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Amnesty International - « La situation des droits humains en 2021 », fiche Pays

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Les droits humains au Venezuela en 2017

Le Venezuela était toujours en état d'urgence, cette mesure ayant été prolongée à plusieurs reprises depuis janvier 2016. Une Assemblée nationale constituante a été élue sans la participation de l'opposition. La procureure générale a été démise de ses fonctions de façon irrégulière. Les forces de sécurité ont continué d'avoir recours à une force excessive et injustifiée pour disperser des manifestations. Des centaines de personnes ont été arrêtées de façon arbitraire. De nombreuses informations ont fait état d'actes de torture et d'autres mauvais traitements, y compris de violences sexuelles, infligés à des manifestants. Cette année encore, le système judiciaire a été utilisé pour réduire au silence des dissidents, et des civils ont été poursuivis devant la justice militaire. Des défenseurs des droits humains ont fait l'objet de manœuvres de harcèlement et d'intimidation, et ont subi des descentes des forces de sécurité. Les conditions de détention étaient extrêmement rudes. Les crises alimentaire et sanitaire se sont encore aggravées, touchant en particulier les enfants, les personnes atteintes de maladies chroniques et les femmes enceintes. Le nombre de Vénézuéliens ayant demandé l' asile à l'étranger a augmenté.

En savoir plus : Le Venezuela dans le Rapport annuel d'Amnesty International 2017-2018

Peine de mort: Abolitionniste pour tous les crimes

Le pays ou territoire n'a pas recours à la peine de mort.

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Le Venezuela était toujours en état d'urgence, cette mesure ayant été prolongée à plusieurs reprises depuis janvier 2016. Une Assemblée nationale constituante a été élue sans la participation de l'opposition. La procureure générale a été démise de ses fonctions de façon irrégulière.

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Benjamin Delile - « Au Venezuela, plus de 200 morts dans les hôpitaux en deux ans à cause des coupures d’électricité. » - Libération - 31 mars 2022

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Au Venezuela, plus de 200 morts dans les hôpitaux en deux ans à cause des coupures d’électricité

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Au moins 233 personnes sont mortes entre 2019 et 2021 dans les hôpitaux du Venezuela en raison des coupures de courant. C’est ce que révèle cette semaine l’Enquête nationale sur les hôpitaux, validée par l’Académie nationale de médecine.

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Lilian Ripert - « Venezuela : les manifestations se multiplient pour le pouvoir d’achat » - Ouest France - 5 août 2022

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Titre : Au Venezuela, plus de 200 morts dans les hôpitaux en deux ans à cause des coupures d’électricité.
Auteur : Benjamin Delille
Date de parution : 31 mars 2022
Nom du journal : Libération
Résumé :
Le manque d’argent fait que les hôpitaux vénézuéliens sont en mauvaise état. Les patients vivent dans de mauvaises conditions. Les pénuries frappent les hôpitaux. Le manque de courant fait des dégâts. Le manque de matériels a causé de nombreux décès, en deux ans plus de 200 patients sont morts en raison de manque de soins.

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Titre : Venezuela, les manifestations se multiplient pour le pouvoir d’achat
Auteur : Lilian RIPERT
Date de parution : 5 août 2022
Nom du journal ou du magazine : Ouest France
Résumé :
Depuis 2014, les salariés travaillant dans le tertiaire réclament une prime d’environ 1,48 par mois.  Mais elle n’a toujours pas été versé alors ils manifestent. Le Venezuela connait une crise économique depuis 2015, cause du prix faible du pétrole et fait connaitre la misère à ses habitants.

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Titre : Venezuela’s elections are missing a key voice: Women
Auteur : Samantha Schmidt Et Ana Vanessa Herrero
Date de parution : 19 novembre 2021
Nom du journal  : “The Washington Post”
Résumé :
Au Venezuela, un très forte minorité de femmes sont candidates à un poste au sein du gouvernement.
Lorsque elles s'engagent à la vie politique de leur pays, elles sont décrédibilisées et discriminées, "les femmes ne savent pas garder de secrets", "elle n'ont pas la carrure pour être à ces postes" et si elles se révoltent contre toutes ces humiliations, elles sont insultés de prostituées, tout leurs arguments sont donc ridicules et infondés

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Présenter un dessin de presse ou une caricature qui présente un aspect des libertés dans votre pays

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Présenter un dessin de presse ou une caricature qui présente un aspect des libertés dans votre pays

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(Caricature de Nicolàs Maduro)
Le président reste assis alors que son pays s'enfonce

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dessinateur : Paul Rathbone
site : Financial time
mai 2016

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Au Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro est le dirigeant d’une République fédérale avec une chambre législative. L’indice de Développement Humain du Venezuela est de 0.711, avec une superficie de 916 445 km².
Il y a 28.704.947 vénézuéliens en 2022 qui occupe le Venezuela.

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Samantha Schmidt & Ana Vanessa - « Venezuela’s elections are missing a key voice: Women. » - The Washington Post - 19 novembre 2021

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Venezuelan opposition candidates Andres Schloeter, Tomás Guanipa and José Manuel Olivares campaign on Wednesday across the neighborhood of El Guarataro in Caracas. (Courtesy of Pa Los Panas Producciones)

CARACAS, Venezuela - Hundreds of people poured into the narrow streets of the densely populated neighborhood, waving blue flags and dancing to samba music, as the candidates arrived. "Unity! Unity!" they shouted.
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Standing in the center of the crowd were three politicians speaking into reporters' microphones, promising change for Venezuela.

"Today we want to show what that change looks like," said Tomás Guanipa, an opposition candidate for mayor of the municipality in the heart of Caracas.

But what it looked like was more of the same: another campaign here made up predominantly of men.

The three politicians at the center of the rally - one candidate for regional governor and two for mayoral races - were men. Two women, running for city council with the same party, stood behind them. But neither spoke.

Opposition candidates here are preparing to compete in their first elections in three years, after boycotting votes conducted by the authoritarian government of President Nicolás Maduro that were widely viewed as fraudulent. They're hoping to energize their supporters and revive the floundering pro-democracy movement.

But as the parties built their lists of gubernatorial and mayoral candidates for Sunday's elections, women were largely left out.

Of the 182 candidates running in gubernatorial or mayoral races in capital cities, only 30 are women, according to an analysis of preliminary candidate lists of four of the top political parties in Venezuela by independent Venezuelan news site Efecto Cocuyo. Of those women, 10 are pro-government, 11 identify with Venezuela's Communist Party and the rest identify as opposition to the government.

Among 192 gubernatorial candidates nationwide, only 21 - or just over 10 percent - are women, according to Venezuelan election monitoring nonprofit Súmate. In mayoral races, about 20 percent are women.

Venezuelan opposition declares end to boycott, agrees to participate in local and state elections

Despite attempts in recent years to set quotas, Venezuelan parties have long failed to elevate women to top leaderships posts. The failure carries particular weight this year, as the economic crisis and coronavirus pandemic in the broken socialist state continue to place the heaviest burden on women. The elections follow Venezuela's own #MeToo movement over the past year, when allegations of sexual harassment were leveled against prominent men in music, sports, media and politics.

For an opposition struggling to connect with the people, critics say, the lack of diverse new voices in the elections is a missed opportunity.

"There's a huge disappointment in Venezuela over the candidates," said Natalia Brandler, president of the women's rights group Asociación Cauce. Elevating women and younger candidates, she said, "would bring fresh air to the elections, a kind of renewal."

But advocates and politicians say the issue has taken a back seat as the opposition movement risks falling apart.

"Unfortunately, today it's not a flag I can raise as high as the need to rescue the vote," said Marialbert Barrios, a 31-year-old elected in 2015 as the youngest member of Venezuela's National Assembly. "We need to differentiate between what's important and what's urgent. What's urgent is participation in these elections."

Luisa Kislinger, a women's rights advocate, pushed back against that approach. "It's not either or. Right now, voting is important, and it is also important to have an internal policy of equality. How hard can this be?"

Venezuela's National Electoral Council published a resolution this year requiring 50 percent gender parity for each political party, but critics say the rule has not been properly enforced.

A similar rule was in place for last year's National Assembly elections, but only three of the 26 national political parties met the criteria, according to the Center for Justice and Peace, an advocacy group. The resulting legislature is less than 34 percent female.

Only three of the 20 lawmakers involved in creating Plan País, a reconstruction plan for the country, are women. Only two of the nine members of the opposition delegation in recent talks with the Maduro government in Mexico were women.

The dearth of women on the ballot prompted a group of 36 organizations to sign a letter in September demanding that the National Electoral Council guarantee gender parity.

Guanipa, the mayoral candidate in Caracas, said Venezuela's leaders need to establish measures to guarantee the participation of women in top roles.

"Venezuelan politics is still very machista," he said. "Women understand much better the drama of living in this country, because they live it in their own flesh."

At least 60 percent of Venezuelan households are headed by a woman, according to the 2020 nationwide poll ENCOVI. Nearly 80 percent of child care and home tasks fall on women, and men on average earn 18 percent more than women, the 2021 ENCOVI poll found.

In a 2021 United Nations ranking of more than 190 countries by representation of women in parliament, Venezuela ranked 103rd. When it came to the number of women in ministerial positions, Venezuela ranked 56th. Nine of the 29 ministers in the Maduro government, or 31 percent, are women.

For many women, Brandler said, the financial obstacles of running for office are too high. In a country sufferingchronic gas shortages, even paying for fuel to travel for a campaign can become an insurmountable cost.

How the pandemic set back women's progress in the global workforce

Opposition lawmaker Liz Carolina Jaramillo said she was encouraged to run for mayor of San Sebastian in Aragua state. But financially, she said, it would have been nearly impossible for her to compete with the two male candidates running in the race.

She also faced personal hurdles: Her mother died in March of complications from covid-19, and now she's the only daughter left in Venezuela to take care of her father. She worried about her teenage daughter's mental health. She decided she couldn't run.

Her ex-husband, however, is running for a city council race.

"He doesn't make the sacrifice, and she's also his daughter," she said. "The ones who end up making the sacrifice are us women."

One Venezuelan lawmaker elected in 2015, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to avoid jeopardizing a job opportunity, said certain top leadership roles in the opposition have seemed out of reach for women.

"If you're a woman in politics, you're seen as either a prostitute or a lesbian," she said.

At one point, she said, when she wanted to work on issues related to the border, a leader of her party told her: "That's a man's issue, that's a military issue. It's dangerous."

When someone suggested a woman for president of the National Assembly, before Juan Guaidó was chosen for the role, one top opposition leader said a woman couldn't handle the job. "Women can't keep secrets," he said, according to the lawmaker. "They are not firm in their posture."

Other prominent women in the opposition disagreed. María Corina Machado, a former lawmaker who is now head of her own party, said she hasn't experienced any barriers by being a woman, aside from the "weight" of being a mother.

As Guanipa and the other candidates marched through the slum of El Guarataro, down steep steps between homes stacked on top of one another, beneath wires hanging over the street, one single mother stood on the sidewalk waiting for them.

"I have seen so few women in these things," said Carmen Gallardo, a 30-year-old mother of two. "If there was a woman running for mayor, maybe I would feel more excited to vote. If I get the time, I'll do it. But honestly, none of them are like me."

Gallardo is preparing to leave the country to help her youngest son find medical treatment for his glaucoma in Brazil. A private surgery in Venezuela could cost up to $2,000, an amount she said would be impossible for her family to afford. "I can't have a full-time job," she said. "Someone has to take care of them."

The candidates"don't know what it's like to be a mother, a single mother, with all the weight on you," she said. "What are they going to promise me?"

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Venezuelan elections are missing a key voice: Women

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CARACAS, Venezuela - Hundreds of people poured into the narrow streets of the densely populated neighborhood, waving blue flags and dancing to samba music, as the candidates arrived. "Unity! Unity!" they shouted. Are you on Telegram? Subscribe to our channel for the latest updates on Russia's war in Ukraine.

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Paul Rathbone - « Nicolás Maduro, seigneur du mauvais règne au Venezuela » - Financial time - 20 mai 2016

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Ever since he became Venezuelan president, Nicolás Maduro has gone to ridiculous lengths to eulogise the memory of Hugo Chávez. The burly 53-year-old has claimed to speak with his predecessor's spirit manifested as a "little bird". At cabinet meetings he waves a book of his mentor's sayings as if they are holy script. He has even argued that Chávez should be sanctified: a rare trespass into Christianity by the gaffe-prone Mr Maduro, who once compared Venezuelan socialism to "when Christ multiplied the penises" - a confusion of peces, the Spanish for fish, and penes that must rank as one of the worst malapropisms in history.

Such absurdities would be comic if Mr Maduro's presidency, and the state of the country he has governed for three years, were not so tragic. Venezuela, with the world's biggest proven energy reserves, should be a rich, modern nation. Instead, after 17 years of revolutionary rule, it is the most extreme example of the mismanagement that has resulted in other leftist governments in the region, such as in Brazil and Argentina, losing power as the commodities boom has collapsed.

Today, Venezuela is gripped by rolling blackouts, racing inflation, homicide rates that make it the world's second most murderous country and shortages of basic goods and medicines. Idealistic allies, such as Spain's Podemos party and Syriza in Greece are now critics. José Mujica, the former Uruguayan president, this week called Mr Maduro "crazy as a goat". More than two-thirds of Venezuelans believe he should not finish his term. Instead, this Latin American Mugabe has dug in.

Last week, Mr Maduro awarded himself emergency powers to crush dissent. This week he claimed the Opec country was suffering a "brutal media and political offensive" from the "Washington-Miami-Madrid" axis. "Forward with Love . . . in today's battles for Independence, Peace and Happiness," he tweeted. Although he has a 26 per cent approval rating, such exhortations draw only faint cheers from the red-clad supporters bussed in to hear him rant against figures such as Mariano Rajoy, the Spanish prime minister he deems "a racist, corrupt piece of colonial garbage".

Mr Maduro's rise was as unlikely as Venezuela's descent into chaos was predictable. Born into a working-class Caracas family, one of four children, he became a militant rather than graduating from high school. After a year's socialist education in Havana, he returned to his home city to become a bus driver and union leader of the metro system. Elected to Congress in 1998 after Chávez won the presidency, this follower of Sai Baba - an Indian guru known for producing gold jewellery from thin air - became speaker of the National Assembly, then foreign minister in 2006.

The rapid ascent was explained by his easy-going manner and revolutionary fealty. If Chávez asked him to break with Bogotá, fix ties with Bogotá, insult Washington, nurture Tehran or schmooze Beijing, he complied. In 2012, Chávez, gripped by terminal cancer, anointed him as successor; the following year Mr Maduro narrowly won presidential elections.

Diplomats suggested Mr Maduro was Chávez's most competent minister but hopes of moderation soon evaporated. Chávez controlled the vipers' nest of Chavista politics with charisma; the leaden Mr Maduro had to use patronage. Corruption flourished in Venezuela, a narcocracy and petro-state in one. In 2015 a video circulated showing Mr Maduro's son showered in dollar bills at a wedding, despite a shortage of foreign currency that has slashed imports. In November, two nephews of Mr Maduro's wife, Cilia Flores - a lawyer and politician - appeared in a New York court on drug smuggling charges.

It may seem mad that Mr Maduro and Chavismo have endured amid so many failings. But it is not illogical. Mr Maduro has wrapped himself in the sainted memory of Chávez - a gifted politician who, however wasteful, empowered the poor, chastised the rich and celebrated indigenous history. Mr Maduro's control of the state oil company and import system gave him economic control; subordination of the courts ensured legal domination. At least until now.

Token support from Cuba aside, Venezuela is isolated. China, which has loaned Caracas $65bn against future oil deliveries, is unlikely to extend fresh credit. A nation that failed to balance its books when oil sold for $100 a barrel now has run out of money.

Internally, the opposition won control of the national congress in last year's midterm elections and has called for a "no confidence" referendum that could mean Mr Maduro is replaced. Mr Maduro, who calls the opposition "faggots", swears he will block this constitutionally allowed process. The Vatican is trying to broker dialogue. But hopes of a coalition government are slim.

What next? The role of the army as arbiter is crucial. There is a high chance Venezuela could default on its $127bn of international debt - in which case, oil cargoes could be seized, collapsing internal systems of patronage as dollar revenues dry up. There is persistent speculation of a military-backed palace coup, especially if current sporadic looting spreads. There is a growing risk of a humanitarian crisis.

Nonetheless, Mr Maduro may cling on. Luis Almagro, head of the Organisation of American States, on Wednesday called him "a petty dictator", while Henrique Capriles, an opposition leader, fears Venezuela is "a time bomb". Both charges appear to be all too true.
The writer is the FT's Latin America editor

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Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela's lord of misrule

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Ever since he became Venezuelan president, Nicolás Maduro has gone to ridiculous lengths to eulogise the memory of Hugo Chávez. The burly 53-year-old has claimed to speak with his predecessor's spirit manifested as a "little bird". At cabinet meetings he waves a book of his mentor's sayings as if they are holy script.