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Welcome to the accompanying padlet board for the Social Reform Lecture.  Here you will find an number of resources, images, videos, and readings that accompany the lecture.  This is not essential reading, it is a smattering of interesting and useful elements to support your research and increase your knowledge.  Use if as much or as little as you like!

That said, we all know you are only reading this find out why there are dogs everywhere here and in the lecture.  So read on Truth Seeker - the pups are out there!

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Why the Liberals introduced social welfare reforms - Video - Higher History - BBC Bitesize

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For Higher History, revise the reasons why the Liberals introduced social reforms in early 20th Century Britain.

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David Lloyd George and the People's Budget of 1909

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Extra-parliamentary forces

The drive behind reforming legislation usually came from outside Parliament, as with the working-class Chartist movement intent on reform of the whole electoral process. It is essential, therefore, in the case of each projected 'reform bill' to assess the influence on it of extra-Parliamentary pressures, both of opinion and interests and, in the case of each successful 'reform bill', it is necessary to weigh the role of Parliament and the role of extra-Parliamentary forces in determining the outcome. Doing so has involved controversy between historians as it usually involved political controversy at the time. Moreover, since reformers outside Parliament were often dissatisfied with the extent of the reform, they returned sooner or later to what seemed to them a continuing struggle. Meanwhile, those public servants concerned with implementation often suggested further reforms in the light of experience. The stories of particular reforms, therefore, were usually serial stories.

Whether the comprehensive title the 'Age of Reform' should refer to the whole period in British history between 1837 and 1901 - a period of sharp contrasts in place and time - raises other basic questions, pivoting on the relationships between 'improvement', 'reform' and 'revolution'. As the fear of revolution in Britain receded after 1815, many 'reformers' claimed that only if particular reforms were carried in time could revolution be avoided. And almost all reformers agreed that 'revolution' was the best means of 'reform'. The opponents of the Great Reform Bill claimed that it was 'revolutionary', but within two years of its passing in 1832 most of them accepted it as a fait accompli and adjusted their politics accordingly. It proved to be the first of four successful 19th-century reform bills, the second in 1867, the third introducing the ballot in 1872 and the fourth in 1885. There was more popular agitation, driven by economic as well as by political discontent, in the years 1830-1832 and in the years 1866-1867 than there was in 1885, when the Reform Bill was introduced, as the 1867 had been, by a Conservative government. Yet the 1885 Act had long-term radical consequences - mainly, the political opening up villages through a rural electorate.

It is difficult in retrospect to tell the serial stories of particular reforms in terms of party manifestos, although politicians (and some historians) have been tempted to do so. Group politics are relevant in early and mid-Victorian Britain because members of the medical profession were in a position, as many clergymen were, to cross environmental and social divides and collect evidence, including statistical evidence, when they sought to identify 'problems' requiring action. It is individuals, however, who must usually be given the limelight. Coming from different social and political backgrounds, their personal commitment was crucial to the success of reform legislation.

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The drive behind reforming legislation usually came from outside Parliament, as with the working-class Chartist movement intent on reform of the whole electoral process.

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The Welfare Revolution of the early 20th century did not start with Clement Attlee's Labour governments of 1945 to 1951 but had its origins in the Liberal government of forty years earlier. The British Welfare Revolution, 1906-14 offers a fresh perspective on the social reforms introduced by these Liberal governments in the years 1906 to 1914.

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You can enable subtitles (captions) in the video player

So Alasdair, we're talking maps today, and we're also talking inequality which is a big word in the election manifestos this year. But in fact, when we talk about mapping inequality that's not a new thing. It's been done before. So who was the first to do it?

Well, the first person really to do this on a large scale was Charles Booth in Victorian London. And his study of life and labour of the people of London is really the main one people look to as the first.

So people think of him almost as the first social scientist because of it. We've got one of his maps here, which is looking at the area of Whitechapel in London. And just looking at it, it looks like a really normal sort of street map except there's colours everywhere. What do the colours show us?

The colours indicate the social class of the individuals who live in these different buildings. So, for example, along Whitechapel Road, we can see Charles Booth's category as identifying these people as well-to-do, middle class. Whereas, if you just turn off to a side street, all of a sudden you see different categories. Very poor or poor or even the lowest class on his map, which he at the time dubbed "vicious, semi-criminal."

These category labels are fascinating because they say a lot about attitudes towards the impoverished at the time perhaps. So, in Victorian London going to talk about this cheek by jowl index that you've developed later. But in Victorian London, according to Booth, prosperity was always just a little turn away from chronic want and chronic need.

Exactly. That's what you see. You don't have to go too far off the main thoroughfares before you suddenly have these intense areas of poverty.

How did he collect this information?

Well, unlike today, where we'd probably just quickly download the data and map it, he had to get out and about and use up a lot of shoe leather, also a team of researchers with essentially clipboards and notebooks surveying most of inner London effectively, speaking to residents, taking notes. And obviously all this is all online now for us to use, but very much a data-driven exercise, but collected through hard work.

So actually given the inequality's mentioned in all of these political manifestos for the election, it's actually quite a timely thing to have delivered this look at inequality across the whole of England.

Yeah. I mean, when we started this project about 18 months ago, of course, we had no idea there would be an election anytime soon. But it has coincided with this, and obviously the manifestos mention inequality. So yeah, it's quite timely, we think.

So if we fast forward from the Victorian era and look at the outcomes of your work at the University of Sheffield, what is this map showing us?

This is a map of the whole of England broken down into travel to work areas. So each individual area, like London here, is effectively a commuter zone. So people travel within these to work, and these boundaries contain local labour markets. Another example would be up in Liverpool, where you have Liverpool on The Wirral as one local labour market, or Berwick, where the local labour market area goes across into Scotland across the border.

So you deliberately didn't use things like parliamentary constituencies and local authority areas because they don't necessarily reflect day-to-day human life in the way that these areas do. Because if I pick any one of these areas. So if I pick Hull here, this area is defined like it is because most of the people who live here work here. That's right?

That's exactly right. It's what we call self-contained. It's a self-contained labour market area.

So that explains what the areas are. What do the colours mean?

This particular measure of inequality relates to how closely packed together people of the same kind of socio-economic class are. The darker colours indicate where people who are more similar live closer together. And the lighter colours is the opposite.

So in the lighter areas, that's where we're saying there's a big contrast between the people who live within those areas - if you like, it could be the haves and the have-nots?

Yeah, exactly.

Why do we care about this? I mean, why does this matter, do you think?

There is a number of reasons. So it could be just to do with the provision of services. Another good reason for caring about inequality would be to do with the political fallout right and how that feeds into the electoral process, which we've probably seen in the last few years.

OK, does that mean the areas that are dark, where there's relatively little inequality - these darker patches here across the north, over in Cornwall and the southwest over here in Lincolnshire - are we saying that in those darker areas that they're not problem areas?

Well, there is a couple of ways of looking at it. One would be to say inequality here is not a problem. But the other, and I think more plausible, explanation would be that inequality is not necessarily the issue but absolute poverty across the board. So what we have is relatively equal but quite poor.

There's no inequality because everyone's poor. That's probably not...

Yeah, it's probably not what we're aiming for.

...what you're aiming for, OK. So we were fascinated by this map when we first looked at it because if we look at just the lightest coloured areas on the map, that's the top 20 most unequal areas in England, according to this data. So if we base it on just the proximity of the haves and the have-nots living cheek by jowl, much in the way that we just looked at with the Charles Booth map of Whitechapel, these areas here are the top 20 for inequality in England. So we have unsurprisingly, I suppose, London is here... most of these areas are actually Midlands and to the north of England, with one big exception being in the south we have the Portsmouth travel to work area here is showing up as highly unequal.

This particular measure of inequality generally picks out places in the Midlands and north of England, which your traditional centres of manufacturing, your ex-industrial locations are at. For example, if you look at somewhere like Barrow-in-Furness travel to work area, or you look at somewhere like Blackpool or even Sheffield's travel to work area, or Hull, these are areas of traditional industry, where worker housing was packed very tightly together, much like in the way it was in those Charles Booth maps.

So that's really interesting because, for me - and I'll have to reveal a personal fact here - I grew up in the Portsmouth area. And one of the things when I was growing up is that people always used to describe the Portsmouth area as a northern city transplanted to the south coast. So it's fascinating to see it coming out here at the national level.

Let's take a look - and because I'm biased - we're going to have a look at this Portsmouth travel to work area and see what's really going on there. So what we've got here, first of all... just to show you that we're zooming in... so we've got some satellite imagery here of the wider Portsmouth area. So we're zoomed quite in. Even on this satellite image, we can see roads and so on.

But what we can do is if we take a layer... effectively this is your map zoomed in... we can see that actually this Portsmouth travel to work area, which is this big yellow area here, it actually extends quite a long way. And in fact, it's a peculiar shape because it's quite tall but quite narrow. And I know that that's actually a good thing, as far as the commuting patterns are concerned. Because knowing this area, I know that there is a motorway going up here, and that this is actually a commuting corridor and that there's not as much travel across. So that validates the geography. REVISED TO HERE

But what we're really interested in doing now is looking at the neighbourhood level information that allowed you to make this area bright yellow. So let's bring in this neighbourhood level information for the Portsmouth area. And this is the first time that we really start to capture some of the neighbourhood level gradients in income deprivation that allowed you to decide which areas of the country were more unequal than others.

Again, let's think about the colour. The colour is now not showing us the inequality, is it? The colour is now showing us the actual level of deprivation.

ALASDAIR RAE: That's right. So the individual areas are these 32,000 areas, neighbourhood level, about 1,600 people or so.

ALAN SMITH: That's these very small individual pockets of colour. They're individual neighbourhoods.

ALASDAIR RAE: They're individual neighbourhoods essentially. And what we see here is a lighter colour. So the lighter colours here are areas that score more highly on the deprivation index. And at the other end of the scale, generally you'll find these in the suburban areas-- the darkest colours on the map, the least deprived area. So they're really usually quite affluent neighbourhoods.

ALAN SMITH: Going back to what you were saying about the traditional patterns-- so this is Portsmouth city centre over here-- the idea that you've actually got high levels of deprivation in the city centre, gradually getting a little more affluent as you spread out into much more affluent rural areas. That's a repeating pattern across the country.

ALASDAIR RAE: Exactly. That's generally what we see everywhere.

ALAN SMITH: OK, one of the things that fascinated me knowing about this area, though, is that in the Portsmouth travel to work area you don't just have the city centre area deprived. You've actually got an area called Paulsgrove up here, which is also coming out as quite highly deprived for income, but also this area up here. Now, this is the area in the north of Havant-- the town of Havant, which is part of this commuting corridor. This is the Leigh Park Estate.

So there's two points here which are in the most deprived 10%, in national terms, which is Leigh Park and then a part of Leigh Park called Warren Park. You have these multiple pockets of deprivation surrounded by much more affluence. And these areas are not far away from each other.

The thing that struck me when I looked at this data for the first time was that this darkest colour here suggests that this is the most affluent 10%, in nationwide terms, bordering areas that are in the most deprived percentiles of the country. That's the essence of your spatial inequality?

ALASDAIR RAE: That's right. So traditionally, you'd just expect to see a geographical gradient, where you don't really get these extremes next to each other. There's a number of reasons why you might get that. Sometimes it's brownfield land where new housing is being put, and maybe that's more luxury housing, luxury flats. And we've seen a lot of that over the last 20 years.

But occasionally what you get is a really steep social gradient, and sometimes it's because of a road like you can see here. Or it might be a river or a railway line, something like that.

ALAN SMITH: So there'll be some physical separation, even though they might--

ALASDAIR RAE: Usually.

ALAN SMITH: --be close to each other. Now, that takes me again back to Booth because when Booth carried out his two surveys 10 years apart, one of the things that he said was that actually neighbourhood renewal was one of the things that was helping to reinforce isolation of the deprived, because there was a big railway building boom in the period and a slum clearance programme. And his contention was that building railway lines actually helped to box people in. We can still see signs of that. The physical geography is different.

ALASDAIR RAE: Exactly. And if you go back maybe 50 years before Charles Booth's map you have Benjamin Disraeli talking about people living and being dwellers in different zones. And if you go back to antiquity, in Plato's Republic, we have him talking about different quarters of cities, some rich and some poor. So these are not new themes, but what we see in the map is we see these patterns repeated at the small scale through time.

ALAN SMITH: But this is the first time we've been able to see this data using your atlas, if you like, to identify the places to look at. So one of the things about looking at the maps like this, though, is that it looks like this area is connected to this area and to this area. But we can see kind of through the satellite imagery peeping behind that actually there is nothing physical connecting those areas because it looks like that's fields and country.

So one of the things that we can do here is bring the road network in here. And that helps us to really see what's going on. Because going back to this deprived area here of Leigh Park and the Warren here in Havant, if you look at the road network, you can actually see that this area here is pretty isolated. Although it's very close in geographical terms, as the crow flies, on three sides, it looks like Warren Park here is isolated from these more affluent areas.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

So let's just take a little nip into here and see what we find. What we're talking about, Leigh Park.

SUBJECT 1: Leigh Park used to have a right reputation for roughness and that. It is a bit scruffy, but it is what it is. But I mean, once upon a time, Park Parade, as we used to call it, used to have the main road going up the middle of it. I can remember it. There used to be a Woolies there.

ALAN SMITH: Do you think there's still a sense of community in Leigh Park?

SUBJECT 1: Not as much as there used to be, no. I don't know. I really don't know. I mean, look, these shutters-- dammed. It's either no one's in there, or they don't open it until halfway through the night.

ALAN SMITH: Did you go to places like Emsworth, or--

SUBJECT 2: No.

ALAN SMITH: No? OK.

SUBJECT 2: No, because I've only got a bus to catch. I can't wait for somebody to take me places.

ALAN SMITH: All right. Yeah, so you tend to stay in the local area for your day-to-day, that sort of stuff?

SUBJECT 2: Yeah.

ALAN SMITH: OK. Tell us about growing up in Leigh Park. What was that like?

SUBJECT 3: Well, I enjoyed it. I've got three sisters, and we was all-- we've all turned out fine, I think.

[LAUGHTER]

ALAN SMITH: So what role does the Community Centre play for you?

SUBJECT 3: Yeah, it's brilliant. We used to go to a youth group here. And now we've obviously both got children. We try to come at least once a week. It's mostly cheap, and it's really likable to us.

ALAN SMITH: Does it feel like a Community Centre?

SUBJECT 3: Yeah.

ALAN SMITH: Do you feel like there's that sense of neighbourliness?

SUBJECT 3: Yeah, it's lovely.

ALAN SMITH: So do you know places like Rowlands Castle and Emsworth? Do you go there?

SUBJECT 3: Not really, no.

ALAN SMITH: Do you meet many people from those areas? Or do they tend to keep themselves to themselves?

SUBJECT 3: Yeah, yeah. If we go there, you feel a bit like, hmm, where are you from? Leigh Park-- and it sort of makes you feel a bit awful. But yeah, no, it's nice to have something here for us.

ALAN SMITH: You know, you have a motorway here, fields and a golf course here, I think. And you can see that it's connected but only to itself. I mean, I know that that was a post World War II housing estate. Is that a typical pattern from that era of--

ALASDAIR RAE: We do see a lot of that, so good examples of this all across the country. Glasgow's always used as an example. It's a good way of understanding that, although people have lives in theory in the same geographical spaces, they're often living completely different lives, disconnected from neighbourhoods that are literally right next door.

ALAN SMITH: So this is why we can call this the cheek by jowl index because they're co-located almost but living very different socioeconomic--

ALASDAIR RAE: Exactly.

ALAN SMITH: --lives. And the other thing is, particularly with the Leigh Park area, is just how surrounded it is by affluence. I mean, what you were saying earlier about a gradient, that just doesn't exist in any direction. It's a steep cliff face, if you like, of deprivation, which is fascinating. What would Charles Booth make of this stuff today, do you think?

ALASDAIR RAE: I think he'd be quite surprised at the lack of connections between these places because at least in his London maps everywhere was very well-connected. Here, not so much, and I think he'd probably question the aims and objectives of 1960s planners perhaps.

ALAN SMITH: The locals call this area the Warren because of this network of streets that are inward looking. But it scores very poorly on connectedness to everywhere else.

Excuse me? We're doing a little bit of filming about Leigh Park. I wonder if we could have a word or two with you about it, if we parked up the car and had a quick chat.

SUBJECT 4: Yeah.

ALAN SMITH: Is that all right?

So what brought you to Leigh Park in the first place?

SUBJECT 4: I got married. I was living in Selsey at the time.

ALAN SMITH: Oh, OK.

SUBJECT 4: And I married a Leigh Park girl.

ALAN SMITH: So you've stayed on the estate ever since?

SUBJECT 4: Yes.

ALAN SMITH: Do you think that because it is geographically so separate from the rest of Havant, that that actually helps with the community spirit, do you think?

SUBJECT 4: Yes, I think so. Yes. We're a little bit isolated from Havant, but I've never seen much trouble up here in 30 years.

ALAN SMITH: Do you feel, compared to when you were in Selsey, that people are more likely to stay in Leigh Park in the sense that it is that community space that people don't--

SUBJECT 4: Yeah, I think so. Yes. Not many people know each other in Selsey. Where you would get to know people-- you get to know people in here.

ALAN SMITH: So we're saying that actually, it's not like it's even stayed the same. In some cases, because of post World War II planning, some of these areas are actually even worse than they were back in Booth's day.

ALASDAIR RAE: The old first law of geography tells us that everywhere is connected to everywhere else. And in theory, near places should be more connected. But what you see sometimes is that's not the case. Near places are sometimes very disconnected and very much not like each other.

ALAN SMITH: On the basis that it's unlikely that anyone from one of these more affluent areas nearby is going to accidentally wander through the deprived areas because you have to make the effort to get there, and there is not a natural flow--

ALASDAIR RAE: No, exactly.

ALAN SMITH: --across those areas. One of the things I felt while we were doing this whole exercise and looking at these maps is just what Booth would have made of our cartography, the fact that we are letting these areas run out. If I take the road network off, these areas, they do run into each other. They're kind of space-filling, aren't they?

ALASDAIR RAE: Yeah.

ALAN SMITH: Although it looks like this is one big area full of people, actually it's a rural area, and there's not much going on here. So one of the things that we wanted to do in the spirit of Booth was that with this sort of mapping we're showing that everywhere is filled with colour, and that's not really that representative of what we're showing.

ALASDAIR RAE: No, and one of the things, with these neighbourhood areas that we're using, there are about 32,000 of them, and they're designed so that each one should have a roughly similar amount of people. But in less dense areas like here, where population density is very low, these areas are very, very big. But of course, not many people actually live in the whole area.

ALAN SMITH: So one of the things that we did then was to cut through this map with a street and road network that would allow us to get something that looks a lot more like the maps that Booth was making. So let's take those away and replace it with a view of that cut road network.

And so here we go. Now I feel a bit more comfortable because it's what Booth would recognise as a map that's very similar to his own. So we've retained the colours. So the light colours are still the most deprived areas. There's the Leigh Park Estate and the Warren. Here's the city centre of Portsmouth. This is the more affluent areas. Emsworth is here.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

We're no longer in the Warren Park Estate. We're clearly somewhere more affluent. Let's see what we can find.

Does it surprise you when I said that this area came out very high for inequality relative to the rest of the country?

SUBJECT 5: That's not been my experience, no.

ALAN SMITH: Have you been in Emsworth for a long time?

SUBJECT 6: 15 years.

ALAN SMITH: 15 years?

SUBJECT 6: 15, 16 years.

ALAN SMITH: Did you come to it from somewhere close by or from--

SUBJECT 6: From Bognor Regis.

ALAN SMITH: Do you know any of the areas that I just mentioned-- Rowlands Castle, Havant, Leigh Park? Do any of those areas--

SUBJECT 6: Yeah.

ALAN SMITH: What's your impressions of those areas?

SUBJECT 6: Rowlands Castle, pretty nice, pretty steepy. Leigh Park, it's had it's day as it is. Far too big-- it was the largest in Europe at the time it was built, I think. Havant, that's fine, good shopping centre in there, good area. The biggest effect is the amount of building that's going on at the present moment and the stretching of our services.

SUBJECT 7: I live in the square anyway.

ALAN SMITH: You live in the square, and you've been in Emsworth since you were three, you say?

SUBJECT 7: Three.

ALAN SMITH: OK, so how has Emsworth changed during that time?

SUBJECT 7: Hugely. Across the other side of the Bell Pond, there are houses there which 50 years ago were selling for about. 35,000 Now they're a half million.

ALAN SMITH: Wow.

SUBJECT 7: So it's a big, big change in the housing situation, which doesn't help people who have just moved into Emsworth. Younger people can't really find affordable housing, like a lot of places. But Emsworth used to be on the par with Havant in terms of property prices. It's not bad for us that live here. But on the other hand, it's not very good for younger people.

ALAN SMITH: So given that change actually, that you've just said between Havant and Emsworth on the prices, does it surprise you when I have mentioned to somebody else just a minute ago, that this area has been identified as one of the most economically unequal areas in the country, if you take the whole Portsmouth region?

SUBJECT 7: That would surprise me because I think property prices vary on a much smaller basis than they did 25, 30 years ago. Leigh Park, you may or may not know that Leigh Park was built after the Second World War, when all the houses in Portsmouth were-- not all of them-- were bombed. So the council bought Leigh Park, which is a big country house, and they built-- it was the biggest council estate in the whole of the UK at one stage.

ALAN SMITH: We picked up a lot of the very similar thoughts, actually, in terms of strength of sentiment about local community. But for the first time, I think, we also picked up some really interesting things about the way that some places close to each other can have knock-on effects of each other. So the discussion in there about how property prices have ballooned here in Emsworth at the expense of Havant, and in fact, the interplay between Portsmouth and Leigh Park with Havant being bypassed-- these ideas that although these are separate places, they are economically interlinked, and what happens in one place can cascade into another-- it's very, very interesting.

ALASDAIR RAE: Having a map like this, the previous map we had is something we would a choropleth map, whereas here it just shows you where the buildings are. It shows you where people live, effectively, in a way that allows us to unpick the urban fabric and get a better understanding of the potential for interaction but also where the break points are-- where you can see, particularly here, a slight geographical separation between areas that are very close together but possibly not in terms of their social interactions.

ALAN SMITH: For me, finally, knowing this area, you really can start to see this Leigh Park area for the relatively isolated area that it is. And that they're actually, although they are very close to each other, there are these gaps appearing across major segments right across the whole commuting area. Suddenly starting to see much more subtle decisions which, like you say, are long-term consequences of urban planning decisions.

ALASDAIR RAE: The other thing this shows for me is how pioneering Charles Booth was in his representation of poverty and the urban fabric. These kind of things are very difficult to do well, to do simply, and to tell the story of places. And I think this does a much better job than the previous map in doing that.

ALAN SMITH: Where do you hope that this new Booth map, if we can call it that, is going to go.

ALASDAIR RAE: Yeah, it's really, for us, about providing better spatial intelligence. This is what people maybe know intuitively from their own neighbourhoods, but do they understand it at a national level? So what we wanted to do is provide a national map at a local level that would allow policymakers, politicians, members of the public-- anyone who's interested in this kind of thing-- to understand local inequalities.

ALAN SMITH: When I talked to people about what we've been looking at with this map, a lot of people are saying exactly this. They said, well, of course, there are rich areas and poor areas within cities. Everyone knows them. But I think the thing that surprised me with this was that the colours we're using here are not just for the local area. These areas place us in the national rankings. So when we say the difference between a bright yellow and a black colour here, that's the full spectrum of the national range in income deprivation.

So let's have a look. Let's zoom back out again and look at what all of those neighbourhoods look like. And so here it is. This is our national view of localised deprivation patterns. So just to clarify with you, Alasdair, this is all of those 32,000 areas that you were talking about earlier, all of those neighbourhoods. This is all 32,000 on one map?

ALASDAIR RAE: Yeah.

ALAN SMITH: What sort of patterns are we seeing when we zoom this out to the national level?

ALASDAIR RAE: The highest areas of deprivation are to be found-- so in the west, Midlands or Merseyside or West Yorkshire or the northeast of England or Humberside. But one of the things people don't often pay so much attention to is a kind of string of depraved seaside locations. And it might not be entire towns-- sometimes it's just little pockets. So we have this in Lincolnshire. Or we may have that in Essex. Or we may have that on the south coast of Kent.

So some of those aren't immediately obvious. But again, we have that all over. Now, we do say, there's rich and poor everywhere, but they're disproportionately clustered in those places and also in London.

ALAN SMITH: And actually, one of the other things that I think I spotted when we first loaded this up was that those areas that we were talking about right at the start that don't have much inequality, you can almost see them on here because of the more consistent colour patterns. The southwestern, the Cornwall area, there's much less of this alternating bright and dark colour. It's more uniformly purple, middling--

ALASDAIR RAE: Yeah, that's right.

ALAN SMITH: --in terms of deprivation. And finally, I think looking at it in these terms, you've finally got a map that really would take the attention of Charles Booth because this is the sort of map he wasn't able to produce, simply because of the restrictions that he was working with back in the Victorian time. Great. Thank you very much.

[MUSIC PLAYING]

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Mapping inequality in the UK from the Victorian era to the 2019 election

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Maptastic: the FT's head of visual and data journalism Alan Smith looks at the most unequal parts of the UK, and how social researcher and reformer Charles Booth's 19th century maps of poverty are being updated for the 21st century

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Watch my YouTube series for more about the history of food and welfare

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Feeding Under Fire - Episode 6: Officer's Food

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The Origins of the Liberal Welfare Reforms 1906-1914

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This study examines the different approaches of social scientists and historians to the origins of social welfare legislation between 1906 and 1914. From this critical review Mr Hay shows how the Liberal legislation can be seen as one example of a process common to advanced industrial societies.

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Liberal Reform-Legislation in England, 1906-14: An Interpretation

https://www. jstor .org/stable/42865821

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Liberal Reform-Legislation in England, 1906-14: An Interpretation on JSTOR

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Liberal Reform-Legislation in England, 1906-14: An Interpretation https://www. jstor .org/stable/42865821 Wiley is a global provider of content and content-enabled workflow solutions in areas of scientific, technical, medical, and scholarly research; professional development; and education.

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A study of poverty and public health between 1815 and 1914. It is designed to fulfil the AS and A Level specifications in place from September 2000. The AS section deals with narrative and explanation of the topic. There are extra notes, biography boxes and definitions in the margin, and summary boxes to help students assimilate the information.

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Part of the Macmillan Master Series book series (MACMMA)

Abstract

In January 1906 the Liberals were returned to power with a landslide majority. The full result of the General Election was:

Despite being one of the world's leading industrial nations, poverty was still a serious problem in Britain. During the latter part of the nineteenth century governments had made some progress in extending elementary education, strengthening trade unions and in providing public health, but a number of social evils still remained. Winston Churchill suggested that casual labour, unemployment, under-nourishment and poverty were the most urgent problems the Liberals should attack.

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The Social Reforms of the Liberal Government 1906-14

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Part of the Macmillan Master Series book series (MACMMA) In January 1906 the Liberals were returned to power with a landslide majority. The full result of the General Election was: Despite being one of the world's leading industrial nations, poverty was still a serious problem in Britain.

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Liberal reforms 1906-1914 - Liberal Reforms 1906-1914 - National 4 History Revision - BBC Bitesize

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In National 4 History explore how the Liberal government aimed to reduce poverty including reforms such as old age pensions and National Insurance.

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Seebohm Rowntree is most famous for making a study of poverty in York. He published his findings in 1901. They influenced many people to change their ideas about why people were poor and what should be done to help them, including the Liberal government of 1905-1915. He was the first to coin the term 'the poverty line' and some people think that without Seebohm Rowntree we would not have the NHS today.

Seebohm Rowntree lived in York and was the son of Joseph Rowntree who owned a large chocolate factory in the city. The Rowntree family had a big impact on York. Seebohm worked for the family firm all his life and was chairman of the company from1923 until 1941. He wrote books on business management, including ' The Human Factor in Business' in 1921. It was his initiative that led to Rowntree's being the first British company to employ a full-time industrial psychologist, who worked to improve efficiency among workers, but also to improve marketing.

Seebohm Rowntree was a Quaker. The Quakers (known also as The Society of Friends) are from the Christian tradition, worship in silence and try to work in the world in a way which reflects their experience of God. The Rowntree family was Quaker and Seebohm went to a Quaker School. His Quaker beliefs influenced his life and work. For example, he wanted to help the poor and, like many Quakers, he was opposed to Britain fighting in World War One. He was also very concerned about the problems which alcohol caused for individuals, families and society.

Evidence from his school work shows that Seebohm Rowntree had keen observational skills and was interested in practical research. By 1895 he had also developed a keen interest in statistics and he resolved to discover if the poorer citizens of York were in a situation comparable to those in London.

During the years 1897 and 1898 he led a team of researchers in a lengthy survey of the poorer districts of the city and in 1901 the results, with commentary, were collated and published as Poverty: a Study of Town Life. This was the work that has made him most famous and regarded as one of the founders of empirical sociology.

In the early years of the 20 th century, the rising Liberal Party and concern over National Efficiency, meant that these detailed surveys commanded much attention. Poverty was now seen by more people of influence to be an issue demanding nationwide attention to alleviate it and not something which was mainly due to the weaker morals of the working classes. Seebohm Rowntree became a friend and adviser to Lloyd George from 1907 on a variety of areas of public policy, including the Old Age Pensions Act (1908) and the National Insurance Act (1911).

He wrote his ideas down in The Human Needs of Labour (1918, revised 1937) and The Human Factor in Business (1921). They address the relationship between the needs of the employer and the employee and were still required reading for new graduate managers joining the company in the 1960s. The former focused upon good practice in the areas of wages, working hours, working conditions, and employees' welfare and status. Both of the books added to his influence over national level policy. A natural supporter of mediation, he acted to try to bring opposite sides together in major industrial disputes, for example, the railway strike of 1919.

In 1936, Seebohm Rowntree undertook another survey of York and in 1941 he published Poverty and Progress. He recognised that while progress had been made, the combating of poverty still required legislation, but was optimistic that this could be achieved. He worked with Beveridge and helped to pioneer family allowances through a voluntary scheme at Rowntree's from 1940. Beveridge was very interested in the new survey and Seebohm Rowntree's ideas shaped Beveridge's social policy thinking at this time.

He and his assistants studied in detail the lives of over 46 000 York people, over two-thirds of the population. Anyone who could afford to employ a domestic servant was not included in the survey. In 1899 the results of the survey were published in ' Poverty; a Study in Town Life.' The results shocked the nation.

Rowntree found that over 20 000 people in York were living in a state of poverty. That is, almost 28% did not have enough food, fuel and clothing to keep them in good health. Since this was almost half of York's entire working-class population, there could be no question that London was an exceptional case, or that there was not still a huge problem of poverty in Britain.

Of those in poverty in York, about a third did not have enough money coming in each week to live a normal, healthy life even if they spent every penny wisely (Rowntree called this 'primary poverty'). Traditional Victorian 'remedies' like thrift were of no use to these people. You could not be expected to save money when you did not have enough for basic essentials.

Rowntree's reports helped to bring about the Liberal reforms of 1906-1912. These included the provision of free school meals, sickness and unemployment insurance for working men and the first state pensions.

In the UK today we measure relative, rather than, absolute poverty. This defines people as poor if they lack the resources to afford what is generally considered to be an acceptable standard of living and a reasonable style of life.
Summary of key points
* Rowntree's survey shocked the nation by showing that even in a small city like York, 28% of people lived in poverty.

* No one could claim that it was poor people's fault that they were poor.

* Rowntree's survey persuaded governments to help the poor at the start of the 20 th century, and changed attitudes to poverty forever.

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Seebohm Rowntree is most famous for making a study of poverty in York. He published his findings in 1901. They influenced many people to change their ideas about why people were poor and what should be done to help them, including the Liberal government of 1905-1915.

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Decent video on the difference between the two in British Politics

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The reform acts - Primary Sources - National Archive

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The reform acts - Primary Sources - National Archive

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The National Archives | Exhibitions | Citizenship | Struggle for democracy

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The three parliamentary reform Acts introduced in 19th-century Britain (in 1832, 1867 and 1884 respectively) satisfied moderate reformers rather than radicals. The Prime Minister, Lord Grey, supported reform to 'prevent the necessity of revolution' and was responsible for the first (or 'Great') Reform Act of 1832.

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DCDC17 | Charles Booth’s London: imagining the Victorian metropolis - Neil Stewart, LSE

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Starting from Seebohm Rowntree's groundbreaking 1899 study Poverty: A study of town life, the authors explore how the concept of 'poverty' changed over the twentieth century, how the causes of poverty a century ago compare with its causes today, and how key social and economic factors affected these changes.

The authors use evidence from studies over the century to examine how the 'poverty line', and the extent of poverty, has changed. Turning to poverty policy, the authors trace its evolution over the century. They look back to the origin of the Poor Law tradition, and the development of empirical investigation and of policy following Rowntree's and Charles Booth's studies. Exploring poverty policy throughout the century, their analysis includes the most recent developments and outcomes under Thatcher, Major and Blair.

The authors conclude by looking forward. Setting out where Britain stands now in international terms, they explore coming economic and demographic pressures, the constraints and aspirations of public attitudes, and what these will mean for policy-making.

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A review of poverty in Britain over the last century, of the policies implemented to address it and the challenges for the future. This landmark review looks at current poverty policy concerns in the context of the last 100 years.

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Free demo of a game about the complexities of politics - 

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Free demo of a game about the complexities of politics - 

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If you decide to install - run a virus check before install etc.

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Democracy is the title of a new political strategy game by Positech Games

Democracy starts with you as President (or Prime-Minister) of a modern country. The country is a run as a simple democracy where you need to get over 50% of the vote each election in order to remain in power. The object of the game is to stay in power as long as possible (there are no limits as to how many terms you may be elected president).

"Games such as democracy are an important step forward in the evolution of education" - Kristofer Poland, Instructor of Political Science, Ohio University

Democracy is a detailed simulation game that is 'turn based' where each turn of the game represents 3 months of time. Elections are held every 4 years. The game has a complex internal model to represent the population of your country. A large number of different 'voter groups' are modeled, such as Motorists, Trade-Unionists, Unemployed people, Wealthy people etc. The simulation allows people to be in several groups at once, so for example, an unemployed poor motorist will be influenced by the opinions of all 3 groups when it comes to election day.

The player influences the voters and the country by putting in place policies. Policies are things like "Free Health Care" and can be modified using sliders to decide how much money (and effort) is put into each policy. Different voting groups will have very different (often conflicting) views as to which policies are desirable.

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Democracy - The Ultimate Political Strategy Game

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Democracy is the title of a new political strategy game by Positech Games Democracy starts with you as President (or Prime-Minister) of a modern country. The country is a run as a simple democracy where you need to get over 50% of the vote each election in order to remain in power.

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So why the dogs??? Well first they are awesome, any excuse to include the pictures of dogs in uniform, BUT ALSO to think about morality and attitudes in the victorian period.  This entire lesson has been about the conflicting issues of morality, economics, poverty, and social heriachy.  The almost perverse attitude that the affluent victorian paid towards the poor and impoverished is clearly visible in the readings and discussions.  The poor, were unclean, often literally diseased, and unworthy of support.

On the flip side there is the issue of animals and pet welfare.  While the impoverished were pushed out of sight, animals were increasing welcomed in with open arms.  Family pets increased dramatically in 19th century, with the first animal welfare charity ever being set up in 1824 in Britain.

In so many ways the class decide is evident in the victorian obsession with domestic pets.  For the poor and impoverished the line was thinner between pet, stray, and for culturally editable animals, a food source.  For the rich animals, particularly dogs, were status symbols, useful tools, and much loved members of the family and essential within the Victorian sense of tranquile domesticity.

Simply, in terms of heriachy, upper and middle class pets were often significantly better cared for, than human members of the lower classes.  In certain cases it may be possible to make the same point in the 21st century, and anecdotally I certainly prefer my dog to most people. However, the value of human live has dramatically risen since 1820 and no human is socially outranked by a domestic animal (except in my house).

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Britain was the first country in the world to start a welfare charity for animals, as early as 1824. Now, almost 20m cats and dogs have a loving place in the country's homes, and almost one in two households is accompanied by a furry, scaly, or feathered friend.

As a historian of family and home life in 19th- and 20th-century Britain, I've been trying to find out how this came about. With Julie-Marie Strange and our research team, Luke Kelly, Lesley Hoskins and Rebecca Preston, we've been exploring archives from the Victorian era and beyond to figure out how and when pets became so prominent in family life.

Humans have interacted and engaged with animals for thousands of years, but pet-keeping didn't become socially acceptable in Britain until the 18th century. Until then, pets were often seen as an elite extravagance, and small dogs frequently appeared in satirical prints of aristocratic ladies, symbolising frivolity and indulgence.

By the late 18th and early 19th centuries there were fewer of these kinds of images. Instead, paintings and illustrations - a good indicator of what was culturally "in" - began to portray pets as an accepted part of domestic life.

Matthew Darly's 'Chloe's Cushion or the Cork Rump'/British Museum, CC BY-SA

In part, this was because of the new emphasis Victorians placed on home and domestic life. Responding to the growth of noisy and dirty industrial cities, Victorians began to idealise the home as a sacrosanct space. Pets were a key part of this celebration of domestic life, appearing in numerous paintings and illustrations and often portrayed as part of the family. This was the clear message behind Frederick George Cotman's painting, One of the Family, which shows a rural family at the dinner table, accompanied by a pet dog and a horse.

In tandem, a rising Evangelical religious movement placed more emphasis on mothers and fathers in bringing up moral children. In this cultural climate, pet keeping took on a new moral value. From the 1840s, advice books and children's literature encouraged children to keep small animals such as rabbits, guinea pigs and birds. The idea was to cultivate commitment, caring values and practical skills. Boys in particular were expected to learn kindness from these activities.

Victorians kept pets for a variety of reasons. Pedigree dogs conveyed class and status, cats caught mice, and rabbits could be eaten when times were hard. But evidence from interviews, diaries, photographs and the numerous newly created pet cemeteries suggests that, above all, emotional attachment was a crucial part of the relationship between most Victorians and their pets.

Briton Riviere/Royal Holloway, Author provided (No reuse)

Dogs, for example, were held to have virtuous characteristics that echoed the values of the Victorian human world - they were seen as steadfast, loyal and courageous. In the popular painting by Briton Riviere to the right, a little girl, perhaps banished to the naughty step, is accompanied by a faithful dog.

Not all rosy

While the Victorians celebrated pets, there was less consciousness of the harm that might be caused to animals by removing them from their natural habits. Mice, rabbits, squirrels, hedgehogs and all kinds of British birds regularly featured in advice manuals as animals that could be captured and tamed.

Hedgehogs, for example, were frequently captured and sold at London's Leadenhall Market. Their willingness to eat black beetles made them valuable in London kitchens as they were thought to improve cleanliness. But as how to care for and feed them was not well understood, they tended not to survive for long.

Frederick George Cotman/Wikimedia Commons

Birds played an important part in working class culture. Though some families kept them in poor conditions, most cared for them fondly, valuing the song, movement, and colour they added to home life. Removing them from the wild was more contentious than other animals - in the 1870s, legislation was passed to limit their capture to certain times of year. However, markets trading in wild birds continued to operate well into the 20th century.

A new century, a new relationship

Taking animals directly from the wild became gradually less acceptable in the 20th century. Changes in living conditions in the early 20th century also altered the way people kept domesticated pets. The building of new suburban houses with larger gardens in the interwar period created a new, more spacious environment for animals. An increasing urban population was encouraged to take in pets that didn't mind living exclusively indoors, such as pedigree cats.

Disposable incomes rose, so there was also more money for people to spend on their companions. After the Second World War, vet services grew, as did companies supplying bespoke food, toys and pampering experiences.

A stronger emphasis developed on building a relationship with pets, rather than simply caring for them. From the 1920s, commentators increasingly wrote of relationships between humans and pets, and of training as an important facet of dog ownership.

By the 1950s, popular animal experts like Barbara Woodhouse were emphasising that owners also had to be trained. Woodhouse argued that "delinquent canines" - dogs that stole Sunday joints, occupied the favourite chairs of owners, or refused to move from their beds - were due to the failings of owners who had not forged meaningful relationships with them.

By the late 1950s and early 1960s, academics had started exploring the significance of pets in family life. Sociologists Harold Bridger and Stephanie White argued in 1964 that the decline of the traditional "close-knit" family made pets more necessary to bind families together. They predicted that pets would keep becoming more popular long into the future. The booming pet culture in the 21st century appears to fulfil that prophecy.

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Britain is a nation of pet lovers - and it has the Victorians to thank

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Britain was the first country in the world to start a welfare charity for animals, as early as 1824. Now, almost 20m cats and dogs have a loving place in the country's homes, and almost one in two households is accompanied by a furry, scaly, or feathered friend.

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Gail Jennings
Firstly thankyou for all this content in this weeks padlet secondly I thought I'd never get to the dogs makes sense now it now has me thinking about doing a small people watching experiment and looking through my minds eye at dog types in relation to people (socially distanced of course )