who, like she did years ago, questioned why they weren't exposed to their history until taking electives in college.

The massacre of six Asian women at Atlanta-area spas last year was Nguyen's breaking point. She decided, along with her friend Stacy Yung, an instructional designer in Irvine, to share their knowledge and experiences as Asian American women with other educators and to support other AAPI teachers, who make up just 2% of teachers nationwide.

A year and dozens of training sessions later, their group, Educate to Empower, will hold its largest event yet at the University of California, Irvine later this month, featuring a lineup of some of the country's leading Asian American educational advocates.

Teachers are so powerful, because it's an opportunity for us to define what is American.

Sharing Lesson Plans

Meanwhile, Nguyen has joined a growing cadre of Asian American teachers who are sharing their lesson plans through social media, Google Docs and AirTable.

On Twitter, Nguyen posted lessons on the history of xenophobia and scapegoating in the U.S., as well as the Vietnamese American experience told through oral history and food in hopes it will be useful to other teachers.

"Teachers are so powerful, because it's an opportunity for us to define what is American," Nguyen said. "We are literally picking and choosing how students see themselves, and how they can see the world around them."

The lesson plans from individual teachers complement larger-scale efforts to create AAPI history teaching tools online.

Asian Americans Advancing Justice-Chicago, the civil rights group that led the campaign to require Asian American studies in Illinois schools, has stacked its online resource page with sample lessons and reading lists by grade level.

The Smithsonian Asian Pacific American Center has a rich trove of content, including videos, downloadable lesson plans and activities.

The Immigrant History Initiative and the Yuri Education Project, named after the activist Yuri Kochiyama, are groups founded by Asian American women that write their own curricula and provide training.

Then there are websites that delve into the history of specific ethnic groups, such as Densho Encyclopedia and the South Asian American Digital Archive.

California's Efforts

Meanwhile, California has created a model curriculum in ethnic studies that includes sample lessons and course outlines for Asian American and Pacific Islander studies.

Taking ethnic studies is going to be a hs graduation requirement in California starting with the class of 2030.

The state has come up with a model curriculum that school districts can choose to use. It includes sample lessons on AAPI history. https://t.co/1uLDRk29YU pic.twitter.com/YsszIEouf3
- Josie Huang (@josie_huang) April 11, 2022

More projects are in the works. The California legislature has funded the development of three model curriculum projects:

Hmong history and cultural studies

The Vietnamese American refugee experience

The Cambodian genocide

Over at UCLA, scholars are in the midst of a multi-year project to create an "Asian American digital textbook" that is aimed as much at students as educators, said Kelly Fong, a lecturer in the school's Asian American Studies Department.
Fong said the chapters - to be authored with teachers and curriculum developers - will be heavy on multimedia materials to engage students, such as embedded oral history clips, interactive maps and timelines and video. While the target beneficiaries are K-12 learners, the digital textbook has potentially farther reach, Fong said.

"For life-long learners who maybe didn't have Asian American studies when they were in college or high school and just really want to know more, this would be a place for them," Fong said.

The largest online curricula at the moment is housed at the Asian American Education Project, which is expanding beyond the 53 lesson plans it's already crafted with input from dozens of teachers. Two-thirds of the lessons were built around the PBS docuseries "Asian Americans" and are accompanied by footage drawn from the five episodes.

(Courtesy of Stewart Kwoh)

Kwoh, who started the project with his wife, Pat Lee Kwoh, more than a decade ago, said their goal is to reach a million K-12 students over the next several years.

"They will be less vulnerable to believe the false propaganda and the stereotypes that have been perpetrated on Asian Americans in the last two years," Kwoh said. "We're hopeful, at a minimum, Asian Americans will garner more allies and will be able to withstand these attacks."

Impact On Students

High school senior Stephanie Hu said teaching that history could also change the way Asian Americans see themselves.

Growing up in south Orange County, Hu was mocked for being of Chinese descent, with other kids slanting their eyes at her and speaking gibberish.

"I did face a good amount of discrimination and microaggressions," Hu said. "And I think that really isolated me from my culture, and made me really feel ashamed of it."

The pandemic brought more of the same. Hu noticed shoppers at the grocery store steering clear of her. There was the classmate who joked about avoiding Irvine because of its large Asian population.

In contrast to when she was younger, these incidents only made Hu want to connect more with being Asian American and led her to found Dear Asian Youth, where young people across the world can share their culture and history through literature, poetry and podcasting.

As Hu took her own journey to explore her identity, she began to question her formal education and its Eurocentric focus. She recalls how the Renaissance "was talked about for weeks."

"I remember just feeling very disappointed not being able to see myself being represented in curriculum," Hu said. "I wonder if I would have been able to accept and embrace my culture at a sooner point had that curriculum been incorporated in my history class."

Stewart Kwoh is an honorary life trustee for Southern California Public Radio, which operates KPCC and LAist.

Have a question about Southern California's Asian American communities?

Josie Huang reports on the intersection of being Asian and American and the impact of those growing communities in Southern California.

Ask a Question

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So You Want To Teach Asian American History? These Educators Are Here To Help

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To fight racism, a growing number of Asian American educators are writing curriculum and offering training.

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NowThis: How Asian Americans Can Help Fight Anti-Black Racism

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NowThis: How Asian Americans Can Help Fight Anti-Black Racism

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Captioned & available on all of NowThis News online platforms
https://www.instagram.com/tv/CC6kUphD0Dg/?igshid=1140sqccchhp3

https://nowthisnews.com/videos/news/how-asian-americans-can-help-fight-anti-black-racism

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How Asian Americans Can Help Fight Anti-Black Racism | NowThis

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Our History Matters

The Asian Americans Education Project (AAEdu) will engage teachers and students in a K-12 curriculum centered on AAPI history in the United States, while also advocating for inclusion and curricular standards at the state level nationwide.

AAPI History Is American History

The Asian Americans Education Project's curriculum is designed to engage American students around the evolving identity, contributions, and challenges experienced by AAPI peoples.The curriculum helps teachers engage with students on the role of AAPIs in shaping American history. Leveraging its strong working relationship with local school districts and unions, The Asian Americans Education Project will engage in a nationwide campaign to promote and place an AAPI-focused K-12 Curriculum in school districts. AAEdu will train teachers on how to teach the AAPI experience, and work with educators to continuously improve this curriculum.

Sharing Our AAPI History

TAAF's funding champions the inclusion of ethnic studies in every student's required curriculum. The Project will transform how teachers and students nationwide value and appreciate the ongoing contributions of Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders to U.S. history and culture.

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The Asian Americans Education Project (AAEdu) will engage teachers and students in a K-12 curriculum centered on AAPI history in the United States, while also advocating for inclusion and curricular standards at the state level nationwide.

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Discussing Anti-Asian Racism with Students: An Educator's Guide

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Discussing Anti-Asian Racism with Students: An Educator's Guide

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Discussing Anti-Asian Racism with Students: An Educator's Guide - Stop AAPI Hate

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Discussing Anti-Asian Racism with Students: An Educator's Guide Inform students that COVID-19 is not linked to a race or ethnicity Avoid stereotyping countries and help students understand their own biases Share accurate information and counter misinformation about COVID-19 Interrupt bias by speaking up if you witness discriminatory behavior by students or staff Stop any type [...]

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Get ready for the Lunar New Year (Feb 1st!!) with Grace Lin

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Grace and Alvina share how they did on last year's resolutions, and share some new year's resolutions for 2022! Listen to the latest episode #138 on bookfriendsforever.com.

Click here to become a Patreon member!

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Get ready for the Lunar New Year (Feb 1st!!) with Grace Lin

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Year of the Tiger Craft, Activities, Stories and More! It's 2022! With the big snow storm at the start of the year, I like to think that Little Snow (from A Big Bed for Little Snow) was jumping for jo

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100% of profits are donated to Black-led organizations

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An Asian-American Guide to Dismantling Anti-Blackness

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An Asian-American Guide to Dismantling Anti-Blackness

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by Jane Kim

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When hate crimes, microaggressions, and anti-Asian racism spiked in the age of COVID-19, I observed an awakening among many Asian Americans. More Asian Americans were seeing how racist our society actually is. The image of the America they thought they knew shattered, along with their perceived place in it. " Yellow Peril " suddenly became personal.

People began to share stories of their own encounters with anti-Asian racism. Asian-owned businesses suffered . Overtly racist and xenophobic rhetoric came from not only our neighbors, but our nation's leaders . Soon, swaths of Asian Americans began to realize racism doesn't just happen in interpersonal interactions; it is deeply systemic and woven into this country's very existence.

Then, as delayed news of Ahmaud Arbery's murder spread, I noticed that more Asian Americans in my circles started speaking up and using the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter. Some shared about Breonna Taylor , and now George Floyd . Those who had never discussed the previous numerous injustices against & murders of Black people were bringing attention to recent events and sharing calls to action.

Having experienced pushback on my past sharing on race and racism, I've long desired for more Asian Americans to proactively engage in anti-racism work, including expanding Black and Asian solidarity. It has felt quite lonely at times. But the recent increase in Asian Americans' and Asian-American Christians' engagement has been encouraging.

I began receiving messages from people wanting to talk, asking questions about what to do and where to even begin. Once they saw how deeply and widely racism, specifically anti-Black racism, is rooted in our society, they couldn't unsee it.

So, where do we go from here? What do we need to keep in mind as Asian Americans who want to embark on the lifelong journey to being anti-racist and fighting racism, especially when it comes to anti-Blackness?

Here are some things I have learned and continue to practice:

Anti-Blackness has been deeply embedded in Asian and Asian-American communities for a long time. Asian Americans have historically been used as a racial wedge between white Americans and African Americans. The model minority myth , constructed out of white supremacy and anti-Blackness, is a tool used to legitimize racism against Black people, while pitting communities of color against each other.

We, Asian Americans, have been weaponized as tools for white supremacy-and when we stay silent, we are complicit. In the recent murder of George Floyd , an Asian cop stood by, ignoring the repeated cries of "I can't breathe" of a Black man as a white cop asphyxiated him. Complicity has irreparable and dire consequences. We must refuse to be used for injustice, and instead pursue justice. We are capable of--and need to--stand in solidarity with our Black brothers and sisters; we cannot idly watch them suffer.

Humanity is not dependent on virality. The value of one's life is not based on how viral one's death becomes; humans have inherent dignity and worth, and we should treat them as such.

Technology and social media have helped many concealed stories see the light of day, but it has also caused more unnecessary trauma and desensitization to violence against Black people. Be mindful of your audience when sharing something, especially graphic footage of violence against Black bodies.

Before you share, consider: Is sharing an image or video really necessary to decry the injustice? Are you able to make or share another graphic with the message you want to get across? Would you share the graphic brutalization of anyone else? Why do we easily and quickly share the brutalization of Black bodies?

Footage of another's suffering is not material for our education. Instead of being quick to objectify, make the conscious effort to humanize people. This will lead us to more love.

When there's no organized event with a hashtag or no selfie to post, still engage. Still spread knowledge and raise awareness. Do the work that doesn't necessarily get documented. Challenge friends and family members to repent of and uproot their anti-Blackness. It will not be easy, but it is imperative. This is a lifelong journey until God brings forth true and complete justice. When you share content, be conscious of who is being centered. Is it you and what you did? Or are you centering Black people and amplifying their voices, their stories, and their needs?

We need to listen to Black voices, to lean in and learn. However, it is not the job of Black people to teach us about anti-Blackness, racism, injustice, history, and their suffering. Do not message Black people to solicit answers to your questions.

Instead, listen to and read the words of those who have already shared and continue to share--even as they grieve. Do your own research (i.e. buy books, listen to podcasts, watch documentaries, join Patreon or other learning communities, etc.).

Keep in mind that no singular person is representative of their community. We cannot have one person, one social media account, or one news outlet be our sole source of information. Seek out the voices of people who have different views and perspectives. Listen to and learn from many different Black voices, especially those of Black women.

We need to commit to lifelong learning and unlearning. There are many things we were taught growing up that we need to unlearn, including whitewashed history and implicit biases. We have to actively do the work of decolonizing our minds.

In order to unlearn, we also need to learn. We need to educate ourselves on what we don't know. When in doubt, Google it. You'll be able to find a plethora of resources that match your learning style (e.g. books, audiobooks, podcasts, lectures, classes, videos, social media accounts, various forms of art, etc.). Vet your research with trusted sources. Learn history. Learn about the inequities, injustices, disparities, racist policies, and the facets of systemic racism that plague this land. Unlearn what has blurred us from seeing the full humanity of our neighbors.

Heed and respond to calls to action. Contact those in office and in power. Demand justice. Amplify messages that need to be amplified. Engage in politics. Our housing, schools, healthcare, community resources (e.g. grocery stores, organizations, parks, etc.)-every aspect of our lives here is impacted by policies and politics. If you are able, vote and proactively seek change that uplifts and embetters your neighbors, especially those who are marginalized.

It is important not to be in isolation or in an echo chamber. Seek out people you can trust to continuously engage with as you learn, unlearn, repent, pray, weep, lament, and take action. We were not created to be in isolation; we grow in community.

Surround yourself with people who create safe and gracious spaces to explore, make mistakes, receive correction, seek truth, and continue to grow. This journey won't be easy, but having a community makes it manageable. Be mindful not to tokenize friendships but truly invest in relationships with people. Also, be willing to do the work to bring others into community with you.

Our struggles are not the same; however, the root of our oppression is in white supremacy. When white supremacy pits us against each other, let's rise above that and be in community together.

We, as Asian Americans, need to remember that the benefits and rights we have in this country are because of the sacrifices, struggles, activism, and leadership of African Americans. We cannot and should not fight oppression alone. We are connected in more ways than we think. May we not turn a blind eye to the suffering of others.

Pray with and for our Black brothers and sisters. Lament and cry out in prayer. Check in on their well-being or let them know that you are grieving with them, praying for them, and coupling your words with action. Look up calls to action. Raise awareness. Talk to your non-Black friends and family. Invest in Black businesses and organizations. There are many things we can do without burdening grieving people.

There is so much more we need to do to seek justice on earth. Above all, look, pray, and lament to our God--a God of Justice. We may grow weary along the journey, but do not be discouraged. We are walking humbly with our God who "will not grow faint or be discouraged till he has established justice in the earth" (Isaiah 42:4, NIV). Along the way, he will surely encourage you with his presence and that of his people.

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An Asian-American Guide to Dismantling Anti-Blackness - AACC

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When hate crimes, microaggressions, and anti-Asian racism spiked in the age of COVID-19, I observed an awakening among many Asian Americans. More Asian Americans were seeing how racist our society actually is. The image of the America they thought they knew shattered, along with their perceived place in it.

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Honoring the Cherished Memory of Woom Sing Tse, organized by Michael Set

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Honoring the Cherished Memory of Woom Sing Tse

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Honoring the Cherished Memory of Woom Sing Tse

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Hi, my name is Michael and I am creating this GoFundMe page for my father-in-law, Woom Sing Tse. Dad was a beloved husband, father, and grandfather who deeply loved his friends and family. A dedicated family man, Woom Sing devoted his entire life to achieving the American Dream through grit, hard work, and perseverance so that his family could prosper in peace. In a tragic turn of events, dad was the victim of gun violence in Chicago's Chinatown neighborhood. On Tuesday December 7th 30 minutes past the afternoon, the incident took place across the street from an elementary school while Woom Sing was walking to pick up his daily newspaper. In one moment, Woom Sing's wife, children, and grandchildren lost his love and warmth. We are using this platform to give family, friends, and anyone impacted by this event to honor the legacy and memory of Woom Sing Tse. It is our hope that no one else will ever have to say goodbye to family in this way. Dad was a respected member of the Chinatown community and a table tennis enthusiast. All who were fortunate enough to be considered family or friend deeply miss the light he brought into each of our lives. Dad is survived by his wife Shin Oh Chow, his son William, and his daughters Susan and Carina. In addition, Woom Sing took joy in spending time with his nine grandchildren. Thank you for your support of Woom Sing's family as we celebrate his 71 years of life.

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Honoring the Cherished Memory of Woom Sing Tse, organized by Michael Set

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Hi, my name is Michael and I am creating this GoFundMe page for my father-in-law, Woom Sing Tse. Dad was a beloved husband, father, and grandfather who deeply loved his friends and family. A dedicated family man, Woom Sing devoted his entire life to achieving the American Dream through grit, hard work, and perseverance so that his family could prosper in peace.

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Hope Justice Astoria’s Townhall: Looking Back to Look Ahead - The Untold AAPI History

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Hope Justice Astoria’s Townhall: Looking Back to Look Ahead - The Untold AAPI History

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Hope AAPI Townhall: Looking Back to Look Ahead - The Untold AAPI Story

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Due to the current situation in Afghanistan many people are in need of emergency relief. This is a list of current fundraisers and charities that are attending internally displaced people (IDP) and people affected by the ongoing situation.

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Anti-Asian Discrimination in the Age of Covid w/ AACC, Timothy Isaiah Cho, and Jane Kim

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Anti-Asian Discrimination in The Age of Covid

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Listen to this episode from Truth's Table on Spotify. Support Truth's Table: Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/TruthsTable PayPal: https://www.paypal.me/TruthsTable Merchandise: https://teespring.com/shop/truthstable?pid=46&cid=2742 Truth's Table Discount for Healing Racial Trauma: The Road to Resilience by Sheila Wise Rowe: Save 40% off of Healing Racial Trauma: The Road to Resilience by Sheila Wise Rowe when you order at https://www.ivpress.com/healing-racial-trauma using promo code TRUTH20.

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On the Continued Value of AAPI Heritage Month

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On the Continued Value of AAPI Heritage Month

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By Jenn Fang

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Asian American Christian Collaborative (AACC)

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With a superb cast, a soul-stirring score, beautiful cinematography, brilliant props, and stunning screenplay, Minari captures the distinct yet familiar experiences of a Korean American immigrant family. The opening scene shows us the Yi family, luggage packed into the car, pulling up to a plot of land in rural Arkansas with a lonesome trailer in the middle. Jacob (Steve Yeun) proudly introduces his children and wife to the land on which he will cultivate his dream of having a successful Korean produce farm. Their new home comes as a surprise to its new inhabitants as it has wheels and doesn't even have stairs that you can climb to get in; they can only enter with the help of another (kind of like how immigration laws were set up for Asians to immigrate to the U.S. back then - but I digress). The children, Anne (Noel Kate Cho) and David (Alan Kim), explore their new surroundings with wide-eyed wonder, but their mother, Monica (Han Ye-ri), takes everything in with notable shock and dismay. Monica looks at her husband in disbelief and says, "This isn't what you promised." Starting a new life in rural Arkansas may not be a setting that most may relate to, but the feeling of being met with unfulfilled promises and disappointments is more familiar than we'd like to admit, especially for many who have chased after the mythical "American Dream."

The Yi family settles into their new home and Jacob works to get his dream farm up and running. He also works as a chick sexer with Monica to pay the bills, doing the monotonous labor of separating female chicks that will eventually grow into profitable egg-laying hens from the not-as-useful male chicks that will be discarded. As obstacle after obstacle arises with the farm, Jacob struggles with feeling more like a worthless male chick headed to the incinerator than a successful farmer. As Chung tells the story of his own childhood through Minari, it feels like he's telling the story of our collective Korean immigrant parents who worked hard, weathering sacrifice and struggle, to provide a better life in America. Yet Chung frames these hard experiences beautifully to show us that they are more than the sum of their sacrifices. There is so much more to the story than the heart-wrenching moments.

As marital tensions heighten, Jacob and Monica decide to bring in SoonJa (Youn Yuh-Jung) from Korea to support the family and care for the children. SoonJa brings with her connections to their Korean life with foods/tastes from Korea that Monica in particular longs for and digs into with sheer delight. She also brings connections to the family's future in the form of minari seeds that she plants along a creek with David in hopes to bond with him. SoonJa is not what American-born David thinks a "real grandma" should be like since she doesn't bake cookies or filter what she says, and he wants her gone; but halmoni ends up being exactly who he needs and wins his heart like she does ours.

The development of SoonJa and David's relationship is one of the most beautiful things Minari offers, and their growth together serves as a healing balm for the pain of seeing Jacob and Monica stretched to their breaking point. This film breaks your heart through its stunning storytelling and also puts your heart back together again by the time the credits roll, only for you to realize that pieces of it have been stolen by none other than adorable David and his family that is more like yours than not. The Yi family's story feels so real and relatable to Korean Americans because Minari is filled with authentic details good and bad - from the racist interactions with white people who otherize by demeaning the Korean language, staring at our different faces, and infantilizing us with "you're so cute" comments to the intergenerational family dynamics and carefully selected props that transport us to our own memories and connect us to our roots.

Minari incorporates numerous props that are so culturally specific to Korean immigrant families, and I love how they are not explained in the film. They just are. When I saw the Yi family's luggage in the opening scene, I immediately thought of the same green Samsonite hardshell luggage my own mother immigrated with decades ago. Whether it's the wall calendar paper that Monica uses to line the dressers or the red hwatu cards that Soonja plays with, the film does not lose time in overexplaining culturally-specific elements because it is not catering to a specific audience. There are things that will resonate with some and not with others. And that's okay. That is life. Many immigrants and descendants of immigrants will be able to make connections to culturally specific things they find in their homes - from the luggage that brought their belongings and dreams to the cultural decor that made their living spaces feel more like home. Just like how some folks connect the use of Tiger Balm to soothe all woes to how other cultures use VapoRub to heal all ailments, we can find parallel experiences without having the same exact artifacts. No dialogue in the film is wasted on explaining what each Korean detail is, but each word is devoted to portray real interactions and real emotions of real human beings. Explanations are unnecessary when you're not operating under the white gaze. Does the notion that viewers may find themselves having to google some things that pique their curiosity make this film any less American? Absolutely not. Does the fact that most of the dialogue is in Korean make Minari any less American? Again - absolutely not. Minari is a film written and directed by an American, starring Americans, telling a very American story. Minari is an undeniably American film that uses two of the many languages used in America, Korean and English, despite what entities like the Hollywood Foreign Press Association may erroneously conclude. Minari is a film that encompasses many elements of my childhood and I'm sure that of many others. Just like how the minari that Soonja planted grows abundantly by the creek in unfamiliar soil, we see the fruitful resilience of this Korean American family on full display in this captivating film - a resilience that many immigrant families can relate to.

Following the special screening, there was a special Q&A session Sandra Oh did with the cast and director. There was a moment when Sandra Oh mentioned that this film made her realize once again that "Asian Americans sit on so much grief." To have our stories - our American stories - told for us and by us via film is unfortunately still a rare occurrence. You could see the stark contrast between how the Korean actors responded to her questions on what this film means for them versus the Korean American actors and director. Someone like Youn Yuh-Jung, who is a veteran and beloved Korean actress who has starred in so many films, dramas, and shows for decades in a country that has always shown faces and stories like hers, may not truly understand what this kind of representation means for Korean Americans and Asian Americans living in a country that has often erased us. On the flipside, Steven Yeun and Sandra Oh's tears showed just how much even this one film means to us and how much it means to be seen. I was moved to see their raw emotion because even in their tears, I felt so seen and understood.

I hope that more authentic Asian American stories will be told through all mediums, but especially through film. I long to see more stories - stories that are not whitewashed, but stories that are for us, by us, and about us, showing off our multidimensional experiences and celebrating the fullness of our humanity. To help make sure this becomes our future, our support is crucial. If you are able, please support Minari with your dollars and encourage others to do the same.
The AACC is volunteer driven and 100% donor supported. Help us reach the end of the year by giving to our GoFundMe campaign.
Photo courtesy of David Bornfriend and A24.

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Film Review: 'Minari,' An American Story (RECLAIM) - Asian American Christian Collaborative (AACC)

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With a superb cast, a soul-stirring score, beautiful cinematography, brilliant props, and stunning screenplay, Minari captures the distinct yet familiar experiences of a Korean American immigrant family. The opening scene shows us the Yi family, luggage packed into the car, pulling up to a plot of land in rural Arkansas with a lonesome trailer in the middle.

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Bystander Training Course

Bystanders have the potential to save lives and assist people after an emergency, such as an explosion.

The NYC Health Department's Bystander Training Course provides an overview of how you can recognize a suspected explosive device and what to expect after an explosion occurs. The online course shows you the steps a bystander can take to most effectively:

Report suspicious activity

Communicate with victims and first responders

Identify psychological trauma

The course can also direct you to further training to help prepare for an emergency.

The course takes about one hour to complete.

Take the Bystander Training Course.

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Bystanders have the potential to save lives and assist people after an emergency, such as an explosion. The NYC Health Department's Bystander Training Course provides an overview of how you can recognize a suspected explosive device and what to expect after an explosion occurs.

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Anti-Asian racism in 2020

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Welcome to Solidarity Stories from Asian American and Pacific Islander Community Leaders, a project of the National Asian American Leaders Table on COVID-19 Racism's Solidarity Working Group.

At a time of increased anti-Asian hate and ongoing violence targeting Black, indigenous and Latinx communities, solidarity is a practice that can anchor us. Here, we have gathered stories about the complexity and possibility of solidarity practices in Asian American and Pacific Islander communities. Learn about how Japanese American elders intervened in the use of a former incarceration camp to hold children separated from their families during the Trump Administration. Hear about how Native Hawaiians used cultural and spiritual practices to protest the construction of a telescope on Mauna Kea. Reflect on how Indo-Caribbeans navigate being part of and apart from South Asian and Asian American communities. Discuss how Black organizers rely on Asian American solidarity in the struggle for Black liberation.

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Welcome to Solidarity Stories from Asian American and Pacific Islander Community Leaders, a project of the National Asian American Leaders Table on COVID-19 Racism's Solidarity Working Group. At a time of increased anti-Asian hate and ongoing violence targeting Black, indigenous and Latinx communities, solidarity is a practice that can anchor us.

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Compiled by Ronnie Almonte

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Arriving from France via Netflix, Lupin reminds us that God knows the blueprint for our lives.

Lupin hit international screens via Netflix earlier this year and proved filmmaker Bong Joon-Ho right: "Once you overcome the one-inch-tall barrier of subtitles, you will be introduced to so many more amazing films." The French-produced Lupin became the most-watched non-English series on Netflix, reaching 70 million households in its first month.

Lupin follows Assane Diop, a man inspired by the gentleman thief Arsène Lupin, a character created by French novelist Maurice Leblanc. Assane Diop, played by the absolutely magnetic Omar Sy, sets out to avenge his father's death by using his incredible wit and talent as a master of disguises. His father, Babakar (Fargass Assandé), was imprisoned after being accused of stealing a diamond necklace from his wealthy employer, Hubert Pelligrini (Hervé Pierre). We quickly learn how powerful, deceptive, and cruel Pelligrini is as we watch Assane uncover the truth.

Not only is Assane a highly skilled and intricate planner, but he reads people well and assesses how the flaws of his society help him slip through the cracks to go unnoticed. As this modern-day version of Lupin, Assane Diop-a Black man in France and son of an immigrant from Senegal-exploits the racism and classism that surround him to pull off his many tricks and heists. He uses how people treat him as invisible to hide in plain sight. Assane's wide-ranging disguises expose the bigotry of society as they conceal him. From dressing up as a museum janitor with his face in plain sight to dressing up as an old man with prosthetics and wigs, Assane operates in spaces in which he is sought out, but not seen.

As the series frequently flashes back to Assane's past, we learn how different moments in his teenage life impacted the decisions he makes in the present. Every detail the viewers are shown is somehow connected to another. Each moment of his life matters. Repeatedly, Assane succeeds in achieving his goals and carrying out his plans, even in the midst of seemingly impossible situations. Whether it's escaping from the prison he willingly enters in search of pertinent information or fleeing from buildings riddled with Pellegrini's hitmen, Assane proves that no amount of security is a match for his expertise and determination. Even if it seems like all exits are blocked, as the music intensifies and scene transitions quicken, we learn that Assane is an indomitable force with impeccable sleight of hand and calculated yet quick thinking. Right when it seems like Assane has lost control of a situation, he pulls through-and a flashback reveals that it was Assane's playing field all along.

I didn't think Assane Diop and the master class that is Lupin would remind me so much of the character of God (thievery, lying, and crime aside of course). The way Assane's plans always worked and turned out to be far better than what I could have ever come up with reminded me of how God's ways are always higher. Just when you think it's over, somehow Assane finds a way to do what he needs to do. Similarly, even when I think the circumstances before me are impossible, I am graciously shown over and over again that God is not limited by my limitations. Certain moments in my life that I thought were minor details turn out to be necessary connecting points in the formation of something greater.

Even when I look back on the people in my life, I know that there have been no chance encounters. I may not have planned to meet someone, but God did. A couple years ago, during a school fire drill, I ended up going through an exit I typically do not use; it just happened to be the closest exit to where I was. A student I had taught four years prior also ended up in the same location. He saw that my foot was still in a cast and boot, as I had broken it several weeks back but it was healing more slowly than expected. The student ended up telling his mother that evening that he saw me and that my foot was still broken. It turned out that his mother worked for an orthopedic surgeon who is a foot and ankle specialist. She arranged for me to see that doctor, who corrected and improved my treatment.

Exiting out of a door that I typically don't use and chatting with a former student felt like a minor, unnoticeable detail in my life until I realized that that specific moment put me on a much-needed trajectory towards healing. The plan I had crafted and followed for my healing journey was nothing in comparison to what God had in store for me. Even though I was frustrated with how slowly I was healing, I chose to do more Internet research and tried to devise my own action plan, instead of also seeking God in prayer and wholeheartedly trusting in his omnipotence.

So often, I fail to heed the words of Proverbs 3:5 because I keep leaning on my own human understanding. With decisions, big and small alike, I often treat God as if he is the one to just sign off on the plans I bring before him. I come to God with sketches and poorly crafted drafts, seeking a stamp of approval while being filled with frustrations as to why there are missing or undecipherable parts. In actuality, God is the creator and manager of the blueprint of my life. If I trusted God to have a masterful plan, one as intricate and wise as those of Assane Diop, I'd probably be less frustrated and anxious. (But thank the good Lord that he's not done with me yet!)

In the second half of Lupin, we watch Assane relentlessly pursue his kidnapped son, Raoul (Etan Simon), even as he continues with his larger plan of avenging his father. Because of what we learn about Assane's character in the first part of Lupin, we have no reason to doubt that he will succeed. Raoul, similarly, has unwavering faith in his father to rescue him because he knows who his father is and what he can do. In the same way, because of what I know, have learned, and continue to learn about God, I have no reason to doubt him. I can (and should) fully trust that, even when it seems bleak, God has a plan that is far greater than anything I could ever imagine.

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Lupin and the Master Planner | Think Christian

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Arriving from France via Netflix, Lupin reminds us that God knows the blueprint for our lives. Lupin hit international screens via Netflix earlier this year and proved filmmaker Bong Joon-Ho right: "Once you overcome the one-inch-tall barrier of subtitles, you will be introduced to so many more amazing films." The French-produced Lupin became the most-watched non-English series on Netflix, reaching 70 million households in its first month.

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Syllabus PDF Available Here
On March 16, 2021, eight people were killed at Atlanta-area spa businesses - six of whom were Asian women. Despite the fact that two of the women were Chinese and four were Korean, news media were quick to deny racist motivations. Worse yet, an official spokesperson for the sheriff's office investigating the case described the murderer as merely having "a really bad day." Yet as scholars of Asian American Studies, critical race theory, and feminism, we know that this kind of violence is deeply intertwined with long histories of anti-Asian hatred and misogyny in this country. Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic there had been an alarming surge in violent attacks and hate crimes targeting Asians, and these episodes must be understood within larger discourses of disease and contagion that have long surrounded Asian immigrants and our communities. And the story goes even deeper than that - this violence is also connected to the immigration policies that excluded and then welcomed certain kinds of Asians to the U.S., to the stereotypical portrayals of Asians in mainstream media, to the gendering and racializing of certain kinds of labor, and far more.

The #AtlantaSyllabus was designed for those who want to better understand this incident and this moment in all of their complexity. While Atlanta is a politically contentious space with rich legacies of Black activism, the presence of Asian Americans in the U.S. South has often been obscured in dominant narratives. Without reducing the city to this tragedy, this syllabus represents a starting point for understanding the incident in relation to Asian American history, culture, and political solidarity with Black communities. Its contents includes canonical and more recent scholarship from the academic discipline of Asian American Studies, as well as contemporary journalism, podcasts, videos, and documentaries from Asian American artists and writers.

While its creation was motivated from an incident of trauma and pain, this syllabus also points to the active role that Asian Americans have always played in asserting their own unique and intersectional identities, resisting dominant narratives, and fighting for liberation and justice. The list of works below is in no way exhaustive, and clearly only scrapes the surface of the vast body of Asian American writing and creative works that come together to tell our story. But it's our hope that it begins to spark a more informed and sustained conversation about the experiences of Asian Americans that builds from all of the hard work that has come before.

The #AtlantaSyllabus was created by Dr. Lori Lopez, Dr. Lisa Ho, and Dr. Erica Kanesaka Kalnay from the University of Wisconsin-Madison's Asian American Studies Program. For more information about our program, see: https://asianamerican.wisc.edu/

Week 1: Asian American and Pacific Islander Identities
Discussion Questions:
1. How can we think about identity through an intersectional and interrelational lens?
2. What are the different forces that challenge the cohesion and stability of Asian/Asian American Identity?
3. How can racial triangulation destabilize the Black/White binary of race?

Week 3: Yellow Peril and the Myth of the Model Minority
Discussion Questions: 1. Where did the "Myth of the Model Minority" originate, and how is it connected to "Yellow Peril"?
2. How do contemporary fears about Asian immigrants and Asian American success connect to foreign policy and American history?

Nguyen, Yves Tong of Red Canary Song. 2021. "I Want You to Care When People Are Still Alive." (podcast)

Pham, Minh-Ha T. 2020. "'How to Make a Mask': Quarantine Feminism and Global Supply Chains." Feminist Stuides. 46(2): 316-26.

Putcha, Rumya S. 2021. "White Supremacy and the Wellness Industry, or, Why it Matters That This Happened at a 'Spa'." Society and Space.

Raval, PJ, Dir.. 2018. Call Her Ganda. (documentary film)

Sharma, Preeti. 2020. "Irresponsible State Care and the Virality of Nail Salons: Asian American Women's Service Work, Vulnerability, and Mutuality." Journal of Asian American Studies. 23(3): 491-509.

Week 10: Media Representations of Asian American Women
Discussion Questions:
1. What are the common patterns and tropes that have limited the way that Asian American women have been represented in mainstream American media?
2. How have media genres like science fiction, romance, and pornography shaped understandings of Asian American women?
3. How have Asian American women fought to recuperate and reinterpret problematic media images of their sexuality on their own terms?

Takasaki, Kara. 2020. "Stop AAPI Hate Reporting Center: A Model of Collective Leadership and Community Advocacy." Journal of Asian American Studies. 23(3): 341-351.

Chan, Sucheng. 2010. "Asian American Struggles for Civil, Political, Economic, and Social Rights." In Asian American Studies Now: A Critical Reader, edited by Jean Yu-Wen Shen Wu and Thomas Chen. New Brunswick: Rutgers University press, pp. 213-238.

Omatsu, Glenn. 1994. "The 'Four Prisons' and the Movements of Liberation: Asian American Activism from the 1960s to the 1990s." In The State of Asian America: Activism and Resistance in the 1990s, edited by Karin Aguilar-San Juan. Boston: South End Press, pp. 19-70.

Kuo, Rachel, Bianca Nozaki-Nasser and Turner Willman. 2020. "Online Formations: Asian American Digital Politics."

Lee, Grace, Dir. American Revolutionary: The Evolution of Grace Lee Boggs. (documentary film)

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Syllabus PDF Available Here On March 16, 2021, eight people were killed at Atlanta-area spa businesses - six of whom were Asian women. Despite the fact that two of the women were Chinese and four were Korean, news media were quick to deny racist motivations. Worse yet, an official spokesperson for the sheriff's office investigating...

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The importance of Black-Asian solidarity

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The importance of Black-Asian solidarity

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This spring has been marked by the sharpest escalation of both anti-Asian and anti-Black violence we have seen in our lifetimes. For the Asian American community, waves of attacks, particularly targeting women and the elderly, were finally acknowledged on a national scale with the mass shooting of six Asian women in Atlanta. For the Black community, the murder trial of Derek Chauvin was doubtlessly retraumatizing, and even as the country continues to reckon with George Floyd's death, since the start of the trial, more than three people a day have died at the hands of law enforcement, 20-year-old Daunte Wright, 13-year-old Adam Toledo, and 16-year-old Ma'Khia Bryant among them. Rather than justice, the Chauvin guilty verdict represents only a single moment of accountability, which would not have been possible without the sustained pressure of protests on an unprecedented scale.

As friends, allies, writers, educators, and activists, we-Wendy Chin-Tanner and Ebony Murphy-Root-stay in each other's inboxes, checking in on each other on a regular basis. For us, it's abundantly clear that Black-Asian solidarity is more desperately needed than ever, but we also realize that this need isn't self-evident, neither to some members of the Black and Asian communities nor to our allies. As a result, we've decided to open one of our conversations on this issue to the public.

But first, here's a little bit about us.
Ebony Murphy-Root is a middle school humanities teacher at Crossroads School for Arts & Sciences and reproductive and gender justice advocate in Long Beach, California. Her current board service includes NARAL Pro Choice California Privacy PAC, Bitch Media, and Being Alive Los Angeles. Ebony was born and raised in a union household and is an alumna of the University of Connecticut and the 2012 Campaign School at Yale University.
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Wendy Chin-Tanner In this conversation, we attempt to unpack the complexities of the centuries-old struggle to achieve the Black-Asian solidarity that's essential to dismantling white supremacy. is a poet, novelist, sociologist, and co-publisher at A Wave Blue World, an independent publishing company for socially and politically conscious graphic novels. A Cambridge University-trained sociologist specializing in race, identity, discourse analysis, and cultural studies, she continues to write on these topics for various publications, in addition to teaching writing workshops, curating literary activist events, and guest lecturing at a variety of institutions. Wendy was born and raised in New York City and lives in Rhinebeck, New York, with her husband, two daughters, and, for the duration of the pandemic, her parents.
Every contribution we get from readers like you allows us to keep reporting and keeps our content free and accessible for everyone. Our reporting digs deep into the important policies, issues, and cultural trends that matter most in these unprecedented times. Join now to help fund this important work.

Ebony Murphy-Root: I've been doing a lot of thinking about why people are so unable to understand that violence directed primarily at Asian American women is both racialized and gendered. Why do people think right now is the time to bring up how they reject the term POC or don't think Asian beauty business owners are polite enough to the Black women who browse for hair and nail products? Why can't folks seem to understand that the lack of compassion many folks have for Ma'Khia Bryant is related to the unique misogynoir that Black girls face? What language are we lacking, what empathy are we lacking, that makes conversations around racial, gendered violence so jarring and difficult?

Wendy Chin-Tanner: As Dr. Anthony Ocampo said on Twitter, "A 21-year-old white guy targeted, shot, and killed multiple Asian women in Atlanta. Never forget that lots of 21-year-old white guys did the same thing across the Pacific." And they got medals for it, too.

The bottom line is, we don't know the story of Asians in America beyond the fact that Chinese laborers built the Pacific Railroad. We're not taught it in schools. I didn't really start to learn about it until I was in college and graduate school, and I am Asian American!

The story of Asian America is a story of violence, and it's a story that's inextricably bound with the story of Black America. After all, Chinese laborers were first brought to the United States in the mid-19th century to replace African American slaves.

EMR: You are right about school. Toward the end of Black History Month, I took about a week to have my eighth graders examine how the media was covering the violent attacks we were seeing in Los Angeles and San Francisco. I asked my students what they'd learned about Asian Americans in elementary school. They mentioned, "the people who built the railroads" and "the people who were interned". And then I said, "Yes, but what names? Who were these folks?" and they all got very quiet as they understood what I meant. This is not to slam elementary school teachers, who are under a lot of pressure from all sides, all day long. It's about the way we frame history itself, about how history books and children's books and college history classes are set up. Many students from a young age feel called to speak for their entire group at school and their own identities become a source of shame and stress. The study of history becomes burdensome instead of fascinating. My family's history in this country is the opposite of shameful and stressful to me; the fact that my great-grandparents were sharecroppers in North and South Carolina is central to the way I view America.

WCT: Absolutely. The gender piece is an old story, too. Before the Exclusion Act of 1882, which more people seem to know about, there was the Page Act of 1875, prohibiting the entry of Chinese women specifically. The vast majority of the first Chinese women to come to the United States were victims of sex trafficking. So that was America's introduction to Asian women. Of course, most of them died in those horrific conditions, and as a result of being sexual servants, they became associated with sexually transmitted diseases. Thus was born the familiar stereotype that Chinese women were sexually available to white men, impure, and diseased.

That's precisely the kind of rhetoric that we're seeing again now with Covid-19, where Chinese Americans are not only being blamed for the disease and its origins, but the association between Chinese people and Covid-19 is so powerful and consuming that, for example, Jeremy Lin was called "coronavirus" on the basketball court. We have to understand that the American people have been groomed for over a century now by racist rhetoric against Asians; all Trump had to do was tap into a linguistic tradition and set of anxieties that were already there. The dog whistle doesn't work if the dog hasn't been trained to respond to it.

And it's not just Trump. As Viet Thanh Nguyen was highlighting on Democracy Now, it scares the hell out of me and every other Asian American I know to hear so much bipartisan rhetoric, from both Republicans and Democrats, against China. Which is not to say that I don't have a problem with a great many of the actions and policies of the Chinese government. Far from it. But I think it's important for our new administration to take extra care around this language, because it taps into such a deep wellspring of Yellow Peril, of seeing Asia and, by extension, Asians and Asian Americans, as threats.

What's resonant, too, of course, is the way in which women have been sexually exploited in the various wars the United States has waged across Asia. And from that history, we have countless narratives in the media-film, television, books, etc-portraying younger Asian women as sex workers or as being otherwise sexually available to American men.

Even if you try to educate people, you're met with the moving goalposts of minimization, denial, sealioning, etc-they pull out all the tricks to wriggle away from accountability. That's racial gaslighting, right? It's classic abuser behavior-DARVO: Deny, Attack, and Reverse Victim and Offender. It's easier to point the finger at Asian business owners not being "polite" enough, as if politeness is going to stop anyone from threatening to burn down their store. They don't see it because they don't want to see it. Maybe if did, they'd have to face the difficulty of dismantling white supremacist captialist patriarchy. Not only the difficulty of it, but the discomfort, plus the loss of privilege. When you're accustomed to privilege, equality feels like oppression.

EMR: Why don't people know more about this history of Black-Asian solidarity in the U.S. and about the many Asian American activists and academics who make noise about the model minority stereotype as a racial wedge and about anti-Blackness?

WCT: With the intersectional broadness of our identity, we as Asian Americans don't even know who we are, let alone who other POC are, so it makes sense that this lack of awareness goes both ways. But the erasure of Black-Asian solidarity hurts us all.

Asian American activism has been erased. Our contributions to this country beyond the building of the railroad have been erased. There's also a real lack of awareness of our long-standing fight for citizenship and immigration justice, which has resulted in a pervasive toxic belief that we are somehow not American, no matter how long we've been here. If some racist tells me to "go home," where am I supposed to go, Brooklyn? I've never even been to China. The discriminatory laws against us began in 1875 and weren't lifted until 1965. On my dad's side, my family has been in the United States since the Gold Rush and every single generation until mine has been marked by racist legislation that separated husbands from wives and parents from children for decades at a time. My grandfather served in the U.S. Army in World War II and even he spent decades apart from my grandmother and their children, working himself into an early grave in a Chinese laundry in the Bronx. My family still carries the intergenerational trauma of this legacy, and we are absolutely not unique. Many Asian American families bear this pain, and many of us bear it silently. It's time to break that silence, but that requires breaking the "agreement" implicit in model minority status.

It isn't lost on me that the term "model minority" was coined by a white man, William Petersen, during his time as a sociology professor at Berkeley in the 1960s. He used the term to praise Japanese Americans as "successful" in contrast to Black Americans who were, non-coincidentally, growing a highly successful movement for social justice and civil rights that included unified Black-Asian activism. So the idea was formulated explicitly to combat the rising threat of Black-Asian unity by pitting us against one another, thereby maintaining white power and upholding white supremacy.

The meta message of the model minority myth is: "Good subalterns who don't complain will get a few crumbs from the master's table." This message is a throwback to the post-Civil War era when white plantation owners created a narrative that Chinese laborers were more "docile, submissive, and hard-working" than African American slaves. So this piece of propaganda had already been successfully deployed for a century in both form and content. And it worked to disrupt the rising solidarity between the Black and Asian communities once again, because with the 1965 Immigration Act, we saw a sudden influx of new immigrants from Asia who didn't know the history, prioritized assimilation, and fell for it. This is why corrective education is so important. We have got to decolonize our minds before we can decolonize our lives.

We must remember and honor our history of solidarity. We can't let them erase it. We can't let them keep taking it away from us. Frederick Douglas denounced the Chinese Exclusion Act in his "Composite Nation" speech in 1869. Yuri Kochiyama was a friend and ally of Malcolm X-she was cradling his head when he was shot at the Audubon Ballroom. Richard Aoki was an early member of the Black Panther Party. Grace Lee Boggs devoted her life to civil rights and the Black Power Movement, and was married for 40 years to the Black activist James Boggs. Martin Luther King Jr. spoke out against American imperialism in Asia in his "Beyond Vietnam" speech. In 1982, Jesse Jackson spoke out against the murder of Vincent Chin, whose death was the resut of racist rhetoric against Japan's threat to the US motor industry. This is a partial and incomplete list. When we say, "we have receipts," it usually refers to something negative that's been kept hidden, but in this case, we also have receipts for good things that have been kept hidden!

WCT: Since the Black Lives Matter protests of last summer, I've been thinking a lot about accessible ways to explain the racial triangulation of Black and Asian people to Asian American elders and new immigrants. How can I explain why they should support BLM using familiar terms and scenarios they can easily identify with?

One thing I came up with was this familial analogy: Let's say there's a man with two daughters. This man is sexist and insecure, and from their childhood on, he fomented a rivalry between his daughters, favoring one while scapegoating the other. The daughters spend their lives competing against each other, fighting over the emotional scraps from their abusive father's table, never questioning why he's the one sitting at the head of it. Both sisters are in pain, but they resent each other, and they can't imagine that there can be space for more than one victim. Neither can see the validity of the other's experience because the wedge their father placed between them created a chasm that over time grew so wide that the sisters couldn't reach each other anymore. Meanwhile, their father remains the head of the family, maintaining his absolute hold on power.

I haven't field-tested this little parable yet, but I'm going to try. How do you think we can get through to people who are resistant to Black-Asian solidarity? Do you have experience of getting through to members of the Black community, and if so, what methods have worked for you?

EMR: Here's the thing: Black-Asian solidarity is already part of our shared history. I found a really cool link on Twitter of Chinese Americans in San Francisco at a Huey Newton rally in 1968. I see Black-Asian friendships between my students as they move from middle to high school grow and deepen as they navigate emerging adulthood.

WCT: It's easy to see that the BLM movement, like the civil rights movement before it, has done so much to create a platform and a language in the struggle for equality for POC and all marginalized groups. But I think, on the whole, the Asian American community struggles with how to agitate for our rights without taking away from the vital focus on anti-Blackness.

When I speak to people in the Asian American community, even young people, I'm sometimes confronted with questions like: "Why should we allow our movement to be absorbed by the BLM movement when our experiences with racism are not just the result of white supremacy but by racism perpetrated by people of all races, including Black people?" Or: "Why should fighting anti-blackness be a priority for us when my parents' store was robbed by a Black person and at school, I was bullied mostly by Black students?"
EMR: What does it really mean to engage in solidarity and show up for one another right now?
How do we accommodate the validity of everyone's suffering without succumbing to the trap of competing in the Oppression Olympics? From your perspective, what do you think would be a good way to engage with this type of pushback?

EMR: I hear these same kinds of statements. "Why should we show solidarity with Asian Americans when they have rarely showed up for us? Why do they want to join hands now, when finally Black folks are getting some power in America? They set up stores in our neighborhoods then follow us around. They use their proximity to white folks." The truth is there is a lot of hurt and suspicion and mistrust on both sides. There is also a lot of shared history, and shared triumphs and shared goals, even if they aren't always obvious or front of mind.

WCT: I dream of a pan-BIPOC educational activist movement to share our histories and lived experiences with one another. Our stories and histories have been mediated by whiteness-by white canonical literature, white institutions, white historians, white anthropologists, white media, and even white anti-racist activists (but we're going to need a cocktail or two before we get into that mess). Why is it that we all know in intricate detail the story of white people in America--the names of the three ships that first bumbled their way from Europe in search of, irony of ironies, Asia, the founding fathers, the successive waves of different European settlers, white culture, white literature-but we don't know each other's stories? How do we change this?

We need to hear from one another. We need to practice active listening with one another. We need to say, "Your struggle is my struggle, and my struggle is yours. How do we fight together?" Dismantling white supremacist capitalist patriarchy is a win-win, and I'm using bell hooks ' phrasing in its entirety because capitalism and patriarchy are vital components in the intersectional complexity of our national predicament that are often elided in favor of simplicity. The Atlanta shooting is rooted in capitalism (cheap labor that nobody else wants to do) and misogyny as much as it's an example of racism, and the history of the racial triangulations of various ethnic minorities in this country are also rooted in the exploitation of labor in a racialized and gendered way.

I also think it's so important to understand how inextricably our struggles are entwined. It's a fact, for example, that the vast majority of anti-Asian hate crimes are perpetrated by white people. So why are we seeing so many images of Black people attacking Asian people? Why did the media make viral, on the very first day of Derek Chauvin's trial for the murder of George Floyd, two videos of Black men perpetrating anti-Asian hate crimes?

This comes straight out of the racial triangulation playbook, and we simply have to stop falling for it. So many Black people have been attending the #StopAAPIHate rallies; It makes me emotional to see it. Asian folks need to keep showing up for #BlackLivesMatter rallies, too, in far greater numbers. We have to take a stand against police brutality. Daunte Wright's murder and Adam Toledo's murder are the latest in a long, awful line of what I consider to be terrorist acts by a white supremacist police state against young POC.
We urgently need your help!
I think a lot of people might think the guilty verdict in the Chauvin trial means justice prevailed and everything is fine now. But that wasn't justice; that was accountability on a single case. What about Breonna Taylor's murderers? What about justice for Sandra Bland and Philando Castile and Michael Brown and the countless others? The road to justice in America remains long and hard.
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And for us, as Asian and Black activists working together, I think we need to do what we do in any healthy relationship: listen, hold space, and show up for one another consistently, unwaveringly. That means, on a practical level, recommending each other for senior-level jobs and opportunities, donating to organizations that benefit each other's communities, and voting for politicians and policies that do the same. Those are just three examples of simple practices that push back on systemic racism.

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The Importance of Black-Asian Solidarity | Dame Magazine

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This spring has been marked by the sharpest escalation of both anti-Asian and anti-Black violence we have seen in our lifetimes. For the Asian American community, waves of attacks, particularly targeting women and the elderly, were finally acknowledged on a national scale with the mass shooting of six Asian women in Atlanta.

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11 Asian American History Moments You Should Know

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11 Asian American History Moments You Should Know

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More than 30 years after President George H.W. Bush signed a law that designated May 1990 as the first Asian American and Pacific Islander Heritage Month, much of Asian American history remains unknown to many Americans-including many Asian Americans themselves.

Often the Asian-American history taught in classrooms is limited to a few milestones like the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and the incarceration of people of Japanese descent during World War II, and that abridged version rarely includes the nearly 50 other ethnic groups that make up the fastest-growing racial and ethnic group in the U.S. in the first two decades of the 21st century.

To many, the resulting lack of awareness was highlighted after the March 16 Atlanta spa shootings that left six women of Asian descent dead. The killings fit into a larger trend of violence against Asians failing to be seen or charged as a hate crime, even as leaders lamented that "racist attacks [are]... not who we are " as Americans. But in fact, while the shootings represented the peak of more than a year of increased reports of anti-Asian harassment and discrimination, the tragedy was also part of a more than 150-year-old history of anti-Asian racism and violence in the U.S.

"Students can go through their whole educational life, not hearing a single fact or historical reference to Asians in America. We need to teach how Asian Americans experience life and race in America, and how Asian Americans have stood up not just for other Asians, but for all Americans to fight against racism," Helen Zia, a Chinese American activist and former journalist, tells TIME. "This kind of learning is essential for all of us to see the humanity of each other."

To help fill the knowledge gap, TIME asked historians and experts on Asian American history nationwide to pick one milestone from this history that they believe should be taught in K-12 schools, and to explain how it provides context for where America is today. Here are the moments they chose.
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1765: The first Filipino Americans settle in Louisiana

As early as the year 1765 and through the 1800s, Filipino sailors, known as "Manilamen," who worked as crew or indentured servants aboard Spanish galleons, jumped ship in the Gulf of Mexico and established the first Filipino American communities in what is now known as the continental United States of America. According to historian Marina Espina, author of Filipinos in Louisiana, by the 1880s, the Manilamen set up eight villages in the bayous of Louisiana. The Manilamen fought alongside the U.S. in the Battle of New Orleans in the War of 1812, built houses on stilts similar to the nipa huts of the Philippines, became fishermen who caught and "danced the shrimp" on drying platforms, established ethnic organizations, and intermarried with local Cajun and Creole families, now spanning eight to ten generations of Filipino Americans.
-Emily P. Lawsin, National President of the Filipino American National Historical Society (FANHS) and Lecturer IV in Women's and Gender Studies, American Culture, and Asian/Pacific Islander American Studies at the University of Michigan
1854: People v. Hall determines that Chinese people cannot testify against white defendants

With hate crimes against Asian Americans skyrocketing during the pandemic, many choose the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act as a historic marker for how they are treated in the U.S. Rather, it is the notorious 1854 California Supreme Court case of People v Hall. George Hall had been convicted of murder through the testimony of three Chinese eyewitnesses. On appeal, the court disqualified the testimony. California banned specific groups ("Negros, blacks, Indians, and mullatoes") from testifying against whites, but "Chinese" was not included. This judge became legislator by interpreting, through his convoluted logic, that the Chinese were "Indian" and/or "Black." The opinion spewed vile racism citing the eminent threat that if Chinese people can testify against whites, they would become full equal citizens. This marks the beginning of how discrimination against Asians became the norm.

Hall got away with murder.
-Andrew Leong, Associate Professor of Philosophy, Legal Studies, Latinx and Asian American Studies at the University of Massachusetts Boston
Feb. 19, 1862: President Lincoln makes California's 'coolie trade' ban national

The federal "Act to prohibit the 'Coolie Trade' by American Citizens in American Vessels" put the exclusion of Chinese immigrants at the center of debates about race, slavery, immigration and freedom at the close of the Civil War. The so-called "coolie trade" began in the 19th century and became a global system by the 1830s to circulate indentured Asian workers to plantations that enslaved Black Africans had previously labored upon. Coolies were thought of as suitable replacements to enslaved labor as the Atlantic slave trade was being dismantled. While the indenture system claimed the legitimacy of consent through a labor contract, these formalities concealed the brutal and deadly nature of trafficking workers to dangerous sites like the guano islands of Peru or exploitation in Cuba's sugar cane plantations. The same reckless and cruel disregard for human life that characterized the Atlantic slave trade was also common in the Pacific coolie trade.

Because of this practice, racist perceptions of Asian immigration were fused with the notion of cheap, foreign, disposable labor. President Lincoln's passage of the anti-coolie legislation codified this racist idea about Asians, even as it condemned any form of unfree labor, as would be declared in the Emancipation Proclamation in the following year.

- Jason Chang, Associate Professor of History and Asian American Studies at the University of Connecticut and author of Asian America: A Primary Source Reader.
Read more: In 1968, These Activists Coined the Term 'Asian American'-And Helped Shape Decades of Advocacy
March 28, 1898: The Supreme Court upholds birthright citizenship in United States vs. Wong Kim Ark

Portrait of Wong Kim Ark, 1904. Getty Images

Wong Kim Ark is a Chinese American born in San Francisco to Chinese parents in 1873. When he returns from a visit to China in 1895, immigration authorities deny his re-entry, citing Chinese exclusion laws that barred Asians from both immigration and U.S. citizenship. Wong, however, asserted his right as a U.S. citizen to be permitted back into his country. Birthright citizenship is a product of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution that's passed right after the Civil War. Originally, birthright citizenship was meant to benefit persons of African descent, and formerly enslaved African Americans in particular. But the question is whether that principle applies to all people regardless of race-and the case goes all the way to the Supreme Court. In a landmark decision in 1898, the court rules that Wong acquired citizenship at birth and therefore should be allowed entry into the U.S., since the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act doesn't apply to him.
With the Wong Kim Ark decision, the Supreme Court upholds the principle of birthright citizenship and affirms the universality of American national identity-the idea that anyone born on U.S. soil can be American regardless of race. For Asian Americans this is particularly important because it allowed for US-born Asian Americans-the children and grandchildren of immigrants-to have U.S. citizenship during a time when foreign-born Asians were barred from naturalization on racial grounds. This would not change until the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 abolished racial restrictions on U.S. citizenship once and for all.

-Jane Hong, Associate Professor of History at Occidental College and author of Opening the Gates to Asia: A Transpacific History of How America Repealed Asian Exclusion

1905-1906: Chinese businesspeople boycott American goods

In 1905, businesspeople in Shanghai and Guangzhou organized a boycott of U.S. products. At the time, the racist Chinese Exclusion Act barred Chinese laborers from entering the United States, but American immigration officials often turned back even those Chinese whom the law allowed in: merchants, students and diplomats. Inspired by growing Chinese nationalism, the boycott sought to change this frustrating situation.

The boycott did prompt some improvements in the treatment of Chinese immigrants but eventually fizzled in 1906. By then, however, it had inspired a wide range of young Chinese American citizens, who saw in the movement an empowering response to the racism and discrimination they faced in almost every aspect of their lives. Many now began to consider traveling to China to contribute to its future, and hundreds even enrolled in universities for advanced training in fields they saw as crucial to China's modernization. By the 1930s, close to half of all second-generation Chinese Americans had moved to China-though most eventually returned to the United States because of World War II.

-Charlotte Brooks, author of American Exodus: Second-Generation Chinese Americans in China, 1901-1949 and professor of history at Baruch College, CUNY.

Sept. 4, 1907: The Bellingham Riots

Spurred on by the inflammatory rhetoric of the nativist Asiatic Exclusion League, hundreds of white workers swept through the coastal town of Bellingham, Wash., at night, looking for Indian immigrants. The Indians, who were laborers in Bellingham's lumber mills, were predominantly Sikh men from Punjab. The rioters pulled Indian workers out of their bunks, set their bunkhouses on fire, stole their possessions and beat them. Some Sikh men were beaten so badly they had to be hospitalized. Local police rounded up groups of Indians as they escaped the violence, placing them in Bellingham's City Hall and jail. The next day, the entire population of Indian immigrant lumber workers left for their own safety, walking northward across the border into Canada. This is the first known incidence of large-scale, organized anti-South Asian violence in the United States, and was part of a wave of attacks against Asian immigrants that occurred up and down the U.S. and Canadian West Coast in the early part of the 20th century. The Asiatic Exclusion League and other allied organizations, politicians and labor leaders ultimately succeeded in convincing Congress to pass the 1917 Immigration Act, banning the entry of labor migrants from Asia.

- Vivek Bald, historian and filmmaker; author of Bengali Harlem and the Lost Histories of South Asian America

1913: California passes the Alien Land Act

In spring 1913, the California state assembly passed a bill that prohibited "aliens ineligible to citizenship" from owning agricultural land and limited their lease term to three years. Although this racial category-"aliens ineligible to citizenship"-applied to all immigrants from Asia, the architects of this bill specifically had the Japanese in mind. They worried that Japanese immigrants were achieving upwards social mobility and wished to prevent them from becoming independent land owners, a status that many California politicians wished to preserve for the future of the white working class. The passage of this bill led to a diplomatic conflict between Japan and the United States, and U.S. President Woodrow Wilson attempted to prevent the governor of California from signing the bill into law. But California decided to implement the Alien Land Act, and various Western states including Washington, Oregon and Arizona followed its lead. Japanese immigrants and their white allies contested these acts in the courts, but the Supreme Court upheld these laws in 1923. It was not until after World War II that the Supreme Court and California reversed their decisions.
-Chris Suh, Assistant Professor of History at Emory University
January 1943: The first War Relocation Authority field office opens in Chicago

Most students will learn something of the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II, when 112,000 people were removed from homes; lost careers, income, and savings; were confined in desolate inland camps managed by the War Relocation Authority (WRA); and suffered multigenerational trauma that lingers to this day, despite decades of community care and activism.

Less well known is the program to resettle Japanese Americans out of camps and off the West Coast during and after the war. Fumbling to reconcile the blatantly undemocratic incarceration with a war waged for democracy, officials promoted the resettlement of the incarcerated as benevolent, government-led assimilation. Despite its many ironies and hypocrisies, this interpretation motivated officials to smooth the transition for resettling Japanese American citizens and noncitizens alike. The Chicago WRA field office (one of the dozens eventually established) shows this process on the ground. Staffers waged a PR campaign to convince Chicagoans of Japanese American innocuousness; they connected resettlers to housing and jobs pre-screened for citizenship, language and racial barriers as well as skills or training. Resettlers in turn shaped the process as they themselves joined the staff and boards of these local social welfare, municipal, and funding agencies, reshaping Chicago's social services to accommodate their specific needs. Resettlement demonstrates a paradoxical model of inclusion, useful as our country struggles for an understanding of our obligations towards resident noncitizens, detained migrants, religious minorities and others.

-Meredith Oda, Associate professor of history at the University of Nevada, Reno, and author of The Gateway to the Pacific: Japanese Americans and the Remaking of San Francisco

1965-1970: Filipino Farmworkers lead the Delano Grape Strike

From left to right: United Farm Workers (UFW) officer Julio Hernandez, UFW director Larry Itliong, and Cesar Chavez at the 1966 Huelga Day march in San Francisco. Gerald L. French-Corbis/Getty Images

Successive anti-Asian immigration laws that began in the late 1800s resulted in a massive labor shortage in Hawaii and on the West Coast. However, Filipinas/os/xes could enter freely because their colonial status marked them as United States "nationals," not aliens. Labor recruiters from the Hawaiian Sugar Planters Association flocked to the poorest parts of the Philippines for cheap labor. By the 1920s, thousands of Filipinas/os were arriving annually at West Coast ports. Many of them hoped to attend universities and bring their families out of poverty. However, the vast majority of these immigrants found that the only jobs open to them were in cannery and farm work. They were barred from citizenship, owning land, living in white neighborhoods and marrying white women.

From the 1920s-1940s, Filipino farm and cannery workers formed unions and went on strike throughout the United States. One of the leaders who came out of that movement was Larry Itliong. On Sept. 7, 1965, he led members of the Agriculture Workers Organizing Committee (AWOC), a predominantly Filipino union, to go on strike against Delano grape growers. Larry had the foresight and vision to realize that justice for farm workers could never be realized unless the two biggest groups of farm workers, Filipinas/os and Mexicans, could unify. One week later, Larry called Cesar Chavez to ask him if his organization, the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA), an association made up of Mexican American farmworker families, would join AWOC in the strike. This led to the joining of the two organizations, which ultimately created the United Farm Workers (UFW). The strike, which was supposed to be a short-lived worker's action of several days, turned bloody and agonizing when the growers refused to budge. The UFW was relentless and didn't give up. After five years, the global campaign of the Delano Grape Strike was won, and new contracts were signed in 1970.
-Dawn Bohulano Mabalon, Associate Professor, History, San Francisco State University; Gayle Romasanta, Founder and Writer, Bridge and Delta Publishing; Allyson Tintiangco-Cubales, Professor, Asian American Studies at San Francisco State University
June 19, 1982: The killing of Vincent Chin

In the late 1970s and early '80s there was a global oil crisis that drove the U.S. economy into a recession and led to the collapse of the auto industry. The American manufacturing sector blamed Japan for that. In this climate of anti-Asian hate-one that is eerily similar to today-a Chinese American named Vincent Chin was killed in Detroit because he looked Japanese. This is part of a historical pattern in which Asian Americans are attacked whenever there is a crisis in America.

His killers, who are white, never spent a day in jail. The judge said, "These are not the kind of men you sent to jail." But Vincent's family was denied the right to speak up and say he was a good man who had a whole life ahead of him and was about to celebrate his wedding. In fact, he was killed on the night of his bachelor party. Anybody who was Asian knew that they could be killed like Vincent Chin, and their killers would be let off scot-free. When the killers of Vincent Chin were given probation, Asian Americans across the country came together in a national civil rights movement with Detroit as its unlikely center. Prior to that, there was no mass movement uniting Americans of East Asian, South Asian or South East Asian descent.

This movement contributed to the passing of the Hate Crimes Prevention Act that eventually expanded the notion of who is protected by federal civil rights law, and the idea that all people in America should be protected against hate violence. It not only brought Asian Americans together to fight for justice. The Vincent Chin case was a landmark moment where people of all different Asian backgrounds came together with other Americans from other races to fight racism, to stand up for justice and to make an impact that affects all Americans.

-Helen Zia, Chinese American activist, former journalist and author of Asian American Dreams: The Emergence of an American People
Read more: Violence Against Asian Americans Is on the Rise-But It's Part of a Long History
March 28, 1983: Chol Soo Lee's release from San Quentin's Death Row

Supporters of Chol Soo Lee at the Hall of Justice in San Francisco on Aug. 9, 1982. Jerry Telfer-San Francisco Chronicle/Getty Images

In June 1974, Chol Soo Lee, a young Korean immigrant, was wrongfully convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment for a San Francisco Chinatown murder. While serving his life sentence in state prison, Lee was convicted and sentenced to death in May 1979 on a first-degree murder charge for defending himself during an armed prison-yard assault by an Aryan Brotherhood gang member. Two years earlier in 1977, Sacramento Union investigative reporter K.W. Lee began to shed light on a problematic police investigation and subsequent trial for the San Francisco Chinatown murder. His investigative series generated widespread support for a remarkable grassroots social movement, known as the Free Chol Soo Lee movement, which brought together diverse groups of immigrant and American-born Asians in a common cause of justice and freedom for Lee. The efforts of the Free Chol Soo Lee movement eventually led to a retrial of the San Francisco Chinatown murder case, in which a jury acquitted Lee in September 1982. Despite this acquittal, Lee remained on Death Row in San Quentin due to his first-degree murder conviction for the prison-yard killing, which was also set for a retrial. However, faced with the prospect of high legal expenses and the uncertainty of yet another trial, Lee agreed to a downgraded second-degree murder charge without admission of guilt in the deadly prison-yard altercation and was released from San Quentin's Death Row on March 28, 1983, based on time served.

There are many reasons why this pivotal movement has been largely forgotten, but one is that the life of Chol Soo Lee, who unexpectedly passed away in 2014, problematizes idealized norms of moral virtue often expected of those who are symbols of racial justice movements, especially as Lee continued to experience significant trauma after serving nearly ten years in state prison. Yet, the Free Chol Soo Lee movement also highlights the politicization and empowerment of young people who formed the backbone of this incredible pan-Asian movement. Many of these young activists went on to distinguished public service careers guided by an enduring vision of social change and justice. The history of the Free Chol Soo Lee movement thus provides us with valuable lessons in imagining new and different possibilities for our present and future, particularly in relation to contemporary social movements, coalition building, and the criminal justice system in the United States.
-Richard S. Kim, Professor of Asian American Studies at UC Davis

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11 Asian American History Moments You Should Know

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Much of Asian American history remains unknown to many Americans-including Asian Americans themselves.

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4/28/21 Panel Addressing Anti-Asian Violence and Racism

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4/28/21 Panel Addressing Anti-Asian Violence and Racism

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This is the official GoFundMe to provide relief for Mr. Yao Pan Ma and his family after a horrific act of violence was committed against him. We are actively working with GoFundMe to direct the funds from previous fundraisers for the family to them. Moving forward, all donations can be made through this fundraiser, as is the family's request.

Yao Pan Ma, 61, was collecting cans alone on April 23, 2021 on the streets of NYC to support his family. An attacker struck him from behind, knocked him to the ground and struck him repeatedly in the head. Mr. Yao Pan Ma was found unconscious on the curb. He currently remains unconscious in a coma.

I am starting this GoFundMe on Mr. Yao Pan Ma's behalf with authority from his family. All funds will go directly to his family. While they will decide what to do with the funds raised, we hope it frees them from having to worry about medical bills and financial insecurity at this unimaginable time.

We urge everyone to fight for justice for Mr. Yao Pan Ma and help him and his family so that he never needs to wander the streets of New York to make a living.

Mr. Yao Pan Ma's wife is currently with him in the hospital, heartbroken and horrified. In her words, "He picks up bottles to help pay the rent and the bills. He is innocent. He did not do anything wrong. He is a very kind person. He is quiet. He doesn't cause trouble"

'I want to make sure that Mr. Ma and his family knows that we see them, that they have a woken community standing right next to them at this moment of darkness and this community will show them what justice looks like, what love feels like and what humanity is capable of.'

-Phillip Lim

( Read the story here)

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Help and Support for Yao Pan Ma, organized by Phillip Lim

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This is the official GoFundMe to provide relief for Mr. Yao Pan Ma and his family after a horrific act of violence was committed against him. We are actively working with GoFundMe to direct the funds from previous fundraisers for the family to them.

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Action Planet: Meeting the Climate Challenge

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Action Planet: Meeting the Climate Challenge

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VP Kamala Harris & More in 'Action Planet: Meeting the Climate Challenge'

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The Many Colors of Harpreet Singh Discussion Guide

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The Many Colors of Harpreet Singh Discussion Guide

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Resources by city - Don't Call The Police

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Database of local and national community-based alternatives to calling the police or 911, broken down by city

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Asian American Education Project: Stand Against Hatred Unit

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Asian American Education Project: Stand Against Hatred Unit

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20 year old Daunte Wright was murdered by police on April 11, 2021. He was pulled over for having an air freshener in his mirror and a "prior warrant." He was shot. He was unarmed.

A warrant isn't a death sentence. Skin color shouldn't be a death sentence. #justiceforDaunteWright. #BLM

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20 year old Daunte Wright was murdered by police on April 11, 2021. He was pulled over for having an air freshener in his mirror and a "prior warrant." He was shot. He was unarmed. A warrant isn't a death sentence. Skin color shouldn't be a death sentence. #justiceforDaunteWright. #BLM

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Dr. Sarah Park Dahlen’s Asian American K-12 resources padlet

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Dr. Sarah Park Dahlen’s Asian American K-12 resources padlet

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Anti-Racism for Kids: An Age-by-Age Guide to Fighting Hate

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Anti-Racism for Kids: An Age-by-Age Guide to Fighting Hate

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Unfortunately, Americans are seeing all types of hate-racism, misogyny, anti-Semitism, homophobia, transphobia-enjoying a grotesque golden age. Parents worry that their children will be exposed from early childhood, warping their views about diversity and inclusion. But here's some hopeful news: You can counter hate's insidious reach before it's too late.

We asked experts in child psychology and the fight against bigotry for guidance. Here, they share how to put malevolent beliefs and events (like the recent attacks against Asian Americans) into context, dispel little ones' misapprehensions, and empower your kids to be forces for good.

In these early years, your task is to lay positive groundwork, addressing hate by cultivating its opposite-compassion and tolerance. Luckily, your child has a head start: an innocent indifference to what sets people apart. "Kids are very aware of ways we differ, but they aren't born identifying people with a particular race, gender, or ethnicity," says David Schonfeld, M.D., professor of pediatrics at the University of Southern California and Children's Hospital Los Angeles and director of the National Center for School Crisis and Bereavement. "They don't naturally discriminate."

The hope is that kids who grow up in communities that are ethnically, socioeconomically, or otherwise diverse will have acceptance baked into their worldview. That's not guaranteed, but studies show it does help. If your child has little exposure to people who don't look or live like them, though, experts advise bringing the world home: Study other cultures together by eating their foods and watching their films. Urge your child's teacher to build multiculturalism into their curriculum. Speak your mother tongue if you are bilingual, or encourage your child to study another language. A 2014 University of Chicago study revealed that children who hear multiple languages in daily life are more accepting of people whose language differs from their own-which is a stepping-stone toward a broader spirit of acceptance.

You don't need to preemptively lecture a kid this age on the evils of bigotry. ("I don't know that I'd sit down with a 3-year-old and say, 'Let's talk about racism,'" says Dr. Schonfeld.) But if the need for a conversation arises, have it. "In 2017 we were seeing a wave of bomb threats at Jewish community centers," says Jinnie Spiegler, director of curriculum and training at the Anti-Defamation League. "On the news you'd see very small kids evacuating from these facilities. Surely, they knew something was wrong and were afraid. So of course you'd want to talk about it with them."

This may seem impossible, but the key is keeping the scope and language manageable to encourage anti-racism in kids. "You'd say something like, 'The person doing this must be very angry,'" Dr. Schonfeld says. "'But we use our words to solve problems.'" However odd the conversation feels, silence is worse. "Imagine you're a 4-year-old and you notice Dad is looking at his phone, that he's upset and people seem worried, and no one is telling you why," says Spiegler. "Think how scary that would be."

Discussing hate explicitly becomes easier at this age, but don't think it has to be a super formal talk. "Families talk about these issues all the time without realizing it," says Allison Briscoe-Smith, Ph.D., a clinical psychologist in Berkeley, California, who specializes in addressing trauma in children and the study of how children understand race. "Little kids are very attuned to what's fair and not fair. That's a strong basis for discussing injustice."

Let your child be your guide. Kids this age can articulate their feelings, so the onus to direct the conversation needn't-and shouldn't-be entirely on you. "Ask her how she understands what she's hearing," says Dr. Briscoe- Smith. What are people saying on the playground? What have they seen on TV? You'll be able to keep the conversation at the right level-of reassurance, honesty, and detail.

Also key: Don't overdo it. "Be simple, brief, and as honest as you can be," says Spiegler. If you feel a reflexive urge to downplay-"What happened at the garlic festival could never happen here"-avoid it. An empty promise sounds a lot like dismissiveness, and if they have fears about these events, they'll feel you're not taking them seriously. Instead, says Dr. Briscoe- Smith, "tell her what you do know for sure: that you love her, and that there are adults working to keep her safe."

Kids can have a quirky, literal view of the world, and they may ask something seemingly bizarre but crucial to their understanding. "When I told my then 8-year-old daughter that Osama bin Laden had been killed, she asked me, 'Where's his body?'" says Spiegler. " It was an odd question, but you can't trivialize what they genuinely want to know."

You may also learn that your child has misunderstood part of what's occurred, perhaps anxiously inflating the event to outsize proportions. But for every worry like "We can't go to Walmart; people get shot there," there is a calming response. You could say, "I understand why you'd think that, but that was a particularly unusual event, and it's really unlikely to happen again."

Child psychologists say that helping kids process scary events has become a very different task in recent years. The ubiquity of technology gives kids unprecedented exposure to information they don't possess the maturity to make sense of. "The advice used to be: Turn off the TV; don't allow kids access to images of death," says Dr. Briscoe-Smith. "But by 9 or 10, they have phones. They'll see it there and on the dozens of other screens they encounter. So we have to help them understand what they see and hear."

Even with safety settings, upsetting news-and abhorrent views-will reach your child. Says Dr. Briscoe-Smith, "My kids tell me that students at their school tease Latino kids about ICE: 'You better run, ICE is gonna get you.' Research shows that in recent years there's been an uptick in racialized bullying. So I ask, 'What are people talking about at school, what's your phone saying?' "

This sort of inquiry is necessary, particularly if you have a child who isn't naturally forthcoming. "You can't count on your kids to bring up troubling things with you," says Spiegler. "You need to ask. Rumors spread like wildfire at school and online. So help them fill in the gaps. 'I'm not sure it happened that way in Minnesota,' you can say, before explaining how it did happen."

At this age, your child may also start to pick up on biased views among those they know and love. Grandma posts a homophobic meme; your neighbor goes off at the barbecue about the need for a border wall. Your child may rightly be confused: They care for this person, but their beliefs differ from their family's. Address these disparities. "Keep your language neutral," says Dr. Briscoe- Smith. "'We love Grandma, and we think differently from her. She's come to her conclusions, but we've come to different ones.'"

Tweens and Teens

As kids prepare to exit childhood, they cement their sense of identity, laying a foundation for who they will become. As we've seen in the news, this age can be a tipping point. Many kids, even most, will choose a life of acceptance, compassion, and respect for fellow human beings. Others will travel a darker path.

If you witness your child engaging in biased thinking or hate speech, whether online or in life-and yes, even kids of socially aware, justice-minded parents do so-speak up. "Adolescents are trying to develop their own values," says Dr. Briscoe-Smith. "You say, 'We're not on the same page on this-so what do you believe?'" Remember that teenagers often fail to see things in their full complexity. "Stereotypes are oversimplifications," says Spiegler. "If your child is buying into them, it's your job to help him complicate his thinking, to see nuances he's not appreciating." She has a few pointers: "It's a tightrope walk. You want to keep the conversation open but make it clear you don't condone bias or stereotypes: 'I don't think that way, and I don't think what you're saying is respectful.' Or: 'I used to think that way, but then I read X or learned Y.' Even if he doesn't seem to, he's hearing what you say."

Other kids may, when confronting these vexing issues, feel compelled to act. This is a powerful impulse, and parents should support it. "It doesn't have to mean starting a foundation," says Dr. Briscoe-Smith. "It can be, 'I'm going to do one kind thing today,' or even, 'I haven't been sleeping well because I'm upset, so I'm going to make sure I get some sleep.'" Taking action also offers a sense of control. "Activism gives you agency," says Spiegler. "It's scary to see terribleness in the world, and if you feel you're contributing and connecting with people who feel as you do, you're reassured."

None of this is easy, of course. You may stumble-after all, these issues are as complex as they are troubling. But in this as in all things, your best tool is your instincts. Says Spiegler, "Every parent, child, and situation is different. But we know our kids and what they can handle." It's okay to let your child see that you, too, are reacting to these scary times. "If we don't show that we're upset, our kids will feel abnormal for being upset," says Dr. Schonfeld. "We can't teach coping skills if we pretend we never need to cope."

These conversations may not be comfortable, but they will be necessary. As Dr. Schonfeld says, "We can't just teach our kids what's easy-we need to teach them what's important."

This article originally appeared in Parents magazine's December 2019 issue as "Help Kids Understand Hate."

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Anti-Racism for Kids: An Age-by-Age Guide to Fighting Hate

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In an era rife with division, bias incidents darken our news feeds and escalate our anxiety. We asked leading experts how parents can shield their children from-and shepherd them through-a world that seems hell-bent on hate.

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Narrator: On June 30 th, 1885 - as the fund-raising campaign for the pedestal for the Statue of Liberty finally began to pick up speed - a letter appeared in the pages of The New York Sun - written by a young Chinese immigrant, and recent college graduate named Saum Song Bo - who had come to America years earlier as a small boy, and who dreamed of becoming a lawyer.

Narrator: The solitary arm of the unfinished Statue of Liberty had languished on Madison Square in New York for more than five years - when on May 6 th, 1882 - on the eve of the greatest wave of immigration in American history - President Chester A. Arthur signed into law an extraordinary piece of federal legislation..

It was called the Chinese Exclusion Act - and it was unlike any law enacted since the founding of the republic.

Singling out as never before a specific race and nationality for exclusion - it made it illegal for Chinese workers to come to America - and for Chinese nationals already here ever to become citizens of the United States.

Fueled by deep seated tensions over race and class and national identity that had been festering since the founding of the republic, it was the first in a long line of acts targeting the Chinese for exclusion - and it would remain in force for more than sixty years.

It continues to shape the debate about what it means to be an American to this day.

Renqiu Yu, Historian: Chinese-Americans always have this identification with the founding principle of this country, so beautifully laid out by the Founding Fathers. And so eloquently articulated in the Declaration of Independence and in American Constitution. The Chinese identify with this fundamental principle of liberty, equality and justice for all, and all men are created equal. Now, how can you say that this is a group of people who are biologically, and culturally, unfit to live a civilized life; to appreciate and practice American culture, political and religious ideals. That's why I think a lot of Americans had a hard time to learn that the Chinese Exclusion Act really exist, for 60 years. They couldn't believe it, the government did that.

Mae Ngai, Historian: We have to remember that for most of the 19th century, immigration into the United States was basically open. You just showed up. So the Chinese exclusion law is one of the first restrictive, really comprehensively restrictive, laws. And it's also the first and only time in the entire history of the United States - that a group is singled out by name - Chinese, by name -- as being undesirable. ... So this is truly a remarkable moment.

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: Starting in California, the Chinese were marked as different. And I see the 1882 bill as a link in a chain of bills and a chain of legislation, and race riots and purges that are trying to move the country toward ethnic cleansing. I think the 1882 bill was not about labor. I think it was about white purity, and how do we get rid of people who were different?

David Lei, Community Advocate : Many people think of this Exclusion law as being very racist, very unfair. But if you look at the world at that time - every country was like that, and almost every ethnicity. Try to be a citizen of China, or try to be a citizen of Japan, is impossible, unless you're ethnically Chinese or Japanese. But this is a group of people - Chinese-American, the Chinese that were here - who actually fought back, and made America better than what it was. And helped make America what it is today - the values that we have including equal protection under the law; rights to education; what it means to be American. What makes you American - to be born here. All these weren't defined.

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: The 1882 exclusion law has been forgotten. But once we remember it, it is outrageous - and it's probably why we've forgotten it, because it is so outrageous. Many Americans today cannot believe this happened. How could this country - in its culture, in its politics, in its economics - do what it did, against a whole class of people? The exclusion law said that whole race of people are banned from this country. So it's a racial exclusion law - So that banning of a whole category of people directly challenges foundational questions ofwhat American freedom means, and what American history means - who "we, the people" can constitute.

K. Scott Wong, Historian: I think it's essential that Americans know about the exclusion of Chinese - not because it's the Chinese, but because it reflects how America has come to develop. And how America saw itself at one time, and how it continues to see itself. It has much to do with the character of our national history. And that, to me, is the most important thing in understandinghow we became who we are today. Some of it has to do with the fact that we excluded Chinese for 60 years.

Total population 17,069,453 US Census 1840

Free White 14,195,695
Slaves 2,487,455
Free Colored 386,303
Indians (not included)
Chinese 4

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: When James Polk was the president, he recruited a geographer by the name of Aaron Palmer - and asked him to make a survey of the entire West Coast, from California all the way to Alaska. And what potential there was for the United States future development. He was also very interested in finding a shorter route for the China trade. And in 1848, Palmer filed a report to President Polk And in the report he talked about the amazing natural resources and the importance of finding a more direct access to the West Coast. and recommended that we establish Chinese colonies - import Chinese labor to the West Coast - to help develop the West. And this is all before the gold was discovered in California.

Narrator: Long before the first Chinese immigrants stepped ashore in California in the mid 19 th century, the story of China and America had been deeply intertwined - for hundreds of years.

Erika Lee, Historian: Where did America come from? America came from European colonization - from the fascination that explorers like Christopher Columbus had with China, And with the inception of the United States, our birth as a republic, one of the fascinating things is how important the China trade was for that revolutionary generation. -

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: After political independence one of the first things that the British did was to cut off our ability to trade within the British Commonwealth.China was among the few countries in the world not yet colonized by anybody and sowe saw our opportunity to become economically independent linked to our trade with China.

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: The big problem from the very beginning was what does China want? What can we keep on giving China, so that we can get the things that we want from China - so that we can get the teas, and the porcelains, the lacquer ware, the silks?

Mae Ngai, Historian: China really didn't want to buymuch from the United States or from England. So in the early 19 th century they began to import opium into China, against Chinese law, as a way of addressing their own balance of trade deficits.

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: and it was a very, very profitable trade. Millions of Chinese were addicted to this.... Massive number of Chinese around Canton, the Pearl River Delta,became addicted to opium.

Mae Ngai, Historian: And finally the Chinese said, "Enough," and confiscated and burned thousands of chests of opium - because they were breaking Chinese law by importing it - sneaking it into the country and that was the pretext that Great Britain needed to go to war.

John Kuo Wei Tchen, Historian: Of course, this provoked the British gunships, and the Americans came in with them, because the Americans were also involved in the opium trade.

Mae Ngai, Historian: They did it under the banner of free trade; free trade as the core expression of liberty. And how dare the Chinese say they can't trade opium into China?

Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: The first Opium War ended in 1841 with the Treaty of Nanking. which opened five ports including Canton to Western trade

Renqiu Yu, Historian: In one stroke, the canton system used to manage trade with Europeans was destroyed. China was forced into this new international system. And gradually, in the Pearl River Delta the foreign intrusion really became disruptive to the local economy.

It was a time of drought Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: By the 1840's, what was happening in China is dire. - a time of poverty. The Qing Dynasty - the Chinese government - is falling apart. And then there's the Taiping Rebellion - which was a political, religious, utopian massacre.

this takes place right above Southern China, so that all this farmland is trampled. So when the Chinese hear of gold being discovered in California, U.S. ships are in Chinese ports and ready to go to take people to California, for the Gold Rush K. Scott Wong, Historian:Taiping Rebellion begins about 1850,And this goes on for fifteen years. Approximately 30 million people are slaughtered. It's not just this millenarian rebellion. It's the foreign intrusion. It's this dissatisfaction with the corruption of the Manchu government. The economy is faltering. And the opium trade is all part of this, too And .

The Gold Rush was a global event. Kevin Starr, Historian: and for Anglo-America was an object lesson, in the fact that there were other kinds of people on the planet. It brought, obviously, Anglo-Americans from the East Coast; it brought Mexicans from Sonora; it brought French mining groups; it brought English mining groups. But it also brought Chinese to California.

David Lei, Community Advocate : 1846. America went to war with Mexico... We took over Texas, New Mexico, Arizona and California. July 1846, a ship called the USS Portsmouth was sent to take over the sleepy town of Yerba Buena - San Francisco. And maybe a hundred men, just walked up the hill from Montgomery Street - arrested the Mexican customs officer, raised the U.S. flag there and said, "This is America."

Kevin Starr, Historian: California had a relatively small population in 1846; Americanized through conquest in 1846; occupied enemy territory from 1846 to '48; militarily administered United States territory of California from 1848 to '50; and then instant statehood, with full participation.

On July 13 th, 1849, he entered San Francisco harbor on a ship called the Swallow, with two other Chinese sojourners on board.

By the end of 1850, more than 4,000 Chinese immigrants had arrived in San Francisco harbor.

Two years later, the number had swelled to 20,000 - the vast majority from the impoverished port cities and ravaged countryside of the southern Chinese province of Guangdong

David Lei, Community Advocate : There was an imperial edict, that if you're Chinese you can't leave. But they were near Guangzhou, from the Sze Yup area - near Hong Kong, near the coast - Beijing is far up to the north - so it was easy to leave.

Erika Lee, Historian: We know the Chinese coming over for the Gold Rush - including someone like my great-great-great-grandfather would have docked into San Francisco - would have just disembarked like any other passenger. There's no inspector; there's no customs official; there's no medical examination - there are no papers.... there are some state controls over immigration.... but in terms of a federal immigration bureaucracy, it does not exist. .. Now the California that they came to was a rough-and-tumble place. It was multinational and very unsettled, and most people were going straight to the hills to try to strike it rich in the goldfields.

Erika Lee, Historian: By the time the Chinese come, the goldfields are very crowded. And we know that, from very the beginning, there's racial strife; there's miners fighting over claims.

By 1852, the American miners have pretty much driven out most foreign miners. White Americans think, "Well, you know, it's our gold, so we want it all." So when the Chinese arrivethere are really not that many other foreigners around Mae Ngai, Historian: . the anti-foreign sentiment, now becomes focused on the Chinese.

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: And as soon as the Chinese get to the goldfields, immediately there are purges. And the miners hold miners' conventions. And they meet in the rough, they meet in a field -- and they very deliberately talked about: How do we purge the Chinese?

A lot of white independent prospector went bankrupt and Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: became unemployed instead of turning their anger against the gold-mining company and the water company for exploiting them, they turned against the Chinese. They say: "Ah, the Chinese were here. They take away our jobs." And so that is really the beginning of white working-class agitation for Chinese Exclusion.

In 1852, a calculating 47-year-old lawyer named John Bigler was elected governor of California - by what remains to this day the narrowest margin in state history - carried into office in part by the rising tide of anti-Chinese sentiment amongst white Californians.

Kevin Starr, Historian: Governor Bigler is brought into office at a time when the republic is first beginning to show serious signs of falling apart. Out here on the West Coast you have deep division growing between the pro-Southern, pro-slavery Californians and those who are from Northern states and are anti-slavery

Mae Ngai, Historian: And so Bigler wants certain legislation passed. He wants a heavy tax on the Chinese, which he thinks will drive them away. And he begins to articulate the idea that will become the constant in anti-Chinese politics for years to come - which is the idea that Chinese are coolies, or that they are serfs or slaves; that they come under bondage. And he wants a law passed that will prohibit anyone from China who comes under a contract to engage in mining. Now most of the Chinese who came in the 1850s came on their own account -- they came as independent prospectors. But Bigler raises this spectre of the coolie. And he cites the figures of: there's 500 who came on this ship last week; there's another thousand on the way; there's 20,000 lined up in the ports to come. So he invokes this specter of people who will be paid $4 a month and bring slavery into California, which is a free state. And then he asks for these measures to exclude the Chinese. Bigler's message is delivered to the Assembly, then printed up in leaflets, and distributed throughout the gold-mining districts. So now everybody has a kind of official license to go attack Chinese.

On May 5 th, 1852, Norman Asing - now one of the leading figures of San Francisco's embattled Chinese community - published a soaring reply to Bigler's proclamation in the Daily Alta California.

On April 24 th, 1861, word reached San Francisco by Pony Express that the Confederates had fired on Fort Sumter two weeks earlier.

In the weeks to come, crowds of pro-Union supporters thronged into the streets - to express solidarity with the embattled U.S. government on the far side of the continent.

For the 35,000 Chinese immigrants who by 1861 were struggling to make a life for themselves in California, the war would bring new challenges, new dangers - and new opportunities.

Over the next four years, wartime initiatives set in motion by the federal government would strengthen ties between China and America - encourage the free flow of people and things between the two nations - and increase the influx of Chinese immigrants - to the dismay of the exclusionists.

In June 1861, Abraham Lincoln sent a one-time Massachusetts congressman named Anson Burlingame to Beijing - to improve relations with China - promote friendship and commerce - and to repair diplomatic ties damaged by the opium wars.

In July 1862 - at the darkest point of the war - Lincoln signed into law the Pacific Railway Act - clearing the way for the construction of a vast transcontinental railroad - that when complete would finally connect the Atlantic world to Pacific - and revolutionize trade with China.

The transcontinental railroad K. Scott Wong, Historian: - called by some the "Iron Road to China" - is not just establishing links between the West Coast and the East Coast - but it's also is to get us to the Pacific. And to establish American businesses, so that they can do business with Asia.

Kevin Starr, Historian: You need a very large labor force to build a railroad operation across the entire nation. The Central Pacific on West Coast looked at the Union Pacific building from the East and saw that it was employing recent Irish immigrants in large numbers. And there wasn't that kind of population in California

Between ten and fifteen thousand of them would find work on the Central Pacific Rail Road.

Kevin Starr, Historian: They organized themselves; they were capable of hard work; they took great chances; and they were physically strong. They could do the labor . And you can see that from what they accomplished - the triumph of taking on the Sierra Nevada, the same way that, 2,000 years earlier, we took on the great mountains of China and built the Great Wall.

a structure of reciprocity. Americans can freely enter China, and Chinese can freely enter the United States. Trade goes both ways - people can go both ways. And so this treaty is a huge obstacle - a huge set back Mae Ngai, Historian: The Burlingame Treaty had - to the exclusionists.
May 10th, 1869
K. Scott Wong, Historian: And, finally, the railroads meet in Utah, at Promontory Point - that famous picture of the two iron horses there - but the Chinese are not allowed to be in the picture. They're somewhere off to the side. They're out of the frame. They're there, but they're not. And so they're erased from that history.And then once that railroad's done, then what happens to these Chinese?

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: The paychecks end - they have to come down from the mountains. There's nothing else up there for them to do. And most of them go west - toward the coast, toward Chinatowns across the state of California - and suddenly there's a big influx along the coast of Chinese people who have to create a new life outside of the railroads.

In the long run, however, the impact of both would be to nationalize what had previously been a remote West Coast issue - propelling to national attention the frought and volatile issue of Chinese labor - which by 1869 was increasingly being called "the Chinese Question."

This is an era when all of the promises of the Civil War are going to start falling apart. After the Civil War Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: , we had the 13th, 14th and 15th Amendments. Those are all civil-rights amendments. The 13th abolishes slavery, the 15th gives black men the right to vote. But the 14th Amendment, grants all civil rights to all persons.

On July 9 th, 1868 - just three weeks before the Burlingame Treaty was concluded - the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was formally adopted - despite bitter opposition from most states of the fallen Confederacy, which were forced to ratify it to regain representation in Congress.

Over-ruling the Supreme Court's decision in Dred Scott, which had denied citizenship and all civil rights to black Americans - the 14 th amendment's "citizenship clause" declared that "all persons, born or naturalized, in the United States, are citizens of the United States" - who cannot be deprived of life, liberty, due process, civil rights, or equal protection under the law.

In the decades to come, the spare eighty-word text would form a last slender line of defense for the Chinese in America - as the country began a long slow descent - into an abyss of hatred and violence - directed against all people of color.

February 6 Voice (The Workingman's Advocate): th, 1869. Chicago. We warn workingmen that a new and dangerous foe looms up in the far west. Already our brothers of the Pacific have to meet it, and just as soon as the Pacific railroad is completed, these Chinamen will begin to swarm through the rocky mountains, like devouring locusts and spread out over the country this side. Men who can work for a dollar a day are a dangerous element in our country. We must not sleep until the foe is upon us, but commence to fight him now. In the name of the workingmen of our common country, we demand that our government forbid another Chinaman to set foot upon our shores.

K. Scott Wong, Historian: After the Civil War, one of the first developments is that with the emancipation of African slaves and their descendants you get the demise of the plantation system in the South. The plantation owners in places like Mississippi and Louisiana still need work.

Voice (Alexander Troup): We have abolished the slavery of the black men, but these capitalists are endeavoring to resurrect it. The workingmen throughout the country should rise in a body and raise such a shout that its echo will reach Washington.

But the facts didn't matter, and they would soon find themselves at the center of a rising tide of anti-Chinese sentiment across the country - feared and vilified by white workers as scab labor and pawns of the monopolists - and viciously caricatured in the national press as servile automatons.

If you look at the political cartoons, in something like Mary Ting Yi Lui, Historian: Harper's Weekly, you suddenly see these concerns about. Coolie laborers, who are going to march across the nation and take over every single job. That this is going to be a threat to every white workingman in the nation - whether you are a boot maker, or a cigar maker.

Mae Ngai, Historian: When California's connected to the rest of the country, it doesn't have the effects that people thought it would have. It connects California as part of a national market - but that also means that cheap manufactured goods from the East now flood the Western market; prices and wages are depressed; there's actually more unemployment than there was previously in California; and in fact, the depression of the 1870s in the East will be brought by the railroad to the westa few years later. So now you have a large unemployed population. And in the cities, then, you have a much more explosive kind of racial dynamic. Where the ideas that targeted Chinese in the gold fields are refashioned for this urban context - and they get a new lease on life. And this is really where it becomes incendiary - where there are race riots in the streets.

On the night of October 24 th, 1871, hundreds of enraged white and Mexican Angelinos descended on Chinatown in Los Angeles - allegedly in response to the killing of a white man - caught in the cross-fire when a gunfight broke out between two Chinese immigrants.

Chinatown was called "Calle de los Negros" - or, as it was known at the time: "Nigger Alley." And the population of Los Angeles rushes in for this really brutal race riot. White people and Mexicans flock down to Chinatown. And as they capture Chinese people, they lynch them. They hang them from a church steeple; they hang them from the top of a covered wagon; from a gatepost. They cut off the finger of one of the Chinese men. One of those lynched is a child, and two Chinese women are lynched. And then they torch Chinatown. The Chinese people fight back. One Chinese woman picks up a rifle that one of the vigilantes drops and starts shooting at the mob. But the mob cuts holes in the roofs of the houses in Chinatown and drops flaming torches into these holes on the roof. And Chinatown burns Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: .

That lynching was a horrible overture to a decade of projecting the difficulties of the 1870s onto the Chinese - suggesting a deep, sub-evil looking for a victim in the California psyche Kevin Starr, Historian: . By the early 70's, the failure of banks; the great depression that hit California; had filled San Francisco with unemployed, single white males. Looking for work and not being able to find it. So In San Francisco with the Board of Supervisors there, you began to get harassment of the Chinese.

The city passed numerous ordinances to harass the Chinese, thinking that if you made life miserable enough for people, they would leave. So there was an ordinance that you couldn't walk on a sidewalk with a pole on your shoulder. This is how Chinese vegetable peddlers, and other businesses, carried their wares. There was an ordinance that said that any Chinese who was arrested would have his hair shorn to within an inch of his scalp. Now, this was really obnoxious, because it meant cutting the queue Mae Ngai, Historian: , or the pigtail, which was a required form of dress for Chinese men. That was so obnoxious that it was overturned by the courts.

But by 1875, the political dynamic in America had begun to shift - as Democrats in Washington began to understand that the Chinese issue could be indispensable to the post Civil War rehabilitation of the Democratic Party.

The Democrats suggest that the Chinese labor were actually equivalent to black slaves So you had this political pressure against the Republicans, Ling-chi Wang, Scholar: who were accused of advocating for Chinese coolies. And so that make it possible for the Exclusion movement to get the support, from the East Coast politicians.

In1875, Congress passes the Page Act, which is an effort to speak to the demands of the Californians, without circumventing the Burlingame Treaty. The Page Act prohibits the immigration of people coming under contracts to work and prostitutes. Now Chinese have been stereotyped already - all the men are coolies, all the women are prostitutes - so they think this is the way they're going to stop the Chinese immigration Mae Ngai, Historian: .

Mae Ngai, Historian: The Page Act is spectacularly successful at keeping women out. Not because all women coming were prostitutes, although some were, but because the interrogation of the female arrivals was so horrific that once you hear about this, you don't want to try it. So female immigration plummets

That year, Reconstruction would collapse entirely in the bitterly contested presidential election of 1876 - when Republicans in Congress - choosing self-interest over justice and equal rights - agreed to withdraw federal troops from the South - in a back room deal that sent their party's nominee, Rutherford B. Hayes, to the White House - even though he had lost the popular vote to his Democratic rival, Samuel Tilden.

During the campaign itself platforms of both major parties openly called for excluding Chinese.

Martin B. Gold, Attorney: It came at a time when American politics was sort of balanced on a knife's edge between Republicans and Democrats. If you look at the period between 1876 and 1896, you have five Presidential elections in that period. They were all very close. The 1876 election in which the winner of the electoral college and the winner of the popular vote were different the difference in the Electoral College was one vote. Now, California had six electoral votes - maybe they're decisive. Oregon had three; Nevada had three - maybe they're decisive. So the pandering for political support from the Pacific coast votes converts what would have been a local issue, with local agitation, into a national political issue.

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: The minute the Northern troops are withdrawn from the South - and Reconstruction falls apart - andthe South is voting again in Congress, and can take apart the civil-rights victories of the Civil War - it becomes an invitation to race wars.

Mae Ngai, Historian: So you have in Californiaa political movement for exclusion - you have all this legislation going on; you have violence; you had gangs of kids that would throw rocks at the wagons of Chinese arriving from the docks, on their way to Chinatown. They'd stand on the bridges and throw rocks at people, or spit upon them. It was horrific. And then Chinese become the target of a so-called "Workingmen's Party"and a Workingmen's movement Denis Kearney - a recently naturalized Irishman - emerges as a leader of the Workingmen's Party in San Francisco.

Martin B. Gold, Attorney: So, finally, the issue had been agitated for such a long time, and the political impact of the issue had taken root in the Congress, that you got the 1879 15-Passenger bill.That was a bill that said that there could not be more than 15 passengers of Chinese background on any ship entering the United States. Otherwise, the ship would be turned back, and the captain would be fined, and so on and so forth. In the first major debate in the Congress, on the 1879 15-Passenger Bill -- Senator James G. Blaine of Maine broke from the northeastern Republicans, who basically opposed Chinese exclusion, to support exclusion.... His theory was, if you had people who could not assimilate and become part of the body politic -- and, therefore, should not become American citizens -- then you also should not permit them to immigrate. Because if you allowed them to immigrate, you would always have a political underclass -- seething with resentment; unable to enjoy the full fruits of the American Dream. That, he said, would create social problems for the country. So better not to let them come at all. Senator Blaine makes this statement: "We have today to decide whether we shall have on the Pacific coast of the United States the kingdom of Christ or the kingdom of Confucius." So a choice had to be made: restrict immigration and restrict citizenship rights, or give the Pacific coast over to an alien culture and an unassimilable population, unfit for citizenship.

The 15 Passenger bill ultimately got vetoed. Because President Rutherford Hayes, on the advice of his Secretary of State, said: "We have treaties with China -- the Burlingame Treaty, specifically - that appears to allow for the free movement of peoples between China and the United States. And the 1879 legislation violates the treaty." People in the Congress knew it violated the treaty. At the same time, however, President Hayes then sent a delegation to China to renegotiate the Burlingame treaty, so that some kind of legislation could pass Martin B. Gold, Attorney: . And that negotiation gave the United States the right to restrict, or to suspend, immigration of Chinese labor. The Chinese government really didn't want that treaty. America pushed it on them. China objected. America assured them that the treaty would be administered in a fair way

Martin B. Gold, Attorney: So in April of 1882, when they passed a 20-year exclusion act, which essentially barred an entire generation of Chinese labor from coming into the United States That evoked a veto from President Chester Arthur. And then Congress came back, very shortly thereafter, with a 10-year bill. And at that point President Arthur said: "Look. This is apparently the will of the Congress. Ten years is not as offensive as 20 years." And he didn't exercise the veto pen again. And May 6th, 1882 the legislation becomes law.

Martin B. Gold, Attorney: I daresay that people who voted for the Chinese exclusion laws, who came from Ohio - or Michigan - or Minnesota - probably never saw a Chinese person at the time they voted for those laws. And, certainly, the Southern states were full of people who had never seen Chinese people either. Southern Senators and Congressmen voted for Chinese exclusion - not because they had a Chinese issue within their own constituency, but because they felt if they attuned themselves to the political exclusionary interests on the Pacific coast, they would gain sympathy for what they wanted to do in their own region of the country, to voters of African background. which is: disenfranchise them. The fundamental point is: "You have your problem and we have our problem. We'll support you - you support us."

It was an argument against civil rights, and it was an argument against immigration Martin B. Gold, Attorney: . But there was still lots of dissension in the Congress against barring immigration, and there was absolutely dissension against barring naturalization. Hannibal Hamlin of Maine - Abraham Lincoln's first Vice-President - chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee - was very opposed to it. And on the floor of the Senate he denounced it. And he said, "I'm opposed to this. It violates fundamental American principles." And he says, "I leave my vote, the last legacy to my children, that they may esteem it the brightest act of my life." This is a person with enormous moral authority. So, as the Congress acted, the voices of dissent were not muted. They were, in fact, active - eloquent - prominent - and, ultimately, insufficient. So anything that the Congress did in these years was not by accident.

It really did two things. One is an exclusion from immigration, and the other thing was an exclusion from citizenship. at the time there were approximately 105,000 Chinese in America. Now, they were Martin B. Gold, Attorney: just two-tenths of one percent of the overall American population. So what happens to the people who are already here - people legally in the United States? And what that law said was, "These people cannot assimilate. They are too different in terms of their culture - in terms of their appearance - in terms of their language - the clothes that they wear - and the food that they eat - and the gods that they worship. They cannot assimilate into the American population. And in that sense, they are different from European immigrants. So we're going to make, as a Congress, a judgment. We're going to say that because they are an unassimilable population, they cannot come to the United States, and those that are here cannot become American citizens."

As we look at this dark period, I think it's important to think about Chinese people in the context of Jim Crow; of what was happening to African-American people; of putting Native Americans on reservations. In California, what had started as a population of 200,000 Native Americans, by the time of the Chinese Exclusion Act there were Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: only 16,000 Native Americans in California. So the effectiveness of racism, and the presumptions of what we now call "whiteness," ran very deep.

On the night of February 6 th, 1885, a mob of 600 angry white Californians in the north coast lumber town of Eureka - enraged by the killing of a member of the town council - descended on Chinatown, screaming "Murder the Chinese" - and "Burn Chinatown" - then drove every Chinese immigrant in Eureka out of town and onto ships bound for San Francisco.

After the purge, the town council passed an ordinance excluding Chinese - that remained in force until 1950.

In September 1885, at a coal mine owned by the Union Pacific Railroad in Rock Springs, Wyoming, angry white coal miners - many of them immigrants themselves - attacked a group of Chinese miners following a labor dispute - and burned their homes to the ground.

Some of the Chinese were burned alive in the houses. The whole number of Chinese killed was twenty-eight and those wounded fifteen.

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: There are 300 purgesacross California, Oregon, up to Seattle in Washington, as far East as Rock Springs in Wyoming. So they're all over the West.

In early June 1887 - along a remote stretch of the Snake River, separating Idaho and Oregon - a settler thirty miles south of Lewiston caught sight of the first of many badly decomposed bodies - washed loose by the heavy spring rains, and floating down stream.

The mutilated corpses - riddled with gunshot wounds and partially dismembered - were all that remained of 34 Chinese gold miners - who in late May, investigations revealed, had been ambushed, savagely tortured, and systematically executed, by a gang of horse thieves and schoolboys from Wallowa County, Oregon, sixty-five miles upstream.

"Every one was shot and cut up, then stripped and thrown in the river," an investigator reported.

Six white men were eventually indicted by a grand jury.

"I guess if they had killed thirty-one white men," one man said, "something would have been done about it. But none of the jury knew the Chinamen or knew much about it, so they turned the men loose."

Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: I don't know. You know, I think that the racism of the era was so ingrained, and the creative ways people were coming up with to tag and mark people as different, were invoked as ways of making it impossible for them to survive. I truly can only intellectually argue that. In some ways, I can't wrap my mind around the quantity of violence and hatred.

Erika Lee, Historian: Once exclusion was the law of the land, then Chinese immigrants turned to trying to figure out how to open up avenues within the laws. We know how active Chinese immigrants were in resisting, protesting, challenging these laws by every means possible: by writing to presidents; talking about the injustice in the newspapers; and taking cases to court.

He started a newspaper, called David Lei, Community Advocate : The Chinese American - the first time that that term was ever used. And he thought the Chinese would become American, and should vote, and this is a country that Chinese should settle.

Renqiu Yu, Historian: What made the Chinese survive the most difficult conditions in this country is mainly their identification with American founding principles - and also their faith in themselves; and that they refused to be excluded.

Renqiu Yu, Historian: This is the basic theme in Chinese-American history. The Chinese-Americans always challenge the anti-Chinese Act and policies. They always appealed to the American judiciary system to protect their rights. Under the most difficult conditions, these people actually did not give up their faith. They fought - they fought for decades. It is a remarkable resilience.

Martin B. Gold, Attorney: They looked to the law to protect themselves, because they could not look to the political institutions to protect them. Their only recourse was the courts. Sometimes they won, often they didn't.

This is where the 14 Jean Pfaelzer, Historian: th amendment becomes critical. The Chinese can't become citizens. There are a series of laws that says that can't be naturalized. But the fourteenth Amendment, really grants all civil rights to persons. And it's Chinese litigants who are going to discover in the 14th Amendment that it applies to persons, not to citizens.

David Lei, Community Advocate : Between the exclusion law 1882 and 1905. There were more than 10,000 lawsuits the Chinese filed with the federal courts. And about twenty of these went to the Supreme Court. And the population of Chinese in America was about 110,000 at the time. This is 8 - 9% of the people sued the federal government to change this.

Mae Ngai, Historian: Chinese used the courts in large part because they didn't have access to the ballot box - they didn't have the vote. But they knew they could use the courts, so this becomes their principal strategy for legal change. And from the 1880s through the end of the 19th century, there are a slew of constitutional cases. One type has to do with immigration, and the other type has to do with civil rights. They mostly lose the immigration cases. But in the question of civil rights it's a little more mixed. The most famous civil-rights case is Yick Wo v. Hopkins in 1886. That's the laundry case, where San Francisco had passed an ordinance that said nobody could have a wooden structure for a laundry. But if it had been built before that time, you could still operate it if you had a permit. And they just refused to give permits to Chinese, but they gave permits to whites.

The China Six Company and the laundry association backed him David Lei, Community Advocate : Right away, 280 laundries applied, and 80 got their permit, 200 did not. The problem was all 80 were white, and all 200 were Chinese.Now there was this guy named San Lee, he had this laundry, called Yick Wo. And he stood up and said, "I'm gonna operate without this permit, and be arrested to test this law."So he was arrested. . And they took it all the way to the Supreme Court - saying that - although a law is good on the surface - if you apply it differently to different groups of people -it is against the 14th Amendment - which provide equal protection under the law. It was never tested before.

Kevin Starr, Historian: The idea of a Chinese person being harassed, seeking the courts at remedy, at the same time that his people are being excluded from the country, to mix ethnic metaphors, shows a lot of chutzpa. And Yick Wo pulled it off - he pulled it off.

Voice (Jee Gam, February 1892): If America is fair in her dealing, her laws ought to be applicable to all people, regardless of nationality. To single out the despised Chinese, the only people who hold no votes, shows cowardliness. For the only class that are required to give photographs are the criminals, and the only animal that must wear a tag is a dog. The Chinese decline to be counted in with either of these classes, so they refuse to register, and I do not blame them.

Martin B. Gold, Attorney: The Supreme Court said "Congress has the power to do what it's doing." So it's not for us to decide, as the court, whether the political branch is doing the proper thing. They have the power to do it. So if you have a quarrel with what they've done, take it up with them. Except you don't have any power to take it up with them, because you're not a voter.

At stake was a bed-rock constitutional issue: under the 14 th Amendment, could a Chinese American, born in the U.S. of immigrant parents, be considered an American citizen - or not?

The U.S. Attorney arguing the government's case insisted that even though Wong Kim Ark had been born in the United States, it was an accident of birth, that did not override the fact that his parents were foreigners, ineligible for citizenship.

David Lei, Community Advocate : Wong Kim Ark fought it all the way to the Supreme Court - to establish something that we take for granted today.

In 1898, in a landmark ruling, the U.S. Supreme Court - citing the citizenship clause of the 14 th Amendment - ruled that Wong Kim Ark, like any one else born on American soil, was an American citizen.

The tribulations of California's despised community of Chinese residents would soon be compounded - whenin 1906 one of the worst natural disasters in American history struck San Francisco - and with it, the heart of the oldest and largest Chinatown in North America.

David Lei, Community Advocate : The earthquake totally destroyed San Francisco's Chinatown. But the Chinese word for crisis has the word for opportunity in it. That whenever there's some danger, there's always opportunity. So the flip side was, all the records were destroyed in City Hall of who was born here; who immigrated here; who had kids here. So all the records were gone -- a clean slate.

Erika Lee, Historian: Chinese were very, very clear in their own minds that what was happening to them and the exclusion laws was unjust: Knowing that the United States was open to every other immigrant group who was coming over; that there were jobs; that there was economic opportunity. Yet, they had been singled out. So you have undocumented border crossings, as well as the birth of what we call the "paper son system," or immigration through fraudulent papers and with false relationships.

Mai Ngai, Historian: Somebody once said that Ellis Island was to let people in - and Angel Island was to keep people out. Only 1% of the people who showed up at Ellis Island were turned back. So Ellis Island really was a gate that swung in, and Angel Island was where the gate was closed, and you had to really fight to get in.

Over the next three decades, from 1910 to 1940 - when the immigration facility finally closed - just three years before exclusion itself was rescinded - more than a hundred thousand Chinese immigrants would come through Angel Island - whose principle purpose was to enforce exclusion more strictly than ever before - weeding out as much as possible paper sons - segregating detainees from family and friends - and at the same time safeguarding American citizens from foreign contamination.

Unlike Ellis Island, where 98 percent of the incoming immigrants made their way through, eighteen percent of the applicants at Angel Island were initially rejected - and five percent deported outright - after grueling interrogations, and harrowing detentions - that averaged more than two weeks - and sometimes stretched to more than a year.

Erika Lee, Historian: You can still see the peeling paint - the layers of paint that immigration officials had continuously put over the walls of the detention barracks, to cover up what they thought was graffiti. And how the immigrants kept on reclaiming that space, and writing it over, or carving it even deeper. So there's so much about that space - where the walls literally talk to you.

In the years following the opening of Angel Island in 1910 - the epic human tide - that had brought twenty-four million/OR tens of millions of immigrants to the nation's shores - in less than two generations - would be slowed to a trickle - and the gates of immigration all but closed - ushering in forty years of demographic isolation in America, and the most exclusionary era the country has ever seen.

In 1917, Congress passed a new and vastly more far-reaching Immigration Act, based on the Chinese Exclusion laws, creating an "Asiatic Barred Zone" - a vast empire of excluded nationalities - encompassing every Asian nation east of Turkey, and west of the islands of Japan.

Mae Ngai, Historian: So, in 1924 is really the key legislation that numerically restricts immigration into the United States, in general. Before World War I you had an average of over a million coming a year. And in 1924 there's a ceiling put on that -- it's an annual quota of 150,000. That's a huge decrease. Now we have a quota system that has an absolute numerical limit - parceled out to countries based on a very complicated formula of who's more desirable than others. So Great Britain has a huge quota - Italy has a tiny quota. And Asians are excluded all together. So the treatment of the Chinese foreshadows this more comprehensive restriction policy.

Mae Ngai, Historian: Things start to change in the run-up to World War II - Japan has invaded China - it's taken over Manchuria - it's threatening the rest of China. So American sympathies start to go towards China. Not so much because it favors China, but because it's against Japan.

Mae Ngai, Historian: These laws begin to look anachronistic, in an international context where the United States wants to present itself as the standard-bearer of democracy and equal rights.

On December 17 th, 1943 - the Chinese Exclusion Laws were officially repealed - with the passage of the Magnuson Act - which kept in place laws, prohibiting Chinese nationals from owning property - but which did permit - for the first time in nearly 62 years - a small number of Chinese workers, to enter the country every year - in strict accordance with the 1924 quota system.

Renqiu Yu, Historian: In 1943, it was repealed, butthe repeal was quite symbolic. The quotas were only 105. It's so insignificant.

K. Scott Wong, Historian: Yeah. What's important about it is that it's 105 Chinese a year. Not just people from China. So it's 105 a year, based on blood. You could come from London: you were part of that 105. And it's the only country that was treated that way. And it's based on the 1924 quota of 105 being the bare minimum. So the Chinese got the bare minimum. The door prize, yes.

Mae Ngai, Historian: It is a important opening. Because, first, on principle, the idea of exclusion is overturned. That's huge. That no longer marks Chinese as the one group who, by name, cannot enter the United States. That's a huge victory, and it also opens up opportunities for Chinese to come. Chinese men can now bring their wives over from China, where they couldn't before, under the War Brides Act

It's a very recent phenomenon. It's a post-World War Two; a Cold War and civil-rights phenomenon. In the 1950s, Erika Lee, Historian: Senator John F. Kennedy published A Nation of Immigrants - advocating for reform of immigration laws at that time. Kennedy believed that not only was there a civil-rights prerogative - but also a Cold War, international-relations prerogative - to be changing these discriminatory immigration laws - because we were shutting out the vast majority of people from around the world - while also proclaiming ourselves the land of freedom, democracy and the American way

the reality is that because the Hart-Celler Act Mary Ting Yi Lui, Historian: The Hart-Celler Act is the immigration law, that really took away those national race-based quotas, and instead tried to make immigration much more fair and even across-the-board. When the senators and congressmen debated the passage of the Immigration Act, they had no idea what was going to happen But - privileged certain occupations, like the medical fields; the science-industry fields - Asian immigration completely skyrocketed. And changed completely, in many ways, the face of Asian-American communities in extraordinary ways.

Mae Ngai, Historian: So in the late '60s and early '70syou have a disproportionate number of highly educated Asians who came in under the 1965 Act. This is a period of an expanding economy in the United States, with more and more R&D work; technical work. Now, a curious consequence of the Hart-Celler Act is thatwe're still left with the idea that Chinese are other. They may not be the Yellow Peril of the 19th century and early 20th century. But now they're the super-achieving students who keep your kids out of college - right? So they're either evil or super-achievers. But the Chinese never stopped being the other. They never can seem to find a place of just being part of the mainstream. With the passage of time, the realities of the Chinese Exclusion Era - so painful for Chinese Americans themselves - faded from public memory, and were forgotten - in a nation that now preferred to think of itself - in principle at least - as having always welcomed immigrants.

Those of us who are descendants of "paper sons," and discovering that you're a descendant of a paper son. That generation -- my generation, who did not know that our grandfathers were paper sons, because it was a secret that were kept in our families and never talked about. And then, one day, perhaps before a funeral -- or before a birthday party or something -- something is said that lets everyone ... know... and ... you realize: "Oh, that's why we never talk about him." Or: "Oh, that's why that family in Chinatown is related to us, but we can't figure out why, or something." It's because of that legacy of exclusion, and getting around exclusion. And once you realize that, then that sense of alienation, perhaps -- or that sense of understanding that you are a legacy of exclusion -- hits you. And you realize: "Oh, I'm part of that long history of immigration; exclusion; assimilation; acculturation; or marginalization. K. Scott Wong, Historian:" All of those processes that take place has its seeds in exclusion. It made me feel even more a part of that flow of generations - of that Chinese experience in America. And for those generations who came after, who didn't have to face exclusion, I don't think they fully understand that, because they never had to deal with it.

Renqiu Yu, Historian: When we look back, I think we can learn that, the Chinese have this resilient faith in the founding principles. I think that's Chinese-Americans' contribution to this grand American experiment. The exclusion law can be seen as a fundamental flaw, a huge mistake, in that historical process of great experiment. I think, if you really look at this system, you can also say that: the exclusion law was democratic, was legal -- but it was wrong. So something wrong could be done in that process of building a democratic system there. On the other hand, even under the enormous difficult circumstances - with so many disillusions, so many disappointments, and so much suffering - generations of Chinese-Americans never give up their faith and their hope. And I think that's very remarkable.

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The Chinese Exclusion Act | American Experience | PBS

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The 1882 law that made it illegal for Chinese workers to come to America and for Chinese nationals already here ever to become U.S. citizens.

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Black & Asian Christians United Against Racism

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Black & Asian Christians United Against Racism

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Black & Asian Christians United Against Racism

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Transcript

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Asian American organizers and influencers have been trying to sound the alarm over a dramatic spike in reports of anti-Asian racism over the last year, and have been frustrated by the lack of media and public attention paid to their worries. Then came last week, when a deadly shooting spree in Georgia realized many of their worst fears and thrust the issue into the national spotlight.

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Asian American organizers and influencers have been trying to sound the alarm over a dramatic spike in reports of anti-Asian racism over the last year, and have been frustrated by the lack of media and public attention paid to their worries.

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The history of tensions — and solidarity — between Black and Asian American communities, explained

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The history of tensions — and solidarity — between Black and Asian American communities, explained

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Against the backdrop of anti-racism protests last summer, racist violence was surging in Chinatowns and Asian American communities across the country.

In July, an 89-year-old Chinese woman was set on fire while walking on the streetafter being slapped in the face in Brooklyn, New York. The two assailants, she said, didn't say a word before attacking her. She scrambled to put out the fire, but it left a large burn mark on the back of her pink blouse - a grisly reminder of the attack.

It was not an isolated incident. Between March 19 and December 31, 2020, there were more than 2,808 "firsthand accounts of anti-Asian hate," according to a report by Stop AAPI Hate, an organization that has been tracking reports on anti-Asian violence - a 150 percent rise since 2019.From being barred from establishments to being spat or coughed on, Asian Americans have reported physical and verbal harassment throughout the pandemic, as they've been used as a xenophobic scapegoat for the spread of a virus that originated in China. According to one survey conducted last April, 32 percent of Americans have "witnessed someone blaming Asian people" for Covid-19, and 60 percent of Asian Americans have witnessed this behavior.

This year, the attacks have seemed to take a more gruesome and visible turn: A 61-year-old Filipino man was slashed in the face as he rode the subway in New York; a 64-year-old Vietnamese woman was robbed in a parking lot in San Jose ahead of Lunar New Year; and an 84-year-old Thai man was shoved to the ground in San Francisco, which resulted in his death.

These attacks may have been spurred by the coronavirus pandemic and then-President Donald Trump repeatedly using racist terms for the virus, but anti-Asian sentiment in the United States is not new - just look to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882, which banned Chinese immigrants from becoming US citizens, and President Franklin Roosevelt's executive order in 1942 that put Japanese Americans into internment camps.

"When the pandemic emerged and the president began calling the virus 'kung flu' or 'China virus,' those who were aware of how race operates knew that we were about to experience a surge of racism that we haven't seen in a while," said Pastor Raymond Chang, founder and president of the Asian American Christian Collaborative, a faith-based group advocating for Asian American communities while also leading Black and Asian solidarity. "Racism against Asian Americans has always been a part of the fabric of our society. It just depends on whether it's overt and violent, or subtle and kind of flies under the radar."

What also isn't new in times of anti-Asian sentiment is the focus on relationships between Black and Asian communities. Many of the attacks that have gained widespread attention have featured Black assailants, and have threatened to inflame tensions between Asian Americans andBlack Americans. While Vox found no evidence that Black Americans are predominantly responsible for this rise in attacks, or that they areparticularly hostile to Asian Americans relative to the rest of the population, the narrative of Black-Asian hostility is rooted in immigration and economic policies that have historically pitted these communities against one another.

In America, "what we need to realize is that there's this timeless structure, in which there's always one group on top and another at the bottom," Scott Kurashige, professor and chair of comparative race and ethnic studies at Texas Christian University, told Vox. "Though there certainly is an unchanged structure in the sense that this country has had a white supremacist ruling class structure since the beginning, it's not the same techniques of governance or the same ideology, and certainly not the same people."

Ultimately, there is a failure to remember what got America to this place of racial hierarchies and lingering Black-Asian tensions: white supremacy. White supremacy is what created segregation, policing, and scarcity of resources in low-income neighborhoods, as well as the creation of the "model minority" myth - all of which has driven a wedge between Black and Asian communities. In fact, it is white Christian nationalism, more than any other ideology, that has shaped xenophobic and racist views around Covid-19, according to a recent study. And for Black and Asian American communities to move forward, it is important to remember the root cause and fight together against it.

There is already a long history of Black-Asian solidarity against oppression and structural racism, which has been obscured by these recent fissures. In the late 1960s, for instance, Black and Asian activists led the Third World Liberation Front movement to establish race and ethnic studies in college and university curriculums in California. And today, members of both communities are showing up for each other in demonstrations for Black lives and against anti-Asian violence.

"This is a moment for us to really tell that history to share that not only have Asians and other immigrants and people of color been blamed and scapegoated, but that there's also a history of our community, mobilizing, and demanding change and action - that we've stood in solidarity together with other communities," said Cynthia Choi, co-founder of Stop AAPI Hate.

How policy created the conditions for Black-Asian tensions

The models we have for understanding and interpreting racism are often oversimplified and lead to frustration and resentment.

A simple model of racism that casts people as either perpetrators or victims of racism is divorced from the reality that individuals have dozens of identities outside of just their race. The fact is that Black Americans are native-born Americans, and, like all native-born people, they are susceptible to xenophobic and nationalistic sentiments that can place blame on an "other" - in this case, Asian Americans, who can be seen as "forever foreigners" even if they, too, are native-born.

While Black Americans (who are overwhelmingly Democratic) often have more liberal views on immigration reform, there is also existing research that indicates that Black people may feel economic competition with new immigrant communities that can manifest as broad anti-immigrant sentiment and racism.

"It's not that Asian-Black tensions or racial hierarchies don't exist today but that there is a failure to remember what got America to this place: white supremacy"

Scholars also highlight that a lot of this competition is due to a racial hierarchy that has placed Black Americans at the bottom. When newcomers enter the country, they encounter a system that reserves the best for wealthy, white Americans, engendering resentment and zero-sum thinking among everyone else for whatever is left.

The conflict between Korean Americans and Black Americans is one of the most visible examples of this phenomenon.

In 1965, the United States ended the quota-based system of immigration and began to push for high-skilled labor to enter the country. One group that was able to enter the country were Korean Americans who were hyper-selected - that is, they had much higher socioeconomic and educational attainment relative not only to their country of origin but also to the native-born US population.

Yến Lê Espiritu, a professor of ethnic studies who specializes in Asian American studies at the University of California San Diego, explained how this highly educated population came to the United States and was often unable to replicate the social status that they enjoyed in their home country due to racial discrimination and other barriers. Instead, they found employment as small-business owners, opening up shops in predominantly Black communities.

"Many of these immigrants didn't intend to be small businessmen. The structural context is that Korean immigrants couldn't regain the employment and educational status they once held," Espiritu told Vox. Their proximity to Black people was because they were only able to start businesses in "economically disadvantaged areas." This, coupled with the fact that anti-Black racism in financing meant Black people often couldn't start their own businesses, sparked bitterness on both sides.

Espiritu added that an additional barrier was that both groups had already been primed to mistrust each other. As Koreans consumed American media, they internalized the racist depictions of Black Americans as violent, uneducated, and poor - similarly, Black Americans had watched (with the rest of America) as Koreans were depicted as untrustworthy during the Korean War.

Edward T. Chang, a professor of ethnic studies at the University of California Riverside, explained the "middleman minority" theory, which helps further explain the tensions that arose at these Korean-owned businesses.

"'Middleman minority' is a term derived from the historical experiences of Jews in Europe and Chinese in Southeast Asia and Asian Indians in Africa," Chang told Vox. Middlemen minorities exist between dominant and subordinate groups in society and often hold professions heavily concentrated in the retail and service industries like grocery markets and liquor stores, he explained.

These groups often have daily contact with one another in a way that white Americans often do not due to segregated neighborhoods, shopping centers, and schools. Between the racist stereotypes both groups have internalized and the linguistic and cultural barriers separating them, it's little surprise the continual interactions could lead to conflict.

In America's collective memory, the most notable such collision occurred during the 1992 Los Angeles riots sparked by the acquittal of four white LAPD officers after they were videotaped beating Rodney King, a Black man. Over the following week, more than 50 people were killed and 1,000 were injured in the uprising that showcased not only anger at the verdict but also longstanding resentments between Black and Korean communities in the LA area. According to CNN, roughly half a billion dollars' worth of damage was borne by Korean-owned businesses.

Many believe the 1992 riots are emblematic of the relations between Black Americans and Asian Americans despite being the product of a specific time and place. After the riots, churches and community organizers worked to educate the two communities on their shared histories of oppression - many Korean business owners, for example, were unaware of the violence and discrimination Black people have faced in America.

Today, more than nine in 10 Korean Americans believe there is at least some discrimination against Black people, according to a survey by Asian Americans Advancing Justice. Meanwhile, 70 percent of Korean Americans agree that the government should do more to protect the civil rights of Black Americans.

White supremacy is at the crux of these tensions, including the model minority myth

According to scholars and activists who have experienced it firsthand, Black-Asian tensions have obscured America's root problem: white supremacy.

"Racism and white supremacy have created longstanding rifts between communities of color," Pastor Chang said. "The way the system works, the rhetoric around Black and Asian tensions will be used to discount the white supremacy that actually drives these tensions."

To be white is to sit atop America's ruling class - and since darker skin has historically been deemed undesirable and equated with being poor under Western and Eurocentric views, anyone who is not white falls at the bottom of this hierarchy. In this dominant Black-white paradigm, Asian immigrants and Asian Americans have had to find a way to fit in, rendering them at risk of invisibility. Those who could assimilate into the dominant framework often did, buying into the notions of racial hierarchies and white supremacy - including internalizing racism against their own communities.

But not all Asians are offered this opportunity: The categorization of Asian Americans encompasses roughly 40 ethnicities and a vast range of economic statuses, religions, regions, and cultures. While it's true that Asian Americans are the wealthiest minority group in the country, they also have the widest income gap of any racial group. Myanmarese Americans, for example, have a far higher poverty rate than other Asian groups, particularly Japanese Americans. A huge reason for this divide is due to the disparity between Asian immigrants who arrived in the US with skill-based visas and those who arrived as refugees.

"Our history is a story of seeking to belong but finding that our choices were often either erasure or exclusion or assimilation," Pastor Chang said. "We ultimately chose to try to fight erasure in the form of assimilation to the degree that made us give up a lot of our cultural heritage. When it benefited the broader white society, they didn't punish Asians as much, but when Asians are perceived as a threat, they either incarcerated or excluded us altogether."

This rush to assimilation is what has perpetuated the model minority myth and helped further racial tensions. The model minority myth took root around the time Japanese Americans were put in internment camps in World War II. Asianswere scared of returning or being put into camps, so they remained reticent and wereseen as hard workers who, as Choi puts it, "have been able to pull themselves up by the bootstraps or overcome barriers." This perpetuated the belief that nonwhite Americans can succeed and overcome racism in the US, without acknowledging the specific historical struggles of Black and Latino Americans and the role of skin color in creating a caste system meant to stoke interracial conflicts.

"The model minority stereotype really isn't meant to define Asian Americans. Rather, it's meant to define African Americans as deficient and inferior to white people by using Asian Americans as a proxy or a pawn to serve that purpose," Kurashige told Vox. "It was never an accurate portrayal of Asian Americans, but actually consciously meant to distort and stereotype Asian Americans."

The recent rise in anti-Asian attacks has reflected the anti-Asian sentiment that has always coursed throughAmerica

For example, there are other ethnicities that meet the surface criteria of a so-called model minority but are unlikely to be seen that way. According to researchers at Columbia University and UC Irvine, nearly two-thirds of Nigerian immigrants are college-educated - far exceeding the US mean at 28 percent. Like Koreans, Nigerians were defined by hyper-selected migration, but unlike Koreans, they were racialized as Black in the US context. Nigerians are not held up as a "model," yet more evidence that the minority myth was not about the outcomes of a specific group but a way to reemphasize the existing racial caste structure and absolve the government of removing barriers to success for Black people.

The model minority myth is to Asians what the "Black criminality" myth is to Black communities. Any image of Black people acting inherently violent toward Asian Americans or other groups of color feeds into the systemic tropes that have long painted Black people as criminals, which has been perpetuated by both American media and Asian media platforms like WeChat and Weibo. Last summer, Asian news media furthered the "Black criminality" image during the protests for racial justice, creating a fearmongering framework around incidents of looting and violence, rather than focusing on the largely peaceful protests.

In recent months, videos circulated in social media showing elderly Asians getting shoved and attacked, with a few of the attacks perpetrated by Black assailants, and the news and social media were quick to put the spotlight on historically complicated tensions between Black and Asian communities. Again, it's not that these fissures don't exist after decades of white supremacy-inflected policy - it's just that the emerging narrative has too easily attributed the violence to these tensions when there are other factors in play. For example, anti-Asian (and anti-China) sentiment is on the rise globally - from Australia to Europe to Canada, people are registering increasing hostility toward China and people who they think are Chinese. Not to mention in America, it is white Christian nationalists who are the most likely to say that it isn't racist to call Covid-19 "the Chinese virus."

Ultimately, the recent rise in anti-Asian attacks has not only reflected the anti-Asian sentiment that has always coursed throughAmerica, but also underscores how Asian Americans' perceived model minority status has kept that racism out of the public consciousness for so long.So when America needs an answer to why this violence is happening - the same way it was quick to blame Asians for the pandemic - the tendency is to scapegoat Black people, or to claim that these incidents aren't racially motivated.

Moving forward through solidarity

As author and activist Helen Zia said, Asian Americans are not "missing in action"; they are " missing in history." And because of this invisibility, Asian Americans are often unaware of their own communities' history of activism and solidarity with Black communities and other communities of color.

While the decades-long acculturation into a predominantly white society will take a lot of work to undo, the intergenerational gap between Asian immigrants who have absorbed anti-Black sentiment and younger US-bornAsians who are much more willing to speak out against injustice will play a major role in this shifting narrative. And it starts with looking at the moments of solidarity that have come before.

In his book The Shifting Grounds of Race: Black and Japanese Americans In the Making of Multiethnic Los Angeles, Kurashige examines the coexistence of Black and Japanese Americans in Los Angeles, before, during, and after World War II,going back to the creation of the model minority myth.

While Japanese Americans were incarcerated in camps, Black folks from the Jim Crow South migrated West to Los Angeles and settled in spaces that were previously occupied by Japanese Americans. After being released from internment camps, Japanese Americans found themselves having to integrate with their Black counterparts. Fearing being put back into camps, they tried to prove themselves worthy of earning back their constitutional rights by working hard. As policing and white fearmongering intensified in these communities, Japanese Americans were further invoked as a "model minority" for being able to rise up economically after their internment.

But that status didn't necessarily translate into divides between Japanese American and Black communities themselves. Kurashige cites stories of an African American elder who delivered care packages and letters to his Japanese friends when they were first put into temporary assembly centers before they were interned, and another story of a Black woman who sent high school yearbook copies to her Japanese American classmates who had been put in camps. When politicians and media stoked fears of "race riots" upon Japanese Americans being released from internment, one Black activist told the media, "I have nothing against the return of the Japanese."

"A friend who was a waitress at this cherished, now demolished, bowling alley in Crenshaw in Los Angeles said she would serve udon noodles to African American customers who were having lunch with their Japanese American friends eating grits," Kurashige said. "You can find solidarity moments like this all over the place when we shift the framework. We can still be concerned about racism and white supremacy, but we don't have to center whiteness and white ideologies all the time."

Movements of solidarity between both communities are even more widespread and out in the opentoday. Like many Americans this summer, Asian Americans ralliedaround Black Lives Matter protests and vowed to interrogate anti-Blackness within their communities. "I'm tired of the Asian community being quiet or missing in action when it's time to side with our Black brothers and sisters," one Asian American activist who joined the Black Lives Matter protests in Austin, Texas, told Vox last June. And now Black activists have joined the fight at recent rallies in New York and California, calling attention to the resurgence of anti-Asian violence. Heartwarming videos circulated on social media showing Black people chanting things like, "We are on these streets fighting for Asian lives."

Healing is happening at the community level, too. Last May, Pastor Chang led an effort to bring Black and Asian communities together by hosting a three-part panel series titled " Interconnected," in which they discussed racial biases and the deep-rooted history of Black and Asian American conflicts. And in the aftermath of the police killing of George Floyd, Ray brought together two churches a mile apart from each other - an African American church and an Asian American church - to lead a historic solidarity march for Black lives in Chicago.

"If you take a holistic look at our history, I truly believe that Asian Americans have more in common with the African American community than with the white community in America," Pastor Chang said. "The fact that many people don't know that shows how historically malnourished we are and how fragmented our understanding of history is."

In addition to understanding this history, Alicia Garza, co-founder of Black Lives Matter and principal of Black Futures Lab, said it's important to continue fostering these interracial relationships. Without these interracial relations and solidarity movements, she said, white nationalist groups will end up benefiting if Black and Asian communities are seen at conflict with each other instead of addressing the overall problem of systemic racism and white supremacy head on.

"We need to make sure that we're not falling into the wedges and the traps that get set for us," Garza said. "There is a long history of solidarity in Black communities and Asian communities - and those relationships are needed more than ever."

In this moment of racial reckoning, Garza, Pastor Chang, Choi, and others say it's imperative to have difficult and uncomfortable yet meaningful conversations across all racial groups to understand one another's collective struggles.

"We have to enter into the stories of other people and understand how their communities have been shaped and formed, and why they are the way they are," Pastor Chang said. "That comes through learning, unlearning and relearning, because there's a lot of misconception and misunderstanding around how we actually got to where we are today."

Ultimately, the pandemic has exposed the cracks in America's society, bringing forth the layers of systemic racism and legacies of injustice that many Americans have chosen not to pay attention to until now. And it's not only up to Black and Asian American communities to do the work of building solidarity - it's the responsibility of all Americans to understand the role that white supremacy has played in creating these rifts that are exploited again and again.

"The crisis for me is not that there's this intractable clash of cultures between Black and Asian Americans," Kurashige said. "The crisis is systemic: It is Covid-19, the persistence of white nationalism, police brutality, and these really anti-human discourses and practices that are at the center of so much of what's wrong in our country's history."

"We need dramatic change," he added. "Radical solutions never come from the top down. They start off with groups at the grassroots level breaking through the status quo."

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The history of tensions - and solidarity - between Black and Asian American communities, explained

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Against the backdrop of anti-racism protests last summer, racist violence was surging in Chinatowns and Asian American communities across the country. In July, an 89-year-old Chinese woman was set on fire while walking on the streetafter being slapped in the face in Brooklyn, New York.

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A ‘History of Exclusion, of Erasure, of Invisibility.’ Why the Asian-American Story Is Missing From Many U.S. Classrooms

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A ‘History of Exclusion, of Erasure, of Invisibility.’ Why the Asian-American Story Is Missing From Many U.S. Classrooms

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Why the Asian-American Story Is Missing From U.S. Classrooms

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Educators tell TIME that anti-Asian racism is directly linked to how the AAPI community is often depicted in U.S. history lessons

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Asian Americans K-12 Education Curriculum

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Asian Americans K-12 Education Curriculum

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"With all of the turmoil and racism occurring everywhere since the onset of COVID-19, having stories about the long-overlooked histories of Asian Americans is more timely and needed than ever. As the Engagement and Education Partner for the film, we are equally proud to also serve as the lead in developing the curriculum of 36 lesson plans. We hope our curriculum will continue the dialogue inspired by the film and further stimulate the current perspectives and future actions of students all over the nation."

-Stewart and Patricia Kwoh

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Asian Americans K-12 Education Curriculum

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"With all of the turmoil and racism occurring everywhere since the onset of COVID-19, having stories about the long-overlooked histories of Asian Americans is more timely and needed than ever. As the Engagement and Education Partner for the film, we are equally proud to also serve as the lead in developing the curriculum of 36 lesson plans.

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aapi personal safety training oakland tickets

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Eventbrite - Tuff Love Fitness presents AAPI Personal Safety Training - Sunday, April 11, 2021 at Lincoln Square Park, Oakland, CA. Find event and ticket information.

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Solidarity in Action - Self-Defense w/ “Killer Bee” Bi Nguyen

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Solidarity in Action - Self-Defense w/ “Killer Bee” Bi Nguyen

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AAPI Women Lead

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Solidarity in Action- Self-Defense with "Killer Bee" Bi Nguyen

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How parents can support kids through (and beyond) the latest wave of anti-Asian American violence

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How parents can support kids through (and beyond) the latest wave of anti-Asian American violence

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hate crime: how parents can support kids through the latest wave of anti-asian american violence - cnn

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Analysis: How parents can support kids through (and beyond) the latest wave of anti-Asian American violence

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With Tuesday's murders of several Asian women in Atlanta, Christine Koh offers Asian parents help to address their kids' reasonable fears and mental anguish and for non-Asian parents to raise compassionate kids who embrace a diverse world.

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I’m Helping My Korean-American Daughter Embrace Her Identity to Counter Racism

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I’m Helping My Korean-American Daughter Embrace Her Identity to Counter Racism

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I’m Helping My Korean-American Daughter Embrace Her Identity to Counter Racism (Published 2021)

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“I’m not sure Asian-American families can avoid ‘the talk’ any longer,” one expert said.

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Check out our book, written by the Right To Be team, for you.

Order a copy of our first book, I've Got Your Back: The Indispensable Guide to Stopping Harassment When You See It by Emily May and Jorge Arteaga. I've Got Your Back will take you through the 5Ds of bystander intervention: Distract, Delegate, Document, Delay, and Direct, with each chapter diving deeply into how to put these 5Ds in action - whether you witness harassment in public, online, or at work.

I've Got Your Back is an invaluable resource in creating a new vision for our communities - one where we stand up for our neighbors, and our neighbors stand up for us.

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Right To Be is empowering everyone to create a world without harassment and filled with humanity.

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Sun Cha's family asked me to serve as organizer for this GoFundMe. Here is her story, as written from her family:

On Tuesday March 16th, my grandmother, Sun Cha Kim, and seven other victims were brutally shot and murdered by Mr. Long. This senseless tragedy has caused my family and I an immense amount of pain, our world is forever shattered and tainted by the actions of Mr. Long. My grandmother was an angel, to have her taken away in such a horrific manner is unbearable to think about. As an immigrant, all my grandmother ever wanted in life was to grow old with my grandfather, and watch her children and grandchildren live the life she never got to live.

I would like to tell you a little about my grandmother. She migrated to the USA from Seoul, South Korea to provide for a better life for my family. Like many asian immigrants, she spoke very little English and worked two to three jobs. This took immense courage and my grandmother was a fighter. She was married to a loving husband who she planned to grow old with. She has two children. A loving son, a loving daughter, and three beautiful grandchildren. Outside of our immediate family, everyone that met my grandmother loved her dearly. She was pure hearted and the most selfless woman I knew. She represented everything I wanted to be as a woman, without an ounce of hate or bitterness in her heart. People that were close to me, knew that my grandmother was my rock. To have her taken away as a perfectly healthy elderly woman by such a heinous crime broke my heart. I will never see her again but I am left with only happy memories of her and the beautiful life she lived. She never forgot to call me once a week to say "Stay strong in life... when you're happy, I'm happy."

Any support we receive is greatly appreciated. Donations will help us provide her a beautiful memorial and funeral. Words can not describe how we feel, along with the other victim's families during these hard times. You can also help by raising awareness and coming together as Americans to love all who love all.

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In loving memory of Sun Cha Kim, organized by Hillary Li

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Sun Cha's family asked me to serve as organizer for this GoFundMe. Here is her story, as written from her family: On Tuesday March 16th, my grandmother, Sun Cha Kim, and seven other victims were brutally shot and murdered by Mr. Long.

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Educator resource by Naomi O’Brien & LaNesha Tabb

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GFM for sons of slain victim Hyun Jung Grant (maiden name Kim)

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GFM for sons of slain victim Hyun Jung Grant (maiden name Kim)

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My mother, Hyun Jung Grant( maiden name Kim), was one of the victims of the shootings in Atlanta, Georgia at Gold Spa. This is something that should never happen to anyone. She was a single mother who dedicated her whole life to providing for my brother and I. It is only my brother and I in the United States. The rest of my family is in South Korea and are unable to come. She was one of my best friends and the strongest influence on who we are today. Losing her has put a new lens on my eyes on the amount of hate that exists in our world. As much as I want to grieve and process the reality that she is gone, I have a younger brother to take care of and matters to resolve as a result of this tragedy. Frankly, I have no time to grieve for long. I will need to figure out the living situation for my brother and I for the next few months, possibly year. As of now I have been advised to move out of my current home within the end of March to save money and find a new place to live. My biggest priority right now is to put my mother to rest and plan out the funeral but due to some legal complications, I am unable to obtain my mother's body. I don't think I'll be able to figure out this whole situation along with legal matters if given 2 weeks to move out. Any donation will be used as funds for basic living necessities for my brother and I such as food, bills, and other expenses. I wish to stay in my current home for at least one more month to sort everything out. Any amount would be forever appreciated. Please everyone just stay safe and check up on your friends and loved ones that may feel endangered.

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In memory of HyunJungKim to support my brother & I, organized by Randy Park

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My mother, Hyun Jung Grant( maiden name Kim), was one of the victims of the shootings in Atlanta, Georgia at Gold Spa. This is something that should never happen to anyone. She was a single mother who dedicated her whole life to providing for my brother and I.

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Support Georgia’s Asian American Community

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Support Georgia’s Asian American Community

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Donate to Asian Americans Advancing Justice-Atlanta

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Below you'll find resources that have been gathered to help individuals educate others, take action, donate, and more.

Anti-Asian racism and violent attacks on Asian elderly have only increased in recent months. Since COVID-19 became news in the United States, hate speech and violence against the AAPI community has run rampant. In February 2021, attacks, particularly on elderly Asian Americans, have spiked. Unfortunately, many of these incidents are not being reported and are invisible to major media outlets. We hope to change this by offering the following resources with our community. Please join us in taking action whether it's by educating yourself and others around you or donating to non-profit organizations.

Statistics

40% of U.S. adults believe "it has become more common for people to express racist views toward Asians since the pandemic began" (Source: Pew Research) More than 1,800 racist incidents against Asian Americans were reported between March and May of 2020, according to a United Nations Report (Source: CBS News) Stop AAPI Hate National Report (March 19, 2020 - February 28, 2021) has received a staggering 3,795 reports of anti-Asian hate incidents. (Source: Stop AAPI Hate)

newest updates

"...He was pretty much fed up, and kind of at [the] end of his rope, and yesterday was a really bad day for him and this is what he did," Capt Jay Baker of the Cherokee County sheriff's office. (Source: The Hill)

This "bad day" ended the lives of 8 individuals and permanently changed the lives of their families.
Say their names. Share their stories.

soon chung park, 74
suncha kim, 69
yong ae yue, 63
hyun jung grant, 51
xiaojie tan, 49
delaina yaun, 33
daoyou feng, 44
paul andre michels, 54

(Source: The washington post)

News articles

Resources to educate

allyship

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Report an Incident

mental health

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Corporate Statements

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( Made with Carrd )

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Anti-Asian racism and violent attacks on Asian elderly have only increased in recent months. Since COVID-19 became news in the United States, hate speech and violence against the AAPI community has run rampant. In February 2021, attacks, particularly on elderly Asian Americans, have spiked. Unfortunately, many of these

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A Literary Guide to Combat Anti-Asian Racism in America

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A Literary Guide to Combat Anti-Asian Racism in America

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If you enjoy reading Electric Literature, join our mailing list! We'll send you the best of EL each week, and you'll be the first to know about upcoming submissions periods and virtual events.

In the last year, the Asian American community has seen an onslaught of verbal harassment and physical attacks, triggered by the onset of COVID-19-still called "the Chinese virus" by many Americans. Despite the continued violence, however, U.S. media has kept relatively silent on the matter. As Anne Cheng writes for The New York Times, "When it comes to Asian-American grief, do Americans want to know?"

We've compiled this list as a way to better understand the deep roots of Asian American discrimination in the U.S. We hope we can help amplify the urgent need to acknowledge anti-Asian racism and the complexity of Asian American identity today. Staying silent exacerbates the portrayal of Asian Americans as the "model minority," ignoring the violent and potentially fatal consequences of anti-Asian racism. This, in turn, creates internal division within BIPOC communities, de-validates Asian American experiences, and continues to perpetuate the vicious cycle of white supremacy. We'd like to emphasize that we should not look towards increased policing as a way to combat the violence; the U.S. police force-as these books note -is a system that perpetuates anti-Black violence and upholds white supremacy. Combating anti-Asian racism means looking beyond the black-and-white binary of racial discussions in America, and understanding how white supremacy pits minority against minority.

The term "Asian America" itself encompasses a broad array of nationalities and accompanying differences; though we've approached this list with an eye towards a variety of perspectives, we recognize we are constrained by our own experiences as Korean American and Chinese writers. While we have tried to include a variety of genres, this is also a limited introduction to an array of books on this topic. However, we hope it offers a starting point to better understand the systematic structures of racism, inequity, and silencing that have let anti-Asian violence in America flourish. If you're moved to take action against anti-Asian violence and help those who have been affected, here is a site of compiled resources; Next Shark is also a non-profit media source that addresses Asian American issues, particularly those that have gone unseen in mainstream media.

Thank you to Dieu Ho, Matt Chan, Jayne Nguyen, Kiki Nakamura-Koyama, and Dana Nguyen for sharing their book recommendations!

Beginning with "Is Diversity for White People?," Chang's collection of essays is a thorough look at how racial inequity functions in America today. Through personal reflection, cultural analysis, and journalism, Chang tackles topics like Ferguson, Black Lives Matter, and the whiteness of Hollywood. The last essay, "The In-Betweens: On Asian Americanness," addresses the unique predicament of Asian Americans in this country, contextualizing it within the broader discourse of race in the U.S. Chang emphasizes the necessity of Asian American communities standing in solidarity with movements like BLM; as he states in an interview, "I think racial justice impacts us all, and now is not the time to be neutral."

A mix of personal anecdotes, journalism, and legal analysis, Yellow offers an intersectional way of dissecting race beyond Black and white. Wu questions the absence of the Asian perspective in America's discussion around race and touches on the complex ideas that have led to our understanding of Asian America via the model minority myth, perpetual foreigner stereotype, affirmation action, interracial marriage, and more.

We may think that jokes about cheap junk being "made in China" are a recent phenomenon. The truth is that this anxiety surrounding Asian influences, or "yellow peril," has been around in Europe since the Enlightenment. Scholars Tchen and Yeats compile a comprehensive archive of "yellow peril" paraphernalia and offer critical insight into this Western paranoia, shedding new light on the structures of current-day anti-Asian sentiments.

An homage to W. E. B. Du Bois's classic The Souls of Black Folk, Vijay Prashad's The Karma of Brown Folk takes a look at the complexities of being South Asian in America. Prashad gives a complex analysis of the model minority myth, particularly as it is deployed against Black America. He takes a deeper look at both Indian and American history, tracing the ways in which Indian culture and thinkers have influenced American issues, and explores not only how South Asian American identity is defined, but also how Americans define and view themselves.

Written by psychotherapist Shinhee Han and critic David L. Eng, Racial Melancholia, Racial Dissociation combines critical race theory with case studies to explore the predicaments Asian American young adults face. Han and Eng take a closer look at Gen X and Gen Y Asian Americans who deal with challenges such as depression, coming out, adoption, parachute children, and a racial discourse in America that excludes Asian America. Eng and Han use psychoanalysis to illuminate the larger social and historical questions and challenges around Asian American identity in our times. Throughout the book, Eng and Han explore and define the concepts of racial melancholia and racial dissociation, taking a closer look at the experiences of loss so many Asian Americans face.

Immigrant Acts is a well-researched, nuanced look at how Asian American culture and identity have been constructed in the U.S. today. Lowe offers acute analysis of Asian American texts (such as No-No Boy), legal proceedings, and historical events-including the history of interracial division within Asian America. In order to better understandthe systems of inequity-like racism, capitalism, and neoliberalism-that help shape and reinforce anti-Asian violence, this academic studyis a must-read.

A radical look into the reality of walking through the world as an Asian American, Cathy Park Hong's Minor Feelings weaves the personal with the political and brings the tough questions around race and identity to the table. The title phrase, "minor feelings" refers to the sense of American optimism that is often forced onto Asian Americans; consequently, Asian Americans often experience a cognitive dissonance that creates a sense of failure. Going beyond the theoretical, Hong grounds us in lived experiences that perhaps create more questions than answers, and opens the table for actual discussion.

Asian American racialization, economics, and the U.S. empire take center stage in this academic study. Analyzing geopolitical events alongside media representations of Asian America, Bascara tracks how the model minority myth and Asian American assimilation interact with American imperialism. Ultimately, Model Minority Imperialism challenges readers to examine the current-day U.S. empire, particularly how it is rooted in racial exclusion.

Asian American Dreams looks into the time period when the Asian population in America grew and Asian American identity began to form. The daughter of Chinese immigrants, Helen Zia was born in 1950s America when there were only 150,000 Chinese Americans in the country. From the murder of Vincent Chin to the LA Riots, this book is a historical and personal account of the events that have transformed Asian identity in America. Zia is also the author of Last Boat Out of Shanghai: The Epic Story of the Chinese Who Fled Mao's Revolution, a dramatic account of the real-life stories of those who fled China during the Cultural Revolution, when Zia's family first left for the States.

Chia-Chia Lin's debut novel The Unpassing tells the story of a Taiwanese immigrant family of six struggling to make ends meet in Anchorage, Alaska. Against the bleak and cold backdrop of Alaskan winter, ten-year-old Gavin contracts meningitis at school, falls into a coma and wakes a week later to find out his little sister Ruby was infected and died. As grief envelops the family, we see the remaining five members of the family struggle to stay afloat, navigate marginalization and alienation, and search for a sense of belonging in a foreign land. What does it mean to lose the ones you love in a place that is not home? What does it mean when there is no home to return to?

No-No Boy received practically no public recognition upon its publication in 1957, when Americans wanted to leave behind the atrocities of WWII-including the Japanese American internment and the nuclear bomb. Thanks to the efforts of Asian American writers Jeff Chan, Frank Chin, Lawson Fusao Inada and Shawn Wong who reissued the novel in 1976, No-No Boy is now recognized as a canonical Asian American text, one that deals head-on with the long history of anti-Asian racism.

The protagonist, Ichiro Nakada, refuses to serve in the American army and pledge loyalty to the U.S., remembering how the same country forced him and his family into internment. Because of his "No"s, Ichiro is forced to go to prison; and finds himself the target of his community's anger upon his return. Okada's novel examines both the collective and individual trauma of racialized violence against Japanese Americans.

I Hotel by Karen Tei Yamashita

This wide-ranging novel centers on "I Hotel"-short for the International Hotel in San Francisco-as a way to explore the Yellow Power Movement in the '60s. The Yellow Power Movement-started by UC Berkeley students who were inspired by the Black Power Movement-is credited with coining the term "Asian American". I Hotel is meticulously researched, including memorabilia like pamphlets and news clippings from the era; it is also radical in experimentation as well as content, exploring with multimedia modes like comic strips. Yamashita poignantly conveys the historical struggle for Asian American rights, and the many shifting identities the term "Asian American" can encompass.

Set in both New York and China, The Leavers follows a Chinese American boy whose undocumented mother Polly vanishes one day. Deming Guo-later renamed Daniel Wilkinson by his white adoptive parents-is forced to reckon with what it means to be an "all-American" whose sense of belonging has vanished. What does it mean to belong? Does assimilation mean learning a new language, a new home, a new family, a new house, or a new name? And what happens to the person you used to be?

In Castillo's debut novel, Hero De Vera moves from a politically turbulent Philippines to suburban San Jose. America is Not the Heart explores social inequity and racism amidst the Filipinx American community, as well as what it means to pursue the "American Dream." Castillo also pays careful attention to the code-switching that often happens for immigrant families; her characters speak Spanish, Tagalog, Pangasinan, and Ilocano. The title nods to Carlos Bulosan's groundbreaking novel from the 1970s, America is in the Heart, which describes a Filipino migrant worker's experiences with brutal racism on a California farm. For more books on Filipinx America, check out Castillo's reading list.

About the Authors

Jae-Yeon Yoo is an MA candidate in English at New York University.

Stefani Kuo (郭佳怡) is a poet/playwright/performer and native of Hong Kong and Taiwan. She received her B.A. from Yale and is an MFA Playwriting Candidate at the Yale School of Drama. Fluent in Cantonese, Mandarin, French, and English, she is interested in crafting multicultural, multilingual narratives for an international audience. She has been an awardee of the Jerome Fellowship at PWC, Dramatist Guild Fellowship, finalist for the National Playwrights Conference, Jerome fellowship at Lanesboro Arts Centre, Many Voices Fellowship at PWC, the Working Farm with SPACE on Ryder Farm, Van Lier New Voices Fellowship, NAP Series, DVRF Playwrights' Program, BRIC Lab, semi-finalist for the Page 73 Playwriting Fellowship, Princess Grace Fellowship, Ground Floor at Berkeley Rep, Scratchpad Series at Playwrights Realm. Her play, Architecture of Rain, premiered at the Iseman Theatre at Yale and received a reading in the DVRF Roundtable and Checkmark Theatre Company series. She has received commissions from the Rubin Museum, Roundhouse Theater Company, and Yangtze Repertory Theater Company. Her play delicacy of a puffin heart was produced with the 2018 Corkscrew Theatre Festival and The Parsnip Ship. Her play on the Hong Kong protests, Final Boarding Call,will be presented as a virtual reading co-produced by WP and Ma-Yi Theater Company in March 2021, and was workshopped as a part of the 2020 Bay Area Playwrights Festival at Playwrights Foundation and the 2020 Irons in the Fire Series with Faultline Theater Company. It was also a semi-finalist for Barrington Stage' Company's Burman New Play Award. Her play on the work of Dr. Wu Chien-Shiung, the only Chinese woman to work on the Manhattan Project, will be workshopped and co-presented by the Kitchen and Ma-Yi Theater Company in March 2021. She was a member of Interstate-73, Page 73's Writers Group, in 2019. Her work in creative non-fiction, poetry, and translation have appeared in The New York Times, China Hands, Yale Literary Magazine, and more. Her poetry has been displayed as an installation piece, as part of Berlin Art Week 2017 at the Centre of Substructured Loss. She is represented as a playwright by Kevin Lin at CAA and Jacob Epstein at Lighthouse Management. ( www.stefanikuo.com)

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A Literary Guide to Combat Anti-Asian Racism in America - Electric Literature

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If you enjoy reading Electric Literature, join our mailing list! We'll send you the best of EL each week, and you'll be the first to know about upcoming submissions periods and virtual events. In the last year, the Asian American community has seen an onslaught of verbal harassment and physical attacks, triggered by the onset of COVID-19-still called "the Chinese virus" by many Americans.

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By Alaina Leary
If you're shopping for books to give as end-of-year or even as thank-goodness-2020-is-over gifts, consider shopping small and give back to an independent bookstore this season, since many are struggling due to the impact of the pandemic on sales. According to the American Booksellers Association, 20 percent of all independent bookstores in the US are in danger of closing; let's support them. This list of US-based diverse-owned* bookstores is meant to be a starting place and a guide. If you have a local favorite, find out if they're open and if they're selling online or doing curbside pickup.

Our definition of diversity

We recognize all diverse experiences, including (but not limited to) LGBTQIA, Native, people of color, gender diversity, people with disabilities*, and ethnic, cultural, and religious minorities.
*We subscribe to a broad definition of disability, which includes but is not limited to physical, sensory, cognitive, intellectual, or developmental disabilities, chronic conditions, and mental illnesses (this may also include addiction). Furthermore, we subscribe to a social model of disability, which presents disability as created by barriers in the social environment, due to lack of equal access, stereotyping, and other forms of marginalization.
Black-owned bookstores

Native- and Indigenous-owned bookstores

Latinx-owned bookstores

Asian-owned bookstores

LGBTQ+-owned bookstores

Jewish-owned bookstores

Muslim-owned bookstores
Do you know of a diverse-owned bookstore that should be on this list? Email Alaina at alainalavoie@diversebooks.org to be added!
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Alaina (Lavoie) is the communications manager of We Need Diverse Books. She also teaches in the graduate department of Writing, Literature, and Publishing at Emerson College and is a book reviewer for Booklist. She received a 2017 Bookbuilders of Boston scholarship for her work in the publishing industry. Her writing has been published in New York Times, Teen Vogue, Cosmopolitan, Refinery29, Allure, Healthline, Glamour, The Oprah Magazine, and more. She currently lives in Boston with her wife and their two literary cats. Follow her @AlainasKeys on Instagram and Twitter.

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Diverse-Owned Bookstores You Can Support Right Now

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By Alaina Leary If you're shopping for books to give as end-of-year or even as thank-goodness-2020-is-over gifts, consider shopping small and give back to an independent bookstore this season, since many are struggling due to the impact of the pandemic on sales.

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The Cat is Out of the Bag: Orientalism, AntiBlackness, and White Supremacy in Dr. Seuss's Children's Books

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An intimate four-hour series from Henry Louis Gates, Jr.

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Christian Hall was adopted by multiethnic parents, Fe and Gareth Hall, shortly before his first birthday. Unfortunately, Fe and Gareth would not get to spend more than two decades with their loving son.

Christian Hall, a 19yo Chinese American teen, experienced a mental health emergency on December 30, 2020. Pennsylvania State Police were called and requested to help de-escalate the crisis. But rather than providing aid or assistance, the troopers shot and killed Christian. His hands were up in the air as he stood on the SR-33 southbound overpass to I-80, posing no threat to the armed officers, when they wasted no time in ending his young life.

We often fight for justice for marginalized Black victims, but situations like this remind us all of the need to step up and fight for justice for all marginalized people in America today, including this young man whose life ended far too early.

Christian is not alone in his tragic and unjustifiable death. Many minorities -- Black, Asian, and Hispanic alike -- continue to witness lives like Christian's ended by police during mental health crises and realize they too may face great danger by calling 911 for help. This should NOT be the case.

We need a way to protect our marginalized communities, including those who deal with mental health struggles and those who face racial disparities daily.

Christian's life was full of possibilities. Let's honor his life by fighting for change and preventing this same fate from happening to other minorities who simply needed help.

Police departments must enact changes to prevent future tragedies for other minorities. Law enforcement should preserve precious lives, not take them.

Demand Pennsylvania AG take the over the Christian Hall Investigation. Sign petition now!

Justice for Christian Hall

By providing this information, you agree to receive emails, calls, and text messages from Ben Crump Law PLLC and its affiliated entities about this issue, along with news and opportunities on how to get involved in the pursuit of justice. You may unsubscribe from emails at any time. Text STOP to stop receiving messages. Message and data rates may apply.

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Christian Hall was adopted by multiethnic parents, Fe and Gareth Hall, shortly before his first birthday. Unfortunately, Fe and Gareth would not get to spend more than two decades with their loving son. Christian Hall, a 19yo Chinese American teen, experienced a mental health emergency on December 30, 2020.

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Update: Please be advised any money donated to change.org for this petition goes directly to change.org and not Mr. Vicha family. My Vicha family has a fundraiser on GoFundMe.
At 8:30 am on Thursday Jan. 28, 2021, an 84-year-old man Vicha Ratanapakdee, who moved to San Francisco from Thailand to take care of his grandkids, went out for a walk just like any other day. No one would think he would be murdered and never came home to his family again. Mr. Ratanapakdee was killed in a seemingly unprovoked attack last week in San Francisco by a 19-year-old named Antoine Watson with his partner, 20 year old Maylasia Goo who acted as the runaway driver. Racism has once again proven deadly. Anti-Asian racism has become a very serious danger to all Asian Americans around the US.

It's time the authorities took serious action to combat it.

We demand Mayor London Breed and Cheda Boudin take responsibility in murders of Asians in S.F. and we demand action in this despicable case. The perpetrator has been identified, and is in jail awaiting court process. Mr.Vicha Ratanapakdee died from his injuries, so we demand that prosecution for this murderous hate crime be sought as the only path to secure justice and ensure community safety.
The Thai-American community therefore calls for justice for Mr. Wicharat Rattanapakdee.
*** หมายเหตุ : หลังจากที่เพื่อนๆได้ร่วมลงชื่อแล้ว ทาง CHANGE อาจถามถึงการ chip in (หรือการบริจาคเงิน) ให้กับองค์กร change.org ซึ่งการบริจาคตรงนี้ เพื่อไปช่วยโปรโมตให้การ petition นี้เปิดการมองเห็นและแชร์ออกไปได้มากขึ้น แต่เงินที่ chip in ตรงนี้ จะไม่ใช่เงินบริจาคเพื่อไปช่วยเหลือครอบครัวคุณลุงโดยตรง หากต้องการบริจาค ช่วยเหลือครอบครัวของคุณลุงวิชา ต้องไปที่นี่ค่ะ
https://www.gofundme.com/f/84yearold-killed-in-san-francisco

เช้าวันพฤหัสที่ 28 มกราคม .. เหมือนเช้าวันอื่นๆที่ คุณลุงวิชัยเดินออกกำลังกายแถวละแวกบ้านในซานฟรานซิสโก เช่นที่เคยทำ .. แต่ การเดินเล่นเช้าวันนั้น ไม่มีใครรู้ว่า.. คุณลุงจะไม่ได้กลับบ้าน มาหาครอบครัวอีกชั่วนิรันดร์

คุณลุงถูกทำร้ายโดยชายหนุ่มวัย 19 ปี และมีแฟนสาวที่สมรู้ร่วมคิดขับรถพาหนี

การเหยียดสีผิว และ เชื้อชาติ เป็นสาเหตุแห่งการตายของคุณลุงวิชัย และเป็นอันตรายอย่างใหญ่หลวงต่อชนชาวเอเชียในสหรัฐในปัจจุบัน

ถึงเวลาแล้ว ที่ทางการจะพิจารณาหามาตรการอย่างจริงจังที่จะต่อสู้กับการเหยียดผิว

เราเรียกร้องให้ นายกเทศมนตรี ของ นครซานฟรานซิสโก ลอนดอน บรีด และ อัยการเขต เชดา บูดิน รับผิดชอบในคดีฆาตกรรมชาวเอเชียใน S.F.

เราเรียกร้องให้ดำเนินการอย่างเด็ดขาดในกรณีที่ต่ำทรามเช่นนี้ ณ​ ตอนนี้ ได้จับกุมตัวผู้กระทำความผิดแล้ว และอยู่ระหว่างการจำคุกเพื่อรอกระบวนการของศาล และการที่นายวิชา รัตนภักดีเสียชีวิตจาก อาการบาดเจ็บการดำเนินคดีอย่างหนักสำหรับอาชญากรรมที่ก่อให้เกิดความเกลียดชังนี้ เป็นหนทางเดียวที่จะนำไปสู่ความยุติธรรมและความปลอดภัยของชุมชน

ชุมชนไทย-อเมริกันจึงขอเรียกร้องความเป็นธรรมเพื่อ นาย วิชา รัตนภักดี
Mayor London Breed

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Update: Please be advised any money donated to change.org for this petition goes directly to change.org and not Mr. Vicha family. My Vicha family has a fundraiser on GoFundMe. At 8:30 am on Thursday Jan. 28, 2021, an 84-year-old man Vicha Ratanapakdee, who moved to San Francisco from Thailand to take care of his grandkids, went out for a walk just like any other day.

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Smithsonian APA webinars

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We are not a stereotype | Learning Together

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The term Bamboo Ceiling was coined by Jane Hyun, an Executive Coach and Global Leadership Strategist. Her book "Breaking the Bamboo Ceiling" provides career strategies for Asian Americans. To learn more about Hyun's work click here .

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Signing Black in America - more about this project at www.talkingblackinamerica.org

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February 1, 2021

By Beatrice Alvarez

This year we are making sure to celebrate Black History Month every single day in February. We want to spotlight a history maker per day with an opportunity to honor these great individuals by learning more about their lives and their contributions. Without further ado, get to know these incredible 28 Black history makers.

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Learn About 28 Black History Makers in 28 Days

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February 1, 2021 By Beatrice Alvarez This year we are making sure to celebrate Black History Month every single day in February. We want to spotlight a history maker per day with an opportunity to honor these great individuals by learning more about their lives and their contributions.

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National Geographic Family: How to Keep Kids Engaged Over Break

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National Geographic Family: How to Keep Kids Engaged Over Break

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Ah, winter break: that time when kids are finally free of classroom instruction and mounds of homework to do, well, pretty much nothing while they're home for a couple weeks.

Of course, this year millions of children are already home-and sometimes doing a little too much nothing. And though parents might be tempted to sit kids down with daily math problems and reading exercises to keep their brains stimulated, educators say rote learning may not be the best approach over the break.

"Students are tired. Teachers are tired," says Emilia Odife, a middle and high school science teacher at Lake Mary Preparatory School in Lake Mary, Florida, and part of the National Geographic education community. "This has been a very difficult time for everybody."

And though concerns about learning loss-regression in academics because of the lack of in-classroom instruction, which could include declines in reading, math, and achievement scores-are legitimate, educators urge parents to keep things in perspective.

"We're all experiencing a global pandemic, and none of this is normal," says Jane Kim,a teacher at the Lexington School for the Deaf in Queens. "Your child is not falling behind. The whole nation is falling behind."

Using winter break as a frantic opportunity to catch up your own child likely isn't going to increase any test scores. But by spending quality time with their children, parents can help kids keep their brains engaged-and that will help make sure they're ready to continue learning once they return to school in January.

One idea from educators is to use everyday activities as educational opportunities, something Odife calls "learning through experiences."

"This break should not be focused so much on content, but rather application of the content," she says. "Anything you do can be a learning experience. Parents were the first teachers before we sent kids to formal school. So we have to trust we know what to do."

Need some ideas to get started? Check out these fun activities from educators to keep your child's brain engaged over winter break.

Teach observation skills through adventure

Whether your family lives in a part of the country that's 15 degrees or 50 degrees, educators advise that parents and caregivers use outdoor adventure to stimulate kids' brains.

For instance, Odife suggests that parents turn walks into meaningful learning conversations. "Talk about snowflakes and (hypothesize about why) snow forms," she says. "See if the kids can figure out what temperature it needs to be when the snow starts falling." (Here's an article about how to get kids outside in chilly weather.)

Parents can also take along a nature app like iNaturalist (a joint initiative between the California Academy of Sciences and the National Geographic Society) so kids and parents can photograph plants and animals, submit photos on the app, and get community feedback as to what they're seeing.

Winter walks are also an opportunity to encourage kids to observe bird and mammal behavior, says Rachael Rost, education specialist at the Topeka Zoo and Conservation Center who's also a part of the National Geographic education community. While they're looking out for animals, children also can keep an eye out for sticks, leaves, and other materials, then imagine what crafts they could use them for at home.

Parents can also turn those collection exercises into games. Becca Patchak, a former high school special education teacher from suburban Chicago, gives her two kids one minute to see how many pinecones they can collect, then asks them to evenly divide their haul.

"Boom!" she says. "Math in real life."

Teach math and science through cooking

The holiday break usually means lots of kitchen time, so turn those meal preparations into impromptu math and science lessons.

Kim says parents can encourage kids to use measuring cups and ask them to double, quadruple or halve recipes. Parents can also talk about how various ingredients, like yeast, affect food.

"Really, that's what cooking is-you're using science to create something delicious," she says. "Let's talk about, 'Why do we add salt to this? Or what will this do?'" (Check out this article about teaching children STEM through cooking techniques.)

Another idea: Encourage kids to explain what they're doing and what's happening to the food in complete sentences to work on language development. ( Find more resources for learning at home from National Geographic Education.)

Teach collaboration through games

Patchak says she's found it helpful to focus on games and challenges that require her family to work together: complex jigsaw puzzles, charades, or even games like Forbidden Island, in which players use collective strategies to keep an island from sinking.

"When you have to work together, it brings out the best in everyone," she says. "You see people helping each other instead of putting each other down or being so competitive."

Patchak also recommends that parents schedule time to read books alongside their kids. "Make sure your children see you reading and talking about your printed book," she says. "Then they see it's a normal activity to do." (Here's how to start a family book club.)

Teach life skills-and maybe get some downtime!

Rebecca Nelson, a clinical child and adolescent psychologist in the NorthShore University HealthSystem in suburban Chicago, says winter break is ideal for kids to learn adaptive skills that they might not be learning in school but need for everyday life.

She suggests things like how to address an envelope, how to cook pasta without burning it, how to organize a bookshelf, how to manage money, how to handwrite a letter. (For her high-school-senior daughter, it's all about the laundry.) For older kids, Nelson says parents might ask, "What are some things that, as you're getting older, would be good for you to become competent in?"

Tiphany Vietor, a kindergarten teacher in Farmington Hills, Michigan, suggests having kids write out grocery lists. This can help develop writing skills as well as logic skills, as children start to learn about ingredients for meals.

For car rides, she recommends coming up with time challenges, as she did when she'd ask her youngest child to use the car clock to tell her "What was it 23 minutes ago?"

Says Vietor: "There's so much learning that can go on that you can sneak in-the kids just won't know."

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How to keep kids engaged over the holiday break

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Ah, winter break: that time when kids are finally free of classroom instruction and mounds of homework to do, well, pretty much nothing while they're home for a couple weeks. Of course, this year millions of children are already home-and sometimes doing a little too much nothing.

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Educators are acutely aware of the impact of systemic racism and the inequities that exist in the education system. Because of this, we are uniquely positioned to create immediate, positive change in the fight against anti-Black racism.

In this four-part series, we will explore tools for anti-racist teaching and will consider the ways in which we can use media and media literacy to deepen our understanding of systemic racism. Wherever you are in your social justice journey, this series is designed to introduce you to curated anti-racism resources, support your own learnings of anti-Black racism, help you discover innovative ways to integrate media into inclusive teaching practices, and show you how to amplify your Black students' voices and experiences. By attending, you will reflect on your role in systemic oppression within education, and leave with new tools and ideas for creating lasting change in their classrooms.

We are part of a movement: a widespread promise to our families and our neighbors that we will be ongoing, engaged participants in civic actions designed to root out racism, end police brutality, amplify, honor, respect and remember Black Lives Matter.

PBS will provide a certificate of attendance for each one hour virtual professional learning event.

Deepening Your Understanding of Race and Racism
July 21 @12 PM ET
As educators, we have a deep responsibility to confront racial injustice, and ensure that we create anti-racist classroom environments. This includes our own ongoing reflection and learning. In this one hour event we will explore the role media plays in our collective understanding about race and racism, and how educators can use media to disrupt white supremacy and systemic oppression of Black people in America. This is a live event, so you will have the opportunity to ask our guests questions. Come prepared for a rich, deep, and honest conversation that will not only help you gain a deeper understanding of the roots of systemic racism, and how anti-Black racism impacts our daily lives, but also guide you as you reflect on your own role and responsibilities as an educator.

Download your certificate of attendance here.
Using Media to Know Better, Teach Better

July 23 @12 PM ET

When conversations of racial injustice and equity arise, many educators find themselves reacting in the moment, without being prepared for these important conversations. In this series, we'll introduce steps you can take to be proactive, starting with a focus on media literacy. In the second episode of our four part series, "Tools for Anti-Racist Teaching," we'll explore ways in which you can use media to know better and teach better. The current media landscape is oversaturated, and it's sometimes hard to analyze which resources are best, especially around topics of racism and oppression. This conversation is designed to help educators analyze and evaluate media, and provide important context so you can meaningfully shape your anti-racist classroom planning and practices. We'll also focus on ways in which you can use these media literacy tools to empower yourself and your students to change classroom and personal practice.

Download your certificate of attendance here.
July 28 @12 PM ET
Amplify Student Voice

How can media be used as a tool to share messaging, ignite action, and change perspectives for your students? Join us for this one hour conversation to find out. In the third episode of our Virtual Professional Learning Series, Tools for Anti-Racist Teaching, middle and high school students will take center stage. While focusing on student voice, we will explore ways in which educators can use media to support and amplify their students in their own anti-racist learning journeys.
Download your certificate of attendance here.
July 30 @12 PM ET

Focusing on Young Learners
Download your certificate of attendance here.

In the fourth and final episode of our Virtual Professional Learning Series, we will discuss how and when to use media as a tool in anti-racist teaching for young learners. Whether it is in your lessons, practice, or literature you will learn ways to integrate media to guide young learners in developmentally appropriate, anti-racist learning.

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Tools for Anti-Racist Teaching | PBS Education

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Educators are acutely aware of the impact of systemic racism and the inequities that exist in the education system. Because of this, we are uniquely positioned to create immediate, positive change in the fight against anti-Black racism.

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[ASL] The Inauguration of Joe Biden & Kamala Harris

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Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, I need not pause to say how very delighted I am to be here tonight, and how very delighted I am to see you expressing your concern about the issues that will be discussed tonight by turning out in such large numbers. I also want to say that I consider it a great honor to share this program with Dr. Bennett, Dr. Commager, and Rabbi Heschel, some of the most distinguished leaders and personalities of our nation. And of course it's always good to come back to Riverside Church. Over the last eight years, I have had the privilege of preaching here almost every year in that period, and it's always a rich and rewarding experience to come to this great church and this great pulpit.

I come to this great magnificent house of worship tonight because my conscience leaves me no other choice. I join you in this meeting because I am in deepest agreement with the aims and work of the organization that brought us together, Clergy and Laymen Concerned About Vietnam. The recent statements of your executive committee are the sentiments of my own heart, and I found myself in full accord when I read its opening lines: "A time comes when silence is betrayal." That time has come for us in relation to Vietnam.

The truth of these words is beyond doubt, but the mission to which they call us is a most difficult one. Even when pressed by the demands of inner truth, men do not easily assume the task of opposing their government's policy, especially in time of war. Nor does the human spirit move without great difficulty against all the apathy of conformist thought within one's own bosom and in the surrounding world. Moreover, when the issues at hand seem as perplexing as they often do in the case of this dreadful conflict, we are always on the verge of being mesmerized by uncertainty. But we must move on.

Some of us who have already begun to break the silence of the night have found that the calling to speak is often a vocation of agony, but we must speak. We must speak with all the humility that is appropriate to our limited vision, but we must speak. And we must rejoice as well, for surely this is the first time in our nation's history that a significant number of its religious leaders have chosen to move beyond the prophesying of smooth patriotism to the high grounds of a firm dissent based upon the mandates of conscience and the reading of history. Perhaps a new spirit is rising among us. If it is, let us trace its movement, and pray that our inner being may be sensitive to its guidance. For we are deeply in need of a new way beyond the darkness that seems so close around us.

Over the past two years, as I have moved to break the betrayal of my own silences and to speak from the burnings of my own heart, as I have called for radical departures from the destruction of Vietnam, many persons have questioned me about the wisdom of my path. At the heart of their concerns, this query has often loomed large and loud: "Why are you speaking about the war, Dr. King? Why are you joining the voices of dissent?" "Peace and civil rights don't mix," they say. "Aren't you hurting the cause of your people?" they ask. And when I hear them, though I often understand the source of their concern, I am nevertheless greatly saddened, for such questions mean that the inquirers have not really known me, my commitment, or my calling. Indeed, their questions suggest that they do not know the world in which they live. In the light of such tragic misunderstanding, I deem it of signal importance to state clearly, and I trust concisely, why I believe that the path from Dexter Avenue Baptist Church-the church in Montgomery, Alabama, where I began my pastorate-leads clearly to this sanctuary tonight.

I come to this platform tonight to make a passionate plea to my beloved nation. This speech is not addressed to Hanoi or to the National Liberation Front. It is not addressed to China or to Russia. Nor is it an attempt to overlook the ambiguity of the total situation and the need for a collective solution to the tragedy of Vietnam. Neither is it an attempt to make North Vietnam or the National Liberation Front paragons of virtue, nor to overlook the role they must play in the successful resolution of the problem. While they both may have justifiable reasons to be suspicious of the good faith of the United States, life and history give eloquent testimony to the fact that conflicts are never resolved without trustful give and take on both sides. Tonight, however, I wish not to speak with Hanoi and the National Liberation Front, but rather to my fellow Americans.

Since I am a preacher by calling, I suppose it is not surprising that I have seven major reasons for bringing Vietnam into the field of my moral vision. There is at the outset a very obvious and almost facile connection between the war in Vietnam and the struggle I and others have been waging in America. A few years ago there was a shining moment in that struggle. It seemed as if there was a real promise of hope for the poor, both black and white, through the poverty program. There were experiments, hopes, new beginnings. Then came the buildup in Vietnam, and I watched this program broken and eviscerated as if it were some idle political plaything on a society gone mad on war. And I knew that America would never invest the necessary funds or energies in rehabilitation of its poor so long as adventures like Vietnam continued to draw men and skills and money like some demonic, destructive suction tube. So I was increasingly compelled to see the war as an enemy of the poor and to attack it as such.

Perhaps a more tragic recognition of reality took place when it became clear to me that the war was doing far more than devastating the hopes of the poor at home. It was sending their sons and their brothers and their husbands to fight and to die in extraordinarily high proportions relative to the rest of the population. We were taking the black young men who had been crippled by our society and sending them eight thousand miles away to guarantee liberties in Southeast Asia which they had not found in southwest Georgia and East Harlem. So we have been repeatedly faced with the cruel irony of watching Negro and white boys on TV screens as they kill and die together for a nation that has been unable to seat them together in the same schools. So we watch them in brutal solidarity burning the huts of a poor village, but we realize that they would hardly live on the same block in Chicago. I could not be silent in the face of such cruel manipulation of the poor.

My third reason moves to an even deeper level of awareness, for it grows out of my experience in the ghettos of the North over the last three years, especially the last three summers. As I have walked among the desperate, rejected, and angry young men, I have told them that Molotov cocktails and rifles would not solve their problems. I have tried to offer them my deepest compassion while maintaining my conviction that social change comes most meaningfully through nonviolent action. But they asked, and rightly so, "What about Vietnam?" They asked if our own nation wasn't using massive doses of violence to solve its problems, to bring about the changes it wanted. Their questions hit home, and I knew that I could never again raise my voice against the violence of the oppressed in the ghettos without having first spoken clearly to the greatest purveyor of violence in the world today: my own government. For the sake of those boys, for the sake of this government, for the sake of the hundreds of thousands trembling under our violence, I cannot be silent.

For those who ask the question, "Aren't you a civil rights leader?" and thereby mean to exclude me from the movement for peace, I have this further answer. In 1957, when a group of us formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, we chose as our motto: "To save the soul of America." We were convinced that we could not limit our vision to certain rights for black people, but instead affirmed the conviction that America would never be free or saved from itself until the descendants of its slaves were loosed completely from the shackles they still wear. In a way we were agreeing with Langston Hughes, that black bard of Harlem, who had written earlier:

O, yes, I say it plain,
America never was America to me,
And yet I swear this oath-
America will be!

Now it should be incandescently clear that no one who has any concern for the integrity and life of America today can ignore the present war. If America's soul becomes totally poisoned, part of the autopsy must read "Vietnam." It can never be saved so long as it destroys the deepest hopes of men the world over. So it is that those of us who are yet determined that "America will be" are led down the path of protest and dissent, working for the health of our land.

As if the weight of such a commitment to the life and health of America were not enough, another burden of responsibility was placed upon me in 1954.* And I cannot forget that the Nobel Peace Prize was also a commission, a commission to work harder than I had ever worked before for the brotherhood of man. This is a calling that takes me beyond national allegiances.

But even if it were not present, I would yet have to live with the meaning of my commitment to the ministry of Jesus Christ. To me, the relationship of this ministry to the making of peace is so obvious that I sometimes marvel at those who ask me why I am speaking against the war. Could it be that they do not know that the Good News was meant for all men-for communist and capitalist, for their children and ours, for black and for white, for revolutionary and conservative? Have they forgotten that my ministry is in obedience to the one who loved his enemies so fully that he died for them? What then can I say to the Vietcong or to Castro or to Mao as a faithful minister of this one? Can I threaten them with death or must I not share with them my life?

Finally, as I try to explain for you and for myself the road that leads from Montgomery to this place, I would have offered all that was most valid if I simply said that I must be true to my conviction that I share with all men the calling to be a son of the living God. Beyond the calling of race or nation or creed is this vocation of sonship and brotherhood. Because I believe that the Father is deeply concerned, especially for His suffering and helpless and outcast children, I come tonight to speak for them. This I believe to be the privilege and the burden of all of us who deem ourselves bound by allegiances and loyalties which are broader and deeper than nationalism and which go beyond our nation's self-defined goals and positions. We are called to speak for the weak, for the voiceless, for the victims of our nation, for those it calls "enemy," for no document from human hands can make these humans any less our brothers.

And as I ponder the madness of Vietnam and search within myself for ways to understand and respond in compassion, my mind goes constantly to the people of that peninsula. I speak now not of the soldiers of each side, not of the ideologies of the Liberation Front, not of the junta in Saigon, but simply of the people who have been living under the curse of war for almost three continuous decades now. I think of them, too, because it is clear to me that there will be no meaningful solution there until some attempt is made to know them and hear their broken cries.

They must see Americans as strange liberators. The Vietnamese people proclaimed their own independence in 1954-in 1945 rather-after a combined French and Japanese occupation and before the communist revolution in China. They were led by Ho Chi Minh. Even though they quoted the American Declaration of Independence in their own document of freedom, we refused to recognize them. Instead, we decided to support France in its reconquest of her former colony. Our government felt then that the Vietnamese people were not ready for independence, and we again fell victim to the deadly Western arrogance that has poisoned the international atmosphere for so long. With that tragic decision we rejected a revolutionary government seeking self-determination and a government that had been established not by China-for whom the Vietnamese have no great love-but by clearly indigenous forces that included some communists. For the peasants this new government meant real land reform, one of the most important needs in their lives.

For nine years following 1945 we denied the people of Vietnam the right of independence. For nine years we vigorously supported the French in their abortive effort to recolonize Vietnam. Before the end of the war we were meeting eighty percent of the French war costs. Even before the French were defeated at Dien Bien Phu, they began to despair of their reckless action, but we did not. We encouraged them with our huge financial and military supplies to continue the war even after they had lost the will. Soon we would be paying almost the full costs of this tragic attempt at recolonization.

After the French were defeated, it looked as if independence and land reform would come again through the Geneva Agreement. But instead there came the United States, determined that Ho should not unify the temporarily divided nation, and the peasants watched again as we supported one of the most vicious modern dictators, our chosen man, Premier Diem. The peasants watched and cringed and Diem ruthlessly rooted out all opposition, supported their extortionist landlords, and refused even to discuss reunification with the North. The peasants watched as all of this was presided over by United States influence and then by increasing numbers of United States troops who came to help quell the insurgency that Diem's methods had aroused. When Diem was overthrown they may have been happy, but the long line of military dictators seemed to offer no real change, especially in terms of their need for land and peace.

The only change came from America as we increased our troop commitments in support of governments which were singularly corrupt, inept, and without popular support. All the while the people read our leaflets and received the regular promises of peace and democracy and land reform. Now they languish under our bombs and consider us, not their fellow Vietnamese, the real enemy. They move sadly and apathetically as we herd them off the land of their fathers into concentration camps where minimal social needs are rarely met. They know they must move on or be destroyed by our bombs.

So they go, primarily women and children and the aged. They watch as we poison their water, as we kill a million acres of their crops. They must weep as the bulldozers roar through their areas preparing to destroy the precious trees. They wander into the hospitals with at least twenty casualties from American firepower for one Vietcong-inflicted injury. So far we may have killed a million of them, mostly children. They wander into the towns and see thousands of the children, homeless, without clothes, running in packs on the streets like animals. They see the children degraded by our soldiers as they beg for food. They see the children selling their sisters to our soldiers, soliciting for their mothers.

What do the peasants think as we ally ourselves with the landlords and as we refuse to put any action into our many words concerning land reform? What do they think as we test out our latest weapons on them, just as the Germans tested out new medicine and new tortures in the concentration camps of Europe? Where are the roots of the independent Vietnam we claim to be building? Is it among these voiceless ones?

We have destroyed their two most cherished institutions: the family and the village. We have destroyed their land and their crops. We have cooperated in the crushing of the nation's only noncommunist revolutionary political force, the unified Buddhist Church. We have supported the enemies of the peasants of Saigon. We have corrupted their women and children and killed their men.

Now there is little left to build on, save bitterness. Soon the only solid physical foundations remaining will be found at our military bases and in the concrete of the concentration camps we call "fortified hamlets." The peasants may well wonder if we plan to build our new Vietnam on such grounds as these. Could we blame them for such thoughts? We must speak for them and raise the questions they cannot raise. These, too, are our brothers.

Perhaps a more difficult but no less necessary task is to speak for those who have been designated as our enemies. What of the National Liberation front, that strangely anonymous group we call "VC" or "communists"? What must they think of the United States of America when they realize that we permitted the repression and cruelty of Diem, which helped to bring them into being as a resistance group in the South? What do they think of our condoning the violence which led to their own taking up of arms? How can they believe in our integrity when now we speak of "aggression from the North" as if there was nothing more essential to the war? How can they trust us when now we charge them with violence after the murderous reign of Diem and charge them with violence while we pour every new weapon of death into their land? Surely we must understand their feelings, even if we do not condone their actions. Surely we must see that the men we supported pressed them to their violence. Surely we must see that our own computerized plans of destruction simply dwarf their greatest acts.

How do they judge us when our officials know that their membership is less than twenty-five percent communist, and yet insist on giving them the blanket name? What must they be thinking when they know that we are aware of their control of major sections of Vietnam, and yet we appear ready to allow national elections in which this highly organized political parallel government will not have a part? They ask how we can speak of free elections when the Saigon press is censored and controlled by the military junta. And they are surely right to wonder what kind of new government we plan to help form without them, the only real party in real touch with the peasants. They question our political goals and they deny the reality of a peace settlement from which they will be excluded. Their questions are frighteningly relevant. Is our nation planning to build on political myth again, and then shore it up upon the power of a new violence?

Here is the true meaning and value of compassion and nonviolence, when it helps us to see the enemy's point of view, to hear his questions, to know his assessment of ourselves. For from his view we may indeed see the basic weaknesses of our own condition, and if we are mature, we may learn and grow and profit from the wisdom of the brothers who are called the opposition.

So, too, with Hanoi. In the North, where our bombs now pummel the land, and our mines endanger the waterways, we are met by a deep but understandable mistrust. To speak for them is to explain this lack of confidence in Western worlds, and especially their distrust of American intentions now. In Hanoi are the men who led this nation to independence against the Japanese and the French, the men who sought membership in the French Commonwealth and were betrayed by the weakness of Paris and the willfulness of the colonial armies. It was they who led a second struggle against French domination at tremendous costs, and then were persuaded to give up the land they controlled between the thirteenth and seventeenth parallel as a temporary measure at Geneva. After 1954 they watched us conspire with Diem to prevent elections which could have surely brought Ho Chi Minh to power over a unified Vietnam, and they realized they had been betrayed again. When we ask why they do not leap to negotiate, these things must be considered.

Also, it must be clear that the leaders of Hanoi considered the presence of American troops in support of the Diem regime to have been the initial military breach of the Geneva Agreement concerning foreign troops. They remind us that they did not begin to send troops in large numbers and even supplies into the South until American forces had moved into the tens of thousands.

Hanoi remembers how our leaders refused to tell us the truth about the earlier North Vietnamese overtures for peace, how the president claimed that none existed when they had clearly been made. Ho Chi Minh has watched as America has spoken of peace and built up its forces, and now he has surely heard the increasing international rumors of American plans for an invasion of the north. He knows the bombing and shelling and mining we are doing are part of traditional pre-invasion strategy. Perhaps only his sense of humor and of irony can save him when he hears the most powerful nation of the world speaking of aggression as it drops thousands of bombs on a poor, weak nation more than eight hundred, or rather, eight thousand miles away from its shores.

At this point I should make it clear that while I have tried to give a voice to the voiceless in Vietnam and to understand the arguments of those who are called "enemy," I am as deeply concerned about our own troops there as anything else. For it occurs to me that what we are submitting them to in Vietnam is not simply the brutalizing process that goes on in any war where armies face each other and seek to destroy. We are adding cynicism to the process of death, for they must know after a short period there that none of the things we claim to be fighting for are really involved. Before long they must know that their government has sent them into a struggle among Vietnamese, and the more sophisticated surely realize that we are on the side of the wealthy, and the secure, while we create a hell for the poor.

Surely this madness must cease. We must stop now. I speak as a child of God and brother to the suffering poor of Vietnam. I speak for those whose land is being laid waste, whose homes are being destroy, whose culture is being subverted. I speak for the poor in America who are paying the double price of smashed hopes at home, and dealt death and corruption in Vietnam. I speak as a citizen of the world, for the world as it stands aghast at the path we have taken. I speak as one who loves America, to the leaders of our own nation: The great initiative in this war is ours; the initiative to stop it must be ours.

This is the message of the great Buddhist leaders of Vietnam. Recently one of them wrote these words, and I quote:

Each day the war goes on the hatred increased in the hearts of the Vietnamese and in the hearts of those of humanitarian instinct. The Americans are forcing even their friends into becoming their enemies. It is curious that the Americans, who calculate so carefully on the possibilities of military victory, do not realize that in the process they are incurring deep psychological and political defeat. The image of America will never again be the image of revolution, freedom, and democracy, but the image of violence and militarism.

Unquote.

If we continue, there will be no doubt in my mind and in the mind of the world that we have no honorable intentions in Vietnam. If we do not stop our war against the people of Vietnam immediately, the world will be left with no other alternative than to see this as some horrible, clumsy, and deadly game we have decided to play. The world now demands a maturity of America that we may not be able to achieve. It demands that we admit we have been wrong from the beginning of our adventure in Vietnam, that we have been detrimental to the life of the Vietnamese people. The situation is one in which we must be ready to turn sharply from our present ways. In order to atone for our sins and errors in Vietnam, we should take the initiative in bringing a halt to this tragic war.

I would like to suggest five concrete things that our government should do to begin the long and difficult process of extricating ourselves from this nightmarish conflict:

Number one: End all bombing in North and South Vietnam.

Number two: Declare a unilateral cease-fire in the hope that such action will create the atmosphere for negotiation.

Three: Take immediate steps to prevent other battlegrounds in Southeast Asia by curtailing our military buildup in Thailand and our interference in Laos.

Four: Realistically accept the fact that the National Liberation Front has substantial support in South Vietnam and must thereby play a role in any meaningful negotiations and any future Vietnam government.

Five: Set a date that we will remove all foreign troops from Vietnam in accordance with the 1954 Geneva Agreement. [ sustained applause]

Part of our ongoing [ applause continues], part of our ongoing commitment might well express itself in an offer to grant asylum to any Vietnamese who fears for his life under a new regime which included the Liberation Front. Then we must make what reparations we can for the damage we have done. We must provide the medical aid that is badly needed, making it available in this country if necessary. Meanwhile [ applause], meanwhile, we in the churches and synagogues have a continuing task while we urge our government to disengage itself from a disgraceful commitment. We must continue to raise our voices and our lives if our nation persists in its perverse ways in Vietnam. We must be prepared to match actions with words by seeking out every creative method of protest possible.

As we counsel young men concerning military service, we must clarify for them our nation's role in Vietnam and challenge them with the alternative of conscientious objection. [ sustained applause] I am pleased to say that this is a path now chosen by more than seventy students at my own alma mater, Morehouse College, and I recommend it to all who find the American course in Vietnam a dishonorable and unjust one. [ applause] Moreover, I would encourage all ministers of draft age to give up their ministerial exemptions and seek status as conscientious objectors. [ applause] These are the times for real choices and not false ones. We are at the moment when our lives must be placed on the line if our nation is to survive its own folly. Every man of humane convictions must decide on the protest that best suits his convictions, but we must all protest.

Now there is something seductively tempting about stopping there and sending us all off on what in some circles has become a popular crusade against the war in Vietnam. I say we must enter that struggle, but I wish to go on now to say something even more disturbing.

The war in Vietnam is but a symptom of a far deeper malady within the American spirit, and if we ignore this sobering reality [ applause], and if we ignore this sobering reality, we will find ourselves organizing "clergy and laymen concerned" committees for the next generation. They will be concerned about Guatemala and Peru. They will be concerned about Thailand and Cambodia. They will be concerned about Mozambique and South Africa. We will be marching for these and a dozen other names and attending rallies without end unless there is a significant and profound change in American life and policy. [ sustained applause] So such thoughts take us beyond Vietnam, but not beyond our calling as sons of the living God.

In 1957 a sensitive American official overseas said that it seemed to him that our nation was on the wrong side of a world revolution. During the past ten years we have seen emerge a pattern of suppression which has now justified the presence of U.S. military advisors in Venezuela. This need to maintain social stability for our investments accounts for the counterrevolutionary action of American forces in Guatemala. It tells why American helicopters are being used against guerrillas in Cambodia and why American napalm and Green Beret forces have already been active against rebels in Peru.

It is with such activity that the words of the late John F. Kennedy come back to haunt us. Five years ago he said, "Those who make peaceful revolution impossible will make violent revolution inevitable." [ applause] Increasingly, by choice or by accident, this is the role our nation has taken, the role of those who make peaceful revolution impossible by refusing to give up the privileges and the pleasures that come from the immense profits of overseas investments. I am convinced that if we are to get on to the right side of the world revolution, we as a nation must undergo a radical revolution of values. We must rapidly begin [ applause], we must rapidly begin the shift from a thing-oriented society to a person-oriented society. When machines and computers, profit motives and property rights, are considered more important than people, the giant triplets of racism, extreme materialism, and militarism are incapable of being conquered.

A true revolution of values will soon cause us to question the fairness and justice of many of our past and present policies. On the one hand we are called to play the Good Samaritan on life's roadside, but that will be only an initial act. One day we must come to see that the whole Jericho Road must be transformed so that men and women will not be constantly beaten and robbed as they make their journey on life's highway. True compassion is more than flinging a coin to a beggar. It comes to see than an edifice which produces beggars needs restructuring. [ applause]

A true revolution of values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast of poverty and wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual capitalists of the West investing huge sums of money in Asia, Africa, and South America, only to take the profits out with no concern for the social betterment of the countries, and say, "This is not just." It will look at our alliance with the landed gentry of South America and say, "This is not just." The Western arrogance of feeling that it has everything to teach others and nothing to learn from them is not just.

A true revolution of values will lay hand on the world order and say of war, "This way of settling differences is not just." This business of burning human beings with napalm, of filling our nation's homes with orphans and widows, of injecting poisonous drugs of hate into the veins of peoples normally humane, of sending men home from dark and bloody battlefields physically handicapped and psychologically deranged, cannot be reconciled with wisdom, justice, and love. A nation that continues year after year to spend more money on military defense than on programs of social uplift is approaching spiritual death. [ sustained applause]

America, the richest and most powerful nation in the world, can well lead the way in this revolution of values. There is nothing except a tragic death wish to prevent us from reordering our priorities so that the pursuit of peace will take precedence over the pursuit of war. There is nothing to keep us from molding a recalcitrant status quo with bruised hands until we have fashioned it into a brotherhood.

This kind of positive revolution of values is our best defense against communism. [ applause] War is not the answer. Communism will never be defeated by the use of atomic bombs or nuclear weapons. Let us not join those who shout war and, through their misguided passions, urge the United States to relinquish its participation in the United Nations. These are days which demand wise restraint and calm reasonableness. We must not engage in a negative anticommunism, but rather in a positive thrust for democracy [ applause], realizing that our greatest defense against communism is to take offensive action in behalf of justice. We must with positive action seek to remove those conditions of poverty, insecurity, and injustice, which are the fertile soil in which the seed of communism grows and develops.

These are revolutionary times. All over the globe men are revolting against old systems of exploitation and oppression, and out of the wounds of a frail world, new systems of justice and equality are being born. The shirtless and barefoot people of the land are rising up as never before. The people who sat in darkness have seen a great light. We in the West must support these revolutions.

It is a sad fact that because of comfort, complacency, a morbid fear of communism, and our proneness to adjust to injustice, the Western nations that initiated so much of the revolutionary spirit of the modern world have now become the arch antirevolutionaries. This has driven many to feel that only Marxism has a revolutionary spirit. Therefore, communism is a judgment against our failure to make democracy real and follow through on the revolutions that we initiated. Our only hope today lies in our ability to recapture the revolutionary spirit and go out into a sometimes hostile world declaring eternal hostility to poverty, racism, and militarism. With this powerful commitment we shall boldly challenge the status quo and unjust mores, and thereby speed the day when "every valley shall be exalted, and every mountain and hill shall be made low [ Audience:] ( Yes); the crooked shall be made straight, and the rough places plain."

A genuine revolution of values means in the final analysis that our loyalties must become ecumenical rather than sectional. Every nation must now develop an overriding loyalty to mankind as a whole in order to preserve the best in their individual societies.

This call for a worldwide fellowship that lifts neighborly concern beyond one's tribe, race, class, and nation is in reality a call for an all-embracing and unconditional love for all mankind. This oft misunderstood, this oft misinterpreted concept, so readily dismissed by the Nietzsches of the world as a weak and cowardly force, has now become an absolute necessity for the survival of man. When I speak of love I am not speaking of some sentimental and weak response. I'm not speaking of that force which is just emotional bosh. I am speaking of that force which all of the great religions have seen as the supreme unifying principle of life. Love is somehow the key that unlocks the door which leads to ultimate reality. This Hindu-Muslim-Christian-Jewish-Buddhist belief about ultimate reality is beautifully summed up in the first epistle of Saint John: "Let us love one another ( Yes), for love is God. ( Yes) And every one that loveth is born of God and knoweth God. He that loveth not knoweth not God, for God is love. . . . If we love one another, God dwelleth in us and his love is perfected in us." Let us hope that this spirit will become the order of the day.

We can no longer afford to worship the god of hate or bow before the altar of retaliation. The oceans of history are made turbulent by the ever-rising tides of hate. History is cluttered with the wreckage of nations and individuals that pursued this self-defeating path of hate. As Arnold Toynbee says: "Love is the ultimate force that makes for the saving choice of life and good against the damning choice of death and evil. Therefore the first hope in our inventory must be the hope that love is going to have the last word." Unquote.

We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time. Life often leaves us standing bare, naked, and dejected with a lost opportunity. The tide in the affairs of men does not remain at flood-it ebbs. We may cry out desperately for time to pause in her passage, but time is adamant to every plea and rushes on. Over the bleached bones and jumbled residues of numerous civilizations are written the pathetic words, "Too late." There is an invisible book of life that faithfully records our vigilance or our neglect. Omar Khayyam is right: "The moving finger writes, and having writ moves on."

We still have a choice today: nonviolent coexistence or violent coannihilation. We must move past indecision to action. We must find new ways to speak for peace in Vietnam and justice throughout the developing world, a world that borders on our doors. If we do not act, we shall surely be dragged down the long, dark, and shameful corridors of time reserved for those who possess power without compassion, might without morality, and strength without sight.

Now let us begin. Now let us rededicate ourselves to the long and bitter, but beautiful, struggle for a new world. This is the calling of the sons of God, and our brothers wait eagerly for our response. Shall we say the odds are too great? Shall we tell them the struggle is too hard? Will our message be that the forces of American life militate against their arrival as full men, and we send our deepest regrets? Or will there be another message-of longing, of hope, of solidarity with their yearnings, of commitment to their cause, whatever the cost? The choice is ours, and though we might prefer it otherwise, we must choose in this crucial moment of human history.

As that noble bard of yesterday, James Russell Lowell, eloquently stated:

Once to every man and nation comes a moment do decide,
In the strife of truth and Falsehood, for the good or evil side;
Some great cause, God's new Messiah offering each the bloom or blight,
And the choice goes by forever 'twixt that darkness and that light.
Though the cause of evil prosper, yet 'tis truth alone is strong
Though her portions be the scaffold, and upon the throne be wrong
Yet that scaffold sways the future, and behind the dim unknown
Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.

And if we will only make the right choice, we will be able to transform this pending cosmic elegy into a creative psalm of peace. If we will make the right choice, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our world into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. If we will but make the right choice, we will be able to speed up the day, all over America and all over the world, when justice will roll down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream. [ sustained applause]

*King says "1954," but most likely means 1964, the year he received the Nobel Peace Prize.

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Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, I need not pause to say how very delighted I am to be here tonight, and how very delighted I am to see you expressing your concern about the issues that will be discussed tonight by turning out in such large numbers.

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Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s Letter from a Birmingham Jail

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Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s Letter from a Birmingham Jail

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Sundown Towns: A Hidden Dimension of American Racism

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James Loewen talked about his book [Sundown Towns: A Hidden Dimension of American Racism], published by New Press. The book chronicled the history of towns and neighborhood that were closed to African-Americans. The author pointed out that most of these towns outside of the traditional South in the states of Michigan, Ohio, Illinois, Missouri, Pennsylvania, and Indiana.

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Scholastic: How to Use Alma and How She Got Her Name with Your Class

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Scholastic: How to Use Alma and How She Got Her Name with Your Class

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Teacher's Takeaway

"This book is great for learning about names and sharing about identity and culture, and I really think that everyone should have it in their home libraries and in their school libraries. Take it to the park-just get a copy for everywhere." -Jane Kim

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Jane Kim, a kindergarten teacher from Lexington School for the Deaf in East Elmhurst, New York, shares how she uses the Book of the Week Alma and How She Got Her Name by Juana Martinez-Neal with her class to explore naming traditions across cultures in this Scholastic Book Clubs-exclusive teacher review video.

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100% of proceeds will be donated to The Movement for Black Lives, National Bail Out, Faith for Justice, and the Witness.

Multiple designs and color options available.

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This is a collaborative fundraiser between Jane Kim @janesamikim & Anna Kim @artbyannakim and 100% of the proceeds will be donated to organize & fight for Black lives & dignity. Design by Anna Kim | Instagram @artbyannakim| © 2020 Mango Designs LLC

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Mapping

We strive to map Indigenous territories, treaties, and languages across the world in a way that goes beyond colonial ways of thinking in order to better represent how Indigenous people want to see themselves.

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We strive to map Indigenous territories, treaties, and languages across the world in a way that goes beyond colonial ways of thinking in order to better represent how Indigenous people want to see themselves.

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FAQ

(Frequently Asked Questions)

Can I link this on my Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, Website, etc?

Yes, you absolutely can!

Who are you?

My name is Nico and I am 18 years old and still in school!

Can I make a carrd inspired by this one?

You definitely can! I did not come up with the idea of making BLM carrd's or anything like that and was inspired by others too! Many other people are compiling resources everywhere so please, make your own!

Can I pay you for the work you're doing?

Thank you for the offer but kindly no! There are much better places your money can be going like to anything from the donate page! I am financially stable and my mom is working through covid so I am fine!

What does it mean when it says Admin Offline?

That just means I'm either doing school work or sleeping! Once It say offline I probably won't be updating for the next few hours!

Text Or Call

-Officer J Alexander Keung was set for bail and quickly released and now Derek Chauvin has too. There should not be bail for Murder. You can use the resources below to demand every cop involved be charged without bail.

-Text "JUSTICE" To 668366

"JUSTICE" to 668366

-Text "FLOYD" To 55156

"FLOYD" to 55156

-Get in contact with the District Attorney and Minneapolis Mayor. Leave a message for them DEMANDING that 4 officers including Derek Chauvin (Badge #1087) and Tou Thao (Badge #7162) be arrested for the Murder of George Floyd. (Info Below)

*Works for everyone now!!

-Breonna Taylor was murdered in her house by police who raided the wrong house and was shot 8 times while she was sleeping. Call or E-mail the Louisville Mayor's office and demand that the officers involved be charged! (Info Below)

Louisville Mayor, Greg Fischer
- (502) 574-2003

-Text "ENOUGH" To 55156

"ENOUGH" to 55156

-Julius Jones is on death row in Oklahoma despite compelling evidence that he was wrongfully convicted and that racial bias infected his case. Just fill out this template that will send an e-letter to the Pardon & Parole Board. (Info Below)

-Johns Hopkins University is trying to put a Private police force throughout the city of Baltimore. The city is 62% black, students have created a letter campaign to call them to cancel their plans. You can send a pre-written letter below!

-Demand legislation to support black communities is VA with a pre-written letter below!

-Template for U.S. residents to inquire into how the police are trained in your city! Has info for texas but pls research who your city rep is!

-E-mail templates to reform and defund the police!

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(Frequently Asked Questions) Can I link this on my Instagram, Twitter, Facebook, Website, etc? Yes, you absolutely can! Who are you? My name is Nico and I am 18 years old and still in school! Can I make a carrd inspired by this one? You definitely can!

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Thank you so much! To learn more and to share our manifesto, please take a look here and share: http://bit.ly/LCBFManifesto To build transformative communities, we must perform transformative acts of liberation. Cash bail is one of the aspects of the criminal justice system that keeps communities wrapped up in systemic slavery and in debt.

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A Racial Justice Guide to Thanksgiving  for Educators and Families