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The issue concerning women’s right to vote was brought to light by the early associations of the feminist movements right after the constitution of the unified Italian State. This pathway, after changing fortunes, ceased with the uprising of fascism. Women’s suffrage in Italy was finally introduced on the 1st of February 1945 because of a due right and was achieved by women participating in the struggle for liberation from fascism. On the 2nd of June 1946, the Italian women voted for the first time for the Institutional referendum (the choice between monarchy and republic) and for the constituent Assembly. 21 women were elected and took part in the drafting of the Italian Constitution. The women elected sustained the all-levels equality principle, obtaining important results mainly in regards to labour, wage, and protection of maternity rights.

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During the late 1800s and early 1900s, women and women's organizations not only worked to gain the right to vote, they also worked for broad-based economic and political equality and for social reforms. Between 1880 and 1910, the number of women employed in the United States increased from 2.6 million to 7.8 million. Although women began to be employed in business and industry, the majority of better paying positions continued to go to men. At the turn of the century, 60 percent of all working women were employed as domestic servants. In the area of politics, women gained the right to control their earnings, own property, and, in the case of divorce, take custody of their children. By 1896, women had gained the right to vote in four states (Wyoming, Colorado, Idaho, and Utah).

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Suffragists, April 22, 1913.

Immediately after the Civil War, Susan B. Anthony, a strong and outspoken advocate of women's rights, demanded that the Fourteenth Amendment include a guarantee of the vote for women as well as for African-American males. In 1869, Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton founded the National Woman Suffrage Association. Later that year, Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howe, and others formed the American Woman Suffrage Association. However, not until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1919 did women throughout the nation gain the right to vote.

During the late 1800s and early 1900s, women and women's organizations not only worked to gain the right to vote, they also worked for broad-based economic and political equality and for social reforms. Between 1880 and 1910, the number of women employed in the United States increased from 2.6 million to 7.8 million. Although women began to be employed in business and industry, the majority of better paying positions continued to go to men. At the turn of the century, 60 percent of all working women were employed as domestic servants. In the area of politics, women gained the right to control their earnings, own property, and, in the case of divorce, take custody of their children. By 1896, women had gained the right to vote in four states (Wyoming, Colorado, Idaho, and Utah). Women and women's organizations also worked on behalf of many social and reform issues. By the beginning of the new century, women's clubs in towns and cities across the nation were working to promote suffrage, better schools, the regulation of child labor, women in unions, and liquor prohibition.

Not all women believed in equality for the sexes. Women who upheld traditional gender roles argued that politics were improper for women. Some even insisted that voting might cause some women to "grow beards." The challenge to traditional roles represented by the struggle for political, economic, and social equality was as threatening to some women as it was to most men.

To find additional documents on this topic in Loc.gov, use such key words as women's rights, equality, social reform, and voting rights.

Documents

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Women's Suffrage in the Progressive Era | Progressive Era to New Era, 1900-1929 | U.S. History Primary Source Timeline | Classroom Materials at the Library of Congress | Library of Congress

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Immediately after the Civil War, Susan B. Anthony, a strong and outspoken advocate of women's rights, demanded that the Fourteenth Amendment include a guarantee of the vote for women as well as for African-American males. In 1869, Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton founded the National Woman Suffrage Association.

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1976 where women in Portugal received full legal equality with Portuguese men. Women were allowed to vote for the first time on equal terms as men, but it took until the 1990s to see real progress such as women becoming equally accepted in the labor force.

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Women's rights were two words never truly uttered prior to the Carnation Revolution of 1974. The aftermath of the 25 of April and the end of the fascist regime Estado Novo meant the creation of the constitution of 1976 where women in Portugal received full legal equality with Portuguese men. Women were allowed to vote for the first time on equal terms as men, but it took until the 1990s to see real progress such as women becoming equally accepted in the labor force. However, only in the 2000s did abortion become legal, and domestic violence legislation improved. Let's take a look at the progress of women's rights across the decades in Portugal, from the Estado Novo until today.

During the Estado Novo regime between 1933 and 1974, women's rights were heavily restricted. Under this fascist authoritarian regime, women were perceived as instrumental figures to the Estado Novo, forced to perpetuate social norms of "feminity" to maintain "family life". Article number 5 of the Constitution of 1933 stated that citizens were equal, "except for the woman, the differences resulting from her nature and the good of the family". According to Cova and Pinto, Salazarism "used female "nature" to deny women complete equality".

The country was predominantly roman catholic under dictator Salazar and his ideology surrounding women's "nature" was rooted in messages repeated by the Catholic Church. Women's "nature" meant that women were expected to stay at home, take care of children, and unfortunately, keep their mouths shut. The only role of a woman was to be a dedicated wife and loving mother, a role that her family trained her to do since childhood. Salazar spread conservative propaganda that cemented the "state's main duty to defend the family as an institution", according to Cova and Pinto.

Financial abuse against women was institutionalized. The law actually allowed a husband to prohibit a wife from working outside the home, as well as allowed husbands to prohibit wives from exercising any lucrative activities. Women were not allowed to access certain professions (diplomat, military, etc), and certain professions (like nursing) limited rights, such as the right to marry. Until 1969, a wife needed the consent of her husband to travel to another country. Contraceptives were only allowed for health reasons and even so, the husband needed to give consent. Abortion was illegal in all cases, with a prison sentence of up to 8 years.

Women did not have universal suffrage during the Estado Novo, despite claims. Although women were technically allowed to vote in the 1933 constitutional referendum for the first time, they were not allowed to do so on the same terms as men. Men only needed to know how to read and write to vote, while women needed secondary education which was uncommon.

In 1960, illiteracy was also high, at 36.7% for women and 24.9% for men. Despite this and the belief that women should stay at home, many went off to work, receiving less than their male counterparts. However, as the 60s progressed, upper and middle-class women faced reduced professional discrimination as they had higher literacy rates and financial privilege.

Moreover, at this time, the Portuguese Colonial War was underway and African women were regularly raped. Many academics now situate these acts "at the core of Portuguese colonial violence", such as Garraio. The Portuguese Colonial war only ended due to the Carnation Revolution in 1974, having lasted over 13 years and killed thousands.

Women only received full legal equality with men with the 1976 constitution, after the Carnation Revolution of April 25, 1974, which ended the Estado Novo after over 40 years of oppression. In the last 48 years of democracy, much progress has been done to improve the lives and rights of women in Portugal. After the dictatorship, women had easier access to professions that were before excluded from women, as well as labor rights such as maternal (and paternal) leave, the abolishment of the right of husbands to open their wives' mail, and universal suffrage.

But perhaps the largest change in the law to emancipate women came only over 30 years after the revolution. During the Estado Novo, there were over 100,000 illegal abortions a year estimated, the third largest cause of maternal death. On April 10, 2007 abortion was finally legalized after the Portuguese abortion referendum with 59% of votes in support. Prior to 2007, those undergoing abortions faced up to three years in prison, except in cases of rape and danger to health. However, abortions can only be performed if the pregnancy has not exceeded 10 weeks. Abortions at later stages are only allowed for particular reasons such as rape. Eight years later, in 2015, Portugal tightened its abortion laws after religious groups led to changes in the law. A mandatory three-day waiting period is now enforced called a "reflection period". Psychological counseling before ending a pregnancy became recommended.

According to UN Women, 91.7% of legal frameworks that promote, enforce, and monitor gender equality under the SDG indicator are in place. Around 40% of seats in parliament are held by women and for the first time ever, the majority of ministers in the government are women.

However, there is still a lot of work to be done to achieve gender equality in Portugal. Portugal ranks 16th in the EU on the Gender Equality Index with 61.3 out of 100 points. The index found that women continued to earn less than men in 2020. Among people with low, medium, and high levels of education, women earn 28%, 30%, and 25% less than men, respectively. However, in 2019 a pay equity law passed that reinforces equal payment across gender for equal work, making it easier for employees and unions to request help for gender-based wage discrimination.

Domestic violence is the second-most registered crime in Portugal, after theft, with over 26,000 cases reported in 2018 and over 29,000 in 2019. Of the latter, 84% of victims were female and in 23% of cases, there were previous incidents of violence. In Portugal, domestic violence is a public crime, meaning anyone can report it without the victim's consent. Moreover, domestic abuse encompasses any behavior that inflicts suffering, with or without intent, such as physical, sexual, emotional, financial, verbal abuse, as well as social isolation. If you are at risk of domestic abuse contact the Portuguese Victim Support APAV at +351 116 006 for legal advice, as well as psychological support. For emergencies, call 112.

To many, the domestic violence we still see today in Portugal stems from the Estado Novo. Antonio Ventinhas says that "domestic violence results in many cases from a mentality present in the Estado Novo where the man is the head of the household and held the authority at home".

Additionally, women and girls aged 15 and up spend over 17% of their time on unpaid care and domestic work, compared to around 10% of men, according to UN Women. The EU Gender Equality Index 2020 confirms this, with the care gender gap in Portugal being among the widest in the EU. There are currently no measures to address the feminization of unpaid care work.

However, in March of 2021, the Supreme Court of Justice in Portugal made an ex-partner of a woman pay almost €61,000 in compensation for the domestic work performed during the 30 years of a non-marital partnership. The woman had taken care of the home and the children, leading to her impoverishment and the enrichment of her partner, according to the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court also said that "domestic work, although it remains strangely invisible to many, obviously has an economic value and translates into enrichment in savings of expenses".

While progress has been made, there is still a lot of work to be done. It is clear that the impact of over 40 years of fascism does not vanish overnight.

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Let's take a look at the progress of women's rights across the decades in Portugal, from the Estado Novo until today.

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Way back in 1921, Madras was the first legislature in British India to pass the women’s suffrage resolution by a considerable majority.

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Number of female heads of state to date: 3

Since the very first Indian general election held in 1951-52, universal suffrage for all adult citizens aged 21 or older was established under Article 326 of the Constitution of India. The minimum voting age was reduced to 18 years by the 61st Amendment, effective 28 March 1989.

Photo by Yogendra Singh

How India Became Democratic

Citizenship and the Making of the Universal Franchise
By Ornit Shani

Dec 2017
How India Became Democratic explores the greatest experiment in democratic human history. It tells the untold story of the preparation of the electoral roll on the basis of universal adult franchise in the world's largest democracy. Ornit Shani offers a new view of the institutionalisation of democracy in India, and of the way democracy captured the political imagination of its diverse peoples. Turning all adult Indians into voters against the backdrop of the partition of India and Pakistan, and in anticipation of the drawing up of a constitution, was a staggering task. Indians became voters before they were citizens - by the time the constitution came into force in 1950, the abstract notion of universal franchise and electoral democracy were already grounded. Drawing on rich archival materials, Shani shows how the Indian people were a driving force in the making of democratic citizenship as they struggled for their voting rights.
› read more

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Women's Day India - Women's Right to Vote, Women's Suffrage

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Women's Right to Vote in India, Nov 26, 1949. Since the first Indian general election held in 1951-52, universal suffrage was established.

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In the Philippines, women legally became persons on September 17th, 1937. Women were finally allowed to vote and were given more rights than before. However, this change wasn't easy to come by. Women came together to create the woman's suffrage movement, in which many men disproved of the idea. They wanted the traditional role of women (cooking, sewing, etc.) to stay. But not all men. One whose opinion probably mattered the most at the time, President Manuel L. Quezon declared that he was in favour of the suffrage movement. Thus, the start of women's rights in the Philippines. Fun fact, the Philippines is one of the first Asian countries to allow women's voting :)

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The position of the Philippines on women's rights is relatively developed compared to many other nations. Over the past century, noticeable developments have been made which have led to greater endorsement and protection of these rights. The progression towards gender equality came about through women's movements, increased numbers of women political representatives, increased numbers of educated women, greater specificity on women's issues instituted under legislation, and the focused application of those laws. In recent years, the Filipino government has addressed the rights of women under a multitude of legislative schemes including workplace discrimination, domestic violence, sexual harassment and human trafficking.

The Philippines has one of the smallest rates of gender disparity in the world. In the Global Gender Gap Index 2017, the Philippines ranked 10th out of 145 countries for gender equality. The Philippines ranks higher than any other Asia-Pacific country but New Zealand. These roles range between the traditional position of mother, looking after children and household, to positions in the political arena.

Despite the great progress and achievements for women's rights the Philippines has garnered so far, the country is still in need of further development. There exists a discrepancy between women who have politically, academically and financially excelled, compared to women who are domestically abused, financially unstable and who are exploited through prostitution and migrant work.

President Manuel L. Quezon signing the Women's Suffrage Bill following the 1937 plebiscite

The women's suffrage movement in the Philippines was one of the first, major occasions on which women grouped together politically. It was also one of the first women's rights movements, and endeavored to attain the right for women to vote and run for office. Many Filipino men were opposed to the idea, and held fast to the traditional view that a woman's place was cooking, cleaning and child rearing in the home. The males of this perspective were primarily concerned that the familial dynamic would destabilize if women were to formally step outside their customary role.

However, not all Filipino men were opposed to the movement. Congressman Filemon Sotto of Cebu filed the first women's suffrage bill at the 1907 Philippine Assembly.[5] From there on, various suffrage bills were sponsored by a number of prominent men in society including; Assemblyman Melecio Severino of Negros Occidental in 1912, Mariano Cuenco of Cebu in 1916, and various assemblymen from Bulacan, Laguna and Tomas Luna in 1918.[6] None of these bills succeeded. It was not until 1936 that the climate for women's suffrage shifted propitiously for women.

A Women's Citizens League was established in 1928 by the Women's Club of Manila.[7] Led by Maria Ventura, its core aim at the outset was to support the cause of women's suffrage.[8]

President Manuel L. Quezon declared his favour towards the suffragette movement in a speech delivered at Malacanang Palace in Manila on September 30, 1936.[9] President Quezon, having signed the Woman's Suffrage Plebiscite Bill, held that, "...it is essential and even imperative that the right to vote be granted to Filipino women if they are not to be treated as mere slaves" and that, for women, it was "...their opportunity to wield a very important weapon to defend their right to secure for themselves and those to follow them their well-being and happiness."[10] Under the 1934 Constitution of the Philippines, Article V held that women were to gain suffrage provided 300,000 women would affirm the same desire at the ballot.[11]

On September 17, 1937, women's suffrage was legalized in the Philippines, after the required threshold for the plebiscite of 300,000 was surpassed. 447,725 women affirmed their aspiration to vote, against 33,307 no votes.[12] The Philippines was one of the first Asian countries to allow this right for women.[13]

Society in the Philippines values education very highly, especially for their children. It is understood to be the means by which personal and familial poverty can be averted -allowing for a more successful way of life.

According to the Philippines's 2013 Census of Population and Housing, the literacy rate of the nation was recorded at 96.5%. It was also found that the literacy rate for females was 97% and males was 96.10%.

Tertiary education participation rates in the Philippines are among the highest in the world. The Honourable Patricia B. Licuanan, in her address at the United Nations in 2011, mentioned the high academic achievement of women, yet recognised their under-representation in some occupational fields. In areas such as engineering, technology, religion, law, trade and agriculture the graduates predominantly remain to be male. It has been hoped that this can be addressed through changes to school curriculum, educational classes based on the elimination of gender stereotypes and the boosting of general awareness of gender issues.

The former gap between male and female literacy and tertiary graduates no longer exists. Accessibility and attainment of education has been a major contributor to the general well-being and standard of living for not only all women, but all people, throughout the Philippines.

Corazon Aquino became the first female president of the Philippines in 1986

Leni Robredo is a former vice-president of the Philippines serving from 2016-2022

Filipino women have become increasingly involved in politics on both the local and national level. Scholars believe that the rise of women leaders can be largely attributed to familial connection and the support the Catholic Church gives to women.[18] Women have come to occupy wide-ranging positions such as members of senate, members of congress, senators, governors, mayors and judges. The greatest exemplification of Filipino women's involvement in politics are the occasions of female presidency. There have been several women who have run for presidency in the past, but since 1986 there have been two female presidents:

Corazon Aquino was the eleventh president of the Republic of the Philippines and the first female president.[19] Elected into office on February 25, 1986, Aquino restored democracy to the Philippines after the long dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos. Aquino was named TIME magazine's Woman of the Year in 1987.[20]

Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was the 14th president of the Republic of the Philippines and second female president. Antecedent to that, Arroyo had become the first female vice-president of the Philippines. Arroyo had already lived in the presidential palace before her presidency, because when she was 14 years-old her father, Diosdado Macapagal, became president of the Philippines.[21]

According to the Republic of the Philippines Commission on Elections (COMELEC),[22] the 2016 Certified List of Candidates for the position of President, two out of the six candidates were women:

Miriam Defensor Santiago - Dr. Miriam Defensor Santiago served in all three branches of the Filipino government. She was a presiding judge of the Regional Trial Court (judicial), commissioner of the Bureau of Immigration and Deportation (executive, 1988), and a Senator (legislative, 1995-2001, 2004-2016). She earned her Doctorate of Juridical Science from the University of Michigan. She was chosen as laureate of the Magsaysay Award for Government Service in 1998. Dr. Santiago was elected as judge of the International Criminal Court in the United Nations (2011).[23] Dr. Santiago ran for President in 1992, 1998, and 2016. During the 2016 Presidential campaign, she was the only candidate to favor divorce. Dr. Santiago died on September 29, 2016.[24]

Grace Poe is the second woman running for presidency in 2016. Poe's father ran for presidency in 2004 but was beaten by Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Poe has a successful political career behind her, having won a seat in senate through winning over 20 million more votes than Loren Legarda who won the previous two elections.[25]

Despite the comparatively advanced position of gender equality that the Philippines maintains, gender-based violence towards women, particularly domestic violence, remains a pervasive problem.

The Philippine Statistics Authority 's National Demographic and Health Survey 2013 revealed that:

One in five women aged 15-49 had experienced physical violence since the age of 15 years old.

One quarter of women ever-married aged 15-49, reported having experienced at any point emotional, physical, and/or sexual violence from their spouse.

Of women who had experienced any form of physical or sexual violence, 30% of them sought help in response to that violence.

While pregnant, 4% of women aged 15-49 experienced violence.

Many significant laws have been enacted directly addressing this issue. These include the Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act (Republic Act (RA) 9262), the Anti-Rape Law (RA 8353), the Rape-Victim Assistance and Protection Act (RA 8505), the Anti-Sexual Harassment Law (RA 7877), the Anti-Trafficking of Persons Act 2003 (RA 9208) and many more. Despite these initiatives, there is increasing recognition that the incongruence between the laws and its effect is due to little or ineffective implementation.

In striving towards successful implementation of the law to help eliminate violence against women, a multitude of governmental, charitable and religious organisations offer their services by taking in and caring for women; as well as promoting public awareness on the subject. The Philippine Commission on Women draws attention to various centers and programs that work to alleviate violence against women. These include women's crisis facilities, domestic violence phone helplines and the Department of Social Welfare and Development's Crisis Intervention Unit.

In the Philippines, abortion has been illegal and criminalized for over a century. This is mainly due to Spanish colonial-era influences in Filipino life, notably Catholicism.

It is under the Penal Code 1870 that abortion was first criminalized, and from there the Revised Penal Code 1930 adapted the same criminalizing law. Under the Revised Penal Code, midwives and physicians who have carried out abortions could face imprisonment for six years -even if they had the consent of the pregnant woman. Due to the lack of exceptions in this area, women can also face imprisonment for a sentence between two and six years for having an abortion.

In the 1987 Philippine Constitution, Article II mentions the importance of the sanctity of family life. Section 12 elaborates on this holding that, "It [the State] shall equally protect the life of the mother and the life of the unborn from conception."

Pregnant women who want abortions, generally have to seek them clandestinely. Some women have even deliberately conducted themselves in such a way as to bring about miscarriage. Those women who have received proper treatment for their health complications due to abortion procedure have often felt stigmatized by those treating them.

Despite the law on abortion currently standing unaltered, debate over change is ongoing. At present, a woman who has been raped cannot undergo abortion due to Article II. However, in cases where the life of the mother is threatened by the pregnancy, a doctor may let the spouse to choose between the life of the unborn child or the mother.

The Philippines has many constitutional and legislative protections for women; particularly in the area of violence against women. Some of these include or are included in;

The 1987 Philippine Constitution in article II, section 14 maintains that the State, "recognizes the role of women in nation building and shall ensure the fundamental equality before the law of women and men."

The Revised Penal code of the Philippines, Republic Act No. 3815. Article 245 of the Act holds that where any police officer or warden immorally or indecently advances to a woman under his watch, that officer or warden will be charged and could face suspension or disqualification of his post.

The Republic Act No. 7877, also known as the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995. This Act applies to all persons, but at the same time offers particularly progressive provisions for the protection of women and children who are particularly vulnerable in this area. This Act declares the unlawfulness of sexual harassment in employment, education and training environments.

The Republic Act No. 9710, also known as the Magna Carta of Women of 2009. Section 2 of the Act holds that, "the state realizes the equality of men and women entails the abolition of the unequal structures and practices that perpetuate discrimination and inequality." It goes on to state that the realization of this can be achieved through appropriate plans, policies, mechanisms, and so forth, to achieve equality and freedom from sex-based discrimination.

The Republic Act 10354, also known as the Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act of 2012. Section 2 holds and emphasizes the importance of the equal protection of both the lives of women and the lives of unborn women from conception. It goes onto recognize and guarantee the promotion of gender equality and equity, women's empowerment and that the dignity of health be classified as a human rights concern and social responsibility.

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Women's rights in Philippines - Wikipedia

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The position of the Philippines on women's rights is relatively developed compared to many other nations. Over the past century, noticeable developments have been made which have led to greater endorsement and protection of these rights.

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After WWI, Malta gained more political independence from the European government, yet women had no role in parliament.

The Women Malta Association was introduced through a meeting for women. The meeting aimed to acquire sympathy in securing women in Malta with equal political rights to men.

Two main women of this association, Burns de Bono and Hélène Buhagiar, used the press to push for women's rights in politics and allowed their voices to obtain a place in the all-male National Assembly.

Their positions in parliament, and the state of disarray the country had after WWII lead to drafting the new 1947 constitution that allowed women to vote.

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The road to Maltese women’s suffrage and beyond

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LONG READ 2,700 words | History shows we still need to shake the tree. We are far from achieving a gender-balanced representation in Parliament

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On September 17, 1937, women legally became persons in the Philippines. It was one of the first, major occasions in which women grouped together politically and it was one of the first women's right to attain the right for women to vote and run for office. However, many Filipino men were opposed to the idea, and held fast to the traditional view that a woman's place was cooking, cleaning and more. The males thought this was concerning and that the familial dynamic would destabilize if women were to formally step outside their customary role. But, not all Filipino men were opposed to the movement. President Manuel L. Quezon declared his favour towards the suffragette movement in a speech on September 30, 1936. So that for women, it was their opportunity to defend their rights to secure for themselves and those to follow them, their well-being and happiness.

Also, did you know the Philippines ranked 10th out of 145 countries for gender equality? Interesting!

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The position of the Philippines on women's rights is relatively developed compared to many other nations. Over the past century, noticeable developments have been made which have led to greater endorsement and protection of these rights. The progression towards gender equality came about through women's movements, increased numbers of women political representatives, increased numbers of educated women, greater specificity on women's issues instituted under legislation, and the focused application of those laws. In recent years, the Filipino government has addressed the rights of women under a multitude of legislative schemes including workplace discrimination, domestic violence, sexual harassment and human trafficking.

The Philippines has one of the smallest rates of gender disparity in the world. In the Global Gender Gap Index 2017, the Philippines ranked 10th out of 145 countries for gender equality. The Philippines ranks higher than any other Asia-Pacific country but New Zealand. These roles range between the traditional position of mother, looking after children and household, to positions in the political arena.

Despite the great progress and achievements for women's rights the Philippines has garnered so far, the country is still in need of further development. There exists a discrepancy between women who have politically, academically and financially excelled, compared to women who are domestically abused, financially unstable and who are exploited through prostitution and migrant work.

President Manuel L. Quezon signing the Women's Suffrage Bill following the 1937 plebiscite

The women's suffrage movement in the Philippines was one of the first, major occasions on which women grouped together politically. It was also one of the first women's rights movements, and endeavored to attain the right for women to vote and run for office. Many Filipino men were opposed to the idea, and held fast to the traditional view that a woman's place was cooking, cleaning and child rearing in the home. The males of this perspective were primarily concerned that the familial dynamic would destabilize if women were to formally step outside their customary role.

However, not all Filipino men were opposed to the movement. Congressman Filemon Sotto of Cebu filed the first women's suffrage bill at the 1907 Philippine Assembly. From there on, various suffrage bills were sponsored by a number of prominent men in society including; Assemblyman Melecio Severino of Negros Occidental in 1912, Mariano Cuenco of Cebu in 1916, and various assemblymen from Bulacan, Laguna and Tomas Luna in 1918. None of these bills succeeded. It was not until 1936 that the climate for women's suffrage shifted propitiously for women.

A Women's Citizens League was established in 1928 by the Women's Club of Manila. Led by Maria Ventura, its core aim at the outset was to support the cause of women's suffrage.

President Manuel L. Quezon declared his favour towards the suffragette movement in a speech delivered at Malacanang Palace in Manila on September 30, 1936. President Quezon, having signed the Woman's Suffrage Plebiscite Bill, held that, "...it is essential and even imperative that the right to vote be granted to Filipino women if they are not to be treated as mere slaves" and that, for women, it was "...their opportunity to wield a very important weapon to defend their right to secure for themselves and those to follow them their well-being and happiness." Under the 1934 Constitution of the Philippines, Article V held that women were to gain suffrage provided 300,000 women would affirm the same desire at the ballot.

On September 17, 1937, women's suffrage was legalized in the Philippines, after the required threshold for the plebiscite of 300,000 was surpassed. 447,725 women affirmed their aspiration to vote, against 33,307 no votes. The Philippines was one of the first Asian countries to allow this right for women.

Society in the Philippines values education very highly, especially for their children. It is understood to be the means by which personal and familial poverty can be averted -allowing for a more successful way of life.

According to the Philippines's 2013 Census of Population and Housing, the literacy rate of the nation was recorded at 96.5%. It was also found that the literacy rate for females was 97% and males was 96.10%.

Tertiary education participation rates in the Philippines are among the highest in the world. The Honourable Patricia B. Licuanan, in her address at the United Nations in 2011, mentioned the high academic achievement of women, yet recognised their under-representation in some occupational fields. In areas such as engineering, technology, religion, law, trade and agriculture the graduates predominantly remain to be male. It has been hoped that this can be addressed through changes to school curriculum, educational classes based on the elimination of gender stereotypes and the boosting of general awareness of gender issues.

The former gap between male and female literacy and tertiary graduates no longer exists. Accessibility and attainment of education has been a major contributor to the general well-being and standard of living for not only all women, but all people, throughout the Philippines.

Corazon Aquino became the first female president of the Philippines in 1986

Leni Robredo is a former vice-president of the Philippines serving from 2016-2022

Filipino women have become increasingly involved in politics on both the local and national level. Scholars believe that the rise of women leaders can be largely attributed to familial connection and the support the Catholic Church gives to women. Women have come to occupy wide-ranging positions such as members of senate, members of congress, senators, governors, mayors and judges. The greatest exemplification of Filipino women's involvement in politics are the occasions of female presidency. There have been several women who have run for presidency in the past, but since 1986 there have been two female presidents:

Corazon Aquino was the eleventh president of the Republic of the Philippines and the first female president. Elected into office on February 25, 1986, Aquino restored democracy to the Philippines after the long dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos. Aquino was named TIME magazine's Woman of the Year in 1987.

Gloria Macapagal Arroyo was the 14th president of the Republic of the Philippines and second female president. Antecedent to that, Arroyo had become the first female vice-president of the Philippines. Arroyo had already lived in the presidential palace before her presidency, because when she was 14 years-old her father, Diosdado Macapagal, became president of the Philippines.

According to the Republic of the Philippines Commission on Elections (COMELEC), the 2016 Certified List of Candidates for the position of President, two out of the six candidates were women:

Miriam Defensor Santiago - Dr. Miriam Defensor Santiago served in all three branches of the Filipino government. She was a presiding judge of the Regional Trial Court (judicial), commissioner of the Bureau of Immigration and Deportation (executive, 1988), and a Senator (legislative, 1995-2001, 2004-2016). She earned her Doctorate of Juridical Science from the University of Michigan. She was chosen as laureate of the Magsaysay Award for Government Service in 1998. Dr. Santiago was elected as judge of the International Criminal Court in the United Nations (2011). Dr. Santiago ran for President in 1992, 1998, and 2016. During the 2016 Presidential campaign, she was the only candidate to favor divorce. Dr. Santiago died on September 29, 2016.

Grace Poe is the second woman running for presidency in 2016. Poe's father ran for presidency in 2004 but was beaten by Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. Poe has a successful political career behind her, having won a seat in senate through winning over 20 million more votes than Loren Legarda who won the previous two elections.

Despite the comparatively advanced position of gender equality that the Philippines maintains, gender-based violence towards women, particularly domestic violence, remains a pervasive problem.

The Philippine Statistics Authority 's National Demographic and Health Survey 2013 revealed that:

One in five women aged 15-49 had experienced physical violence since the age of 15 years old.

One quarter of women ever-married aged 15-49, reported having experienced at any point emotional, physical, and/or sexual violence from their spouse.

Of women who had experienced any form of physical or sexual violence, 30% of them sought help in response to that violence.

While pregnant, 4% of women aged 15-49 experienced violence.

Many significant laws have been enacted directly addressing this issue. These include the Anti-Violence Against Women and Their Children Act (Republic Act (RA) 9262), the Anti-Rape Law (RA 8353), the Rape-Victim Assistance and Protection Act (RA 8505), the Anti-Sexual Harassment Law (RA 7877), the Anti-Trafficking of Persons Act 2003 (RA 9208) and many more. Despite these initiatives, there is increasing recognition that the incongruence between the laws and its effect is due to little or ineffective implementation.

In striving towards successful implementation of the law to help eliminate violence against women, a multitude of governmental, charitable and religious organisations offer their services by taking in and caring for women; as well as promoting public awareness on the subject. The Philippine Commission on Women draws attention to various centers and programs that work to alleviate violence against women. These include women's crisis facilities, domestic violence phone helplines and the Department of Social Welfare and Development's Crisis Intervention Unit.

In the Philippines, abortion has been illegal and criminalized for over a century. This is mainly due to Spanish colonial-era influences in Filipino life, notably Catholicism.

It is under the Penal Code 1870 that abortion was first criminalized, and from there the Revised Penal Code 1930 adapted the same criminalizing law. Under the Revised Penal Code, midwives and physicians who have carried out abortions could face imprisonment for six years -even if they had the consent of the pregnant woman. Due to the lack of exceptions in this area, women can also face imprisonment for a sentence between two and six years for having an abortion.

In the 1987 Philippine Constitution, Article II mentions the importance of the sanctity of family life. Section 12 elaborates on this holding that, "It [the State] shall equally protect the life of the mother and the life of the unborn from conception."

Pregnant women who want abortions, generally have to seek them clandestinely. Some women have even deliberately conducted themselves in such a way as to bring about miscarriage. Those women who have received proper treatment for their health complications due to abortion procedure have often felt stigmatized by those treating them.

Despite the law on abortion currently standing unaltered, debate over change is ongoing. At present, a woman who has been raped cannot undergo abortion due to Article II. However, in cases where the life of the mother is threatened by the pregnancy, a doctor may let the spouse to choose between the life of the unborn child or the mother.

The Philippines has many constitutional and legislative protections for women; particularly in the area of violence against women. Some of these include or are included in;

The 1987 Philippine Constitution in article II, section 14 maintains that the State, "recognizes the role of women in nation building and shall ensure the fundamental equality before the law of women and men."

The Revised Penal code of the Philippines, Republic Act No. 3815. Article 245 of the Act holds that where any police officer or warden immorally or indecently advances to a woman under his watch, that officer or warden will be charged and could face suspension or disqualification of his post.

The Republic Act No. 7877, also known as the Anti-Sexual Harassment Act of 1995. This Act applies to all persons, but at the same time offers particularly progressive provisions for the protection of women and children who are particularly vulnerable in this area. This Act declares the unlawfulness of sexual harassment in employment, education and training environments.

The Republic Act No. 9710, also known as the Magna Carta of Women of 2009. Section 2 of the Act holds that, "the state realizes the equality of men and women entails the abolition of the unequal structures and practices that perpetuate discrimination and inequality." It goes on to state that the realization of this can be achieved through appropriate plans, policies, mechanisms, and so forth, to achieve equality and freedom from sex-based discrimination.

The Republic Act 10354, also known as the Responsible Parenthood and Reproductive Health Act of 2012. Section 2 holds and emphasizes the importance of the equal protection of both the lives of women and the lives of unborn women from conception. It goes onto recognize and guarantee the promotion of gender equality and equity, women's empowerment and that the dignity of health be classified as a human rights concern and social responsibility.

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Women's rights in Philippines - Wikipedia

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The position of the Philippines on women's rights is relatively developed compared to many other nations. Over the past century, noticeable developments have been made which have led to greater endorsement and protection of these rights.

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Romel

The iraqi provision constitution (drafted in 1970) formally guaranteed equal right to women and other laws specifically ensured their right to vote attend school, run for political office, and own property.

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Women did not become legal persons in Portugal until 1977. Women received full legal equality with Portuguese men as mandated by Portugal's constitution of 1977. Although Women were allowed to vote for the first time in Portugal in 1931 under Salazar's Estado Novo, but not on equal terms with men.

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Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka has ratified the Convention on Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1980.

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Because Jamaica was under the British crown, women gained rights around the same time in both countries. Although in Jamaica, women gained rights first but not full rights. While the male age to vote was 21 for men, women needed to wait until 25. This wasn’t the end because women still couldn’t be engaged in the governmental political process until 1944.

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This paper argues that the right to vote, though fundamental to democracy, has not been sufficiently appreciated as a major explanation of contitutional, social, economic, adn democratic advancement in Jamaica and the English-speacking Caribbean, It provides a new interpretation of existing literature to show that universal adults suffrage should be regarded as an important explanation for the consolidation of democracy in the Caribbean and that many current reforms in Jamaica arise from the associated conditions that would make the right to vote more meaningful, thereby advancing democracy further.Este documento sostiene que el derecho a votar, aunque fundamental para la democracia, no ha sido apreciado lo suficiente como una respuesta principal al avance contitucional, social, económico y democrático en Jamaica y el caribe anglo-parlante. Este documento proporciona una nueva interpretaciona una nueva interpretación de la literatura existente, para demostrar que el sufragio universal de adultos debría ser considerado como una respuesta importante para la consolidación de la democracia en el caribe, y de que muchas reforms actuales en Jamaica surgen de las condiciones asociadas que harían el derecho a votar, más relevante y así perfeccionar aún más la democracia. Le présent article postule que le droit de vot, bien que fondamentale pour la démocratie, n'est pas suffisamment reconnu comme étant l'une des principales raisons du progrés constitutionnel, social, économique qu'ont subis la Jamaëque en particulier et la Caraïbe anglophone en général. Il fournit une nouvelle explication pour la littérature existante afin de montrer que le droit de vote devrait être considéré comme étant une importante explication de la démocratie dans la Caraïbe et qu'une grande partie des réformes en Jamaëque émanent des conditions accompagnantes qui rendraient le droit de vote plus important et, par conséquent, capable de pousser la démocratie encore plus loin.

Journal Information

Social and Economic Studies (ISSN 0037-7651) is a quarterly, peer-reviewed journal that has been published continuously since 1953. Produced by the Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies (SALISES), it features articles reflecting current academic research of a developmental nature on a wide range of issues in the Caribbean, Latin America and the rest of the Global South. SES is multi-disciplinary in orientation and publishes articles and research on agricultural, anthropological, demographic, economic, educational, monetary, political, cultural and sociological questions with a view to analyzing and discussing the problems of less developed countries, particularly those in the Caribbean. Our intended audience would consist of academics, policy-makers and informed members of the general public. For more information about the journal, please visit: http://sesjournaluwi.blogspot.com

Publisher Information

The mission of the The Sir Arthur Lewis Institute of Social and Economic Studies (SALISES) is to undertake high-quality research and graduate teaching in the areas of social and economic development policy, governance and public policy with special reference to small developing countries.

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UNIVERSAL ADULT SUFFRAGE IN JAMAICA AND THE CARIBBEAN SINCE 1944 on JSTOR

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This paper argues that the right to vote, though fundamental to democracy, has not been sufficiently appreciated as a major explanation of contitutional, social, economic, adn democratic advancement in Jamaica and the English-speacking Caribbean, It provides a new interpretation of existing literature to show that universal adults suffrage should be

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Greece

Women rights became equal to men in 1983. Kalliroi Parren who was born in Siganou, started the feminist movement in Greece with her creation and publication of her newspaper. In the Greek law, men and women have equal employment rights and deserve to be paid equally. Women had the right to have equal access as men to education, vocational training, employment and work development opportunities. Greek woman had the right to start voting in 1952. Sparta was the first city in Greece to start having woman’s rights. In Greece, they started this movement because typically the women where only meant to stay at home and care for their children.

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Women’s right to suffrage was granted in Colombia by Gustavo Rojas Pinilla in 1954. In 1957 women voted for the first time

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As established in the Colombian Constitution of 1991, women in Colombia have the right to bodily integrity and autonomy; to vote ( see also: Elections in Colombia); to hold public office; to work; to fair wages or equal pay; to own property; to receive an education; to serve in the military in certain duties, but are excluded from combat arms units; to enter into legal contracts; and to have marital, parental and religious rights. Women's rights in Colombia have been gradually developing since the early 20th Century.

Women in Colombia have been very important in military aspects, serving mainly as supporters or spies such as in the case of Policarpa Salavarrieta who played a key role in the independence of Colombia from the Spanish empire. Some indigenous groups such as the Wayuu hold a matriarchal society in which a woman's role is central and the most important for their society. Women belonging to indigenous groups were highly targeted by the Spanish colonizers during the colonial era. Many indigenous women were subject to slavery, rape and the loss of their cultural identity.[6]

Throughout the colonial era, the 19th century and the establishment of the republican era, Colombian women were relegated to be housewives in a male dominated society. Education for women was limited to the wealthy and they were only allowed to study until middle school in monastery under Roman Catholic education. On December 10, 1934 the Congress of Colombia presented a law to give women the right to study. The law generated controversy, as did any issue related to women's rights at the time.

School girls in Colombia

Before 1933 women in Colombia were only allowed schooling until middle school level education. Liberal congressman Jorge Eliécer Gaitán defended the decree Number 1972 of 1933 to allow women to receive higher education schooling, while the conservative Germán Arciniegas opposed it. The decree passed and was signed by the Liberal government of Alfonso López Pumarejo. The state-owned National University of Colombia was the first higher education institution to allow female students. Gerda Westendorp was admitted on February 1, 1935, to study medicine. Gabriela Peláez, who was admitted as a student in 1936 and graduated as a lawyer, became the first female to ever graduate from a university in Colombia. In 1936, María Carulla founded the first school of social works under the support of the Our Lady of the Rosary University. After this, women began to be seen by many as equal to men for their academic achievements, creativity, and discipline. At the same time, citizens began to support the idea of citizenship for women following the example of other countries. The constant political violence, social issues, and economic problems were among the main subjects of study for women, mainly in the areas of family violence and couple relationships, and also in children abuse.

A group of women led by Georgina Fletcher met with then-president of Colombia Enrique Olaya Herrera with the intention of asking him to support the transformation of the Colombian legislation regarding women's rights to administer properties. The law was named ley sobre Régimen de Capitulaciones Matrimoniales ("Law about marriage capitulations regime") which was later proposed in congress in December 1930 by Ofelia Uribe as a constitutional reform. The law's main objective was to allow women to administer their properties and not their husbands, male relatives or tutors, as had been the case. The move generated a scandal in congress. It did not pass, and later generated persecutions and plotting against the group of women. As leader of the group, Georgina Fletcher was persecuted and isolated. The Régimen de Capitulaciones Matrimoniales was once again presented in congress in 1932 and approved into Law 28 of 1932.

Women's right to suffrage was granted by Colombian political Gustavo Rojas Pinilla in 1954, but had its origins in the 1930s with the struggle of women to acquire full citizenship. In 1957 women first voted in Colombia on a plebiscite.

Cohabitation is very common in this country, and the majority of children are born outside of marriage. In the 2000s, 55,8% of births were to cohabiting mothers, 22,9% to married mothers, and 21,3% to single mothers (not living with a partner).[7] Family life has changed dramatically during the last decades: in the 1970s, 68,8% of births were inside marriage;[7] and divorce was legalized only in 1991.[8]

In the 1990s, Colombia enacted Ley 294 de 1996, in order to fight domestic violence. In 2008, Ley 1257 de 2008, a comprehensive law against violence against women was encted. Marital rape was criminalized in 1996. Article 42 of the Constitution of Colombia provides that "Family relations are based on the equality of rights and duties of the couple and on the mutual respect of all its members. Any form of violence in the family is considered destructive of its harmony and unity, and will be sanctioned according to law."

Abortion in Colombia has been historically severely restricted, with the laws being loosened in 2006 and 2009 (before 2006 Colombia was one of few counties in the world to have a complete ban on abortion); and in 2022 abortion on request was legalized to the 24th week of pregnancy, by a ruling of the Constitutional Court on February 21, 2022.Up until that point, women who had abortions in this largely Catholic nation faced sentences ranging from 16 to 54 months in prison. According to this decision, women may obtain an abortion up until the sixth month of pregnancy for any reason. A 2006 court decision that also allowed doctors to refuse to perform abortions based on personal beliefs stated that this was previously only permitted in cases of rape, if the mother's health was in danger, or if the fetus had an untreatable malformation.

The armed conflict in the country has had a very negative effect on women, especially by exposing them to gender-based violence. It is reported that one in five of women who were displaced due to the conflict were raped.

(in Spanish)BANCO DE LA REPÚBLICA - BIBLIOTECA LUIS ANGEL ARANGO - BIBLIOTECA VIRTUAL. Débora Arango, Reseña de Exposición Restrospectiva. Santafé de Bogotá, Abril-Septiembre, 1996. (Bank of the Republic - Luis Angel Arango Library - virtual library. Debora Arango, retrospective exposition. Bogota April-September 1996)

(in Spanish)DE KARPF, Ana. "Balance de 40 años del voto femenino". En: Unión de Ciudadanas de Colombia. Memorias, 5º Congreso Nacional. Cali, octubre, 1997.

(in Spanish)JIMENO, Gladys. Las semillas dan sus frutos. En Memoria de María Consuelo Niño, Bogotá, 3 de julio de 1986. Fotocopia.

(in Spanish)LUNA, Lola. Los movimientos de mujeres en América Latina y la renovación de la Historia Política. Universidad del Valle - Centro de Estudios de Género Mujer y Sociedad. Editorial La Manzana de la Discordia, Santiago de Cali.

(in Spanish)MEDINA, Medófilo. "Mercedes Abadía - el movimiento de las mujeres colombianas por el derecho al voto en los años cuarenta". En: En Otras Palabras No.7. Mujeres que escribieron el siglo XX. Construcciones del feminismo en Colombia. Santafé de Bogotá D.C. Colombia, Enero-Junio de 2000.

(in Spanish)MUSEO DE ARTE MODERNO DE MEDELLÍN. Débora Arango, 1937-1984. Exposición Retrospectiva. Catálogo Medellín. 1984.

(in Spanish)PELÁEZ MEJÍA, Margarita María y Luz Stella Rodas Rojas. La Política de Género en el Estado Colombiano: un camino de conquistas sociales. Editorial Universidad de Antioquia. Medellín, 2002.

(in Spanish)Periódico Una voz insurgente, 1944.

(in Spanish)SCOTT, Joan. "El problema de la Invisibilidad". En: RAMOS ESCANDÓN, Carmen (Comp.). Género e historia, Instituto MORA-UAM, México, 1992.

(in Spanish)TORRES GIRALDO, Ignacio. María Cano: Mujer Rebelde. Editorial La Rosca, Bogotá, 1972.

(in Spanish)URIBE DE ACOSTA, Ofelia. Una Voz Insurgente, Ediciones Guadalupe, Bogotá, 1963.

(in Spanish)VELASQUEZ TORO, Magdala, Catalina Reyes y Pablo Rodríguez. "Proceso histórico y derechos de las mujeres, año 50 y 60. Las mujeres en la Historia de Colombia. Tomo I, Editorial Norma, 1995.

VELÁSQUEZ, Magdala y otros. 40 años del voto de la mujer en Colombia. Feriva, Cali, 1997.

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As established in the Colombian Constitution of 1991, women in Colombia have the right to bodily integrity and autonomy; to vote ( see also: Elections in Colombia ); to hold public office; to work; to fair wages or equal pay; to own property; to receive an education; to serve in the military in certain duties, but are excluded from combat arms units; to enter into legal contracts; and to have marital, parental and religious rights.

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In 1947, the women of Pakistan became equal to men as they were granted suffrage which is the right to vote. Women were also reserved seats in Parliament starting in 1956. By the 1960s, gender equality was specifically guaranteed by the Constitution of Pakistan and all government services were opened to women.

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Value

0.534(2021)

Rank

135th out of 191

Value

0.575 (2023)

Rank

142th out of 146 (2023)

Women in Pakistan make up 48.76% of the population according to the 2017 census of Pakistan. Women in Pakistan have played an important role throughout Pakistan's history and they are allowed to vote in elections since 1956. In Pakistan, women have held high offices including that of the Prime Minister, Speaker of the National Assembly, Leader of the Opposition, as well as federal ministers, judges, and serving commissioned posts in the armed forces, with Lieutenant General Nigar Johar attaining the highest military post for a woman. Benazir Bhutto was sworn in as the first woman Prime Minister of Pakistan on 2 December 1988.

The status of women in Pakistan differs considerably across classes, regions and the rural/urban divide due to the uneven socioeconomic development and the impact of tribal and feudal social formations on lives of women in Pakistan. Gender Concerns International reports that the overall women's rights in Pakistan have improved with increasing number of women being educated and literate.

However, Pakistan does face issues where woman are kept behind in the field of education. This is also associated with low government funding, fewer schools and colleges for women, and a low enrollment rate of women in educational institutions due to lack of awareness and women's rights in certain areas. Cases of rape, honor killing, murder, and forced marriages in backward areas are also reported. All these issues are related to constraints due to a lack of education, poverty, a judicial system of Pakistan that is disrupted, the negligence of government authorities to implement laws and widespread underperformance of law enforcement agencies such as the Police.

Historically, Muslim reformers such as Syed Ahmad Khan tried to bring education to women, limit polygamy, and empower women in other ways through education. The founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, was known to have a positive attitude towards women. After the independence of Pakistan, women's groups and feminist organizations initiated by prominent leaders like Fatima Jinnah started to emerge in order to eliminate socio-economic injustices against women in the country.

Many Muslim women supported the Indian National Congress Quit India Movement. Some like Syeda Safia Begum of Muslim Town Lahore started the first English School for Muslim Children in Muslim Town in 1935. Pakistani women were granted the suffrage in 1947, and they were reaffirmed the right to vote in national elections in 1956 under the interim Constitution. The provision of reservation of seats for women in the Parliament existed throughout the constitutional history of Pakistan from 1956 to 1973.

Had General Ayub Khan run fair elections, Ms. Fatima Jinnah of Pakistan would have become the first Muslim President of the largest Muslim country in the world. However, despite that setback, during 1950-60, several pro-women initiatives were taken. Also, the first woman Lambardar or Numberdar (Village Head Person) in West Pakistan Begum Sarwat Imtiaz took oath in Village 43/12-L in Chichawatni, District Montgomery (now Sahiwal) in 1959. The 1961 Muslim Family Law Ordinance, which regulated marriage, divorce, and polygamy continues to have a significant legal impact on the women of Pakistan.

The regime of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1970-1977) was a period of liberal attitudes towards women. All government services were opened to women including the district management group and the foreign service (in the civil service), which had been denied to them earlier. About 10% of the seats in the National Assembly and 5% in the provincial assemblies were reserved for women, with no restriction on contesting general seats. However, the implementation of these policies was poor as the Government faced a financial crisis due to war with India and consequent division of the country.

Gender equality was specifically guaranteed by the Constitution of Pakistan adopted in 1973. The constitution stipulated that "there shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex alone." The Constitution additionally affords the protection of marriage, family, the mother and the child as well as ensuring "full participation of women in all spheres of national life." However, many judges upheld the "laws of Islam", often misinterpreted, over the Constitution's guarantee of non-discrimination and equality under the law.

In 1975, an official delegation from Pakistan participated in the First World Conference on Women in Mexico, which led to the constitution of the first Pakistani Women's Rights Committee.

General Zia ul-Haq, then Army Chief of Staff, overthrew the democratically elected Zulfikar Ali Bhutto government in a military coup on 5 July 1977. The Sixth Plan during the martial law régime of General Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1986) was full of policy contradictions. The régime took many steps toward institutional building for women's development, such as the establishment of the Women's Division in the Cabinet Secretariat, and the appointment of another commission on the Status of Women. A chapter on women in development was included for the first time in the Sixth Plan. The chapter was prepared by a working group of 28 professional women headed by Syeda Abida Hussain, chairperson of the Jhang District council at that time. The main objective as stated in the Sixth Plan was "to adopt an integrated approach to improve women's status". In 1981, General Zia-ul-Haq nominated the Majlis-e-Shoora (Federal Advisory Council) and inducted 20 women as members, however Majlis-e-Shoora had no power over the executive branch. In 1985, the National Assembly elected through non-party elections doubled women's reserved quota (20 percent).

However, Zia-ul-Haq initiated a process of Islamization by introducing discriminatory legislation against women such as the set of Hudood Ordinances and the Qanun-e-Shahadat Order (Law of Evidence Order). He banned women from participating and from being spectators of sports and promoted purdah. He suspended all fundamental rights guaranteed in the 1973 Constitution. He also proposed laws regarding Qisas and Diyat, Islamic penal laws governing retribution ( qisas) and compensation ( diyat) in crimes involving bodily injury. The Offence of Zina (Enforcement of Hudood) Ordinance, 1979 was a subcategory of the Hudood Ordinance. is the crime of non-marital sexual relations and adultery.

A woman alleging rape was initially required to provide eyewitnesses of good standing and moral character ( tazkiyah-al-shuhood) and the witnesses would have to witness "the act of penetration" for the death penalty to apply to the Rapist or if there was no witnesses then Ta'zir would apply. However failure to find such proof of the rape could place her at risk of prosecution for another hudood ordinance, qazf for accusing an innocent man of adultery. Qazf does not require such strong evidence. In principle, the failure to find such proof of rape does not place the woman herself at risk of prosecution. According to Mufti Taqi Usmani, who was instrumental in the creation of the ordinances:

If anyone says that she was punished because of Qazaf (false accusation of rape) then Qazaf Ordinance, Clause no. 3, Exemption no. 2 clearly states that if someone approaches the legal authorities with a rape complaint, she cannot be punished in case she is unable to present four witnesses. No court of law can be in its right mind to award such a punishment.

However, in practice, these safeguards have not always worked. In September 1981, the first conviction and sentence under the Zina Ordinance, of stoning to death for Fehmida and Allah Bakhsh were set aside under national and international pressure. In September 1981, women came together in Karachi in an emergency meeting to oppose the adverse effects on women of martial law and the Islamization campaign. They launched what later became the first full-fledged national women's movement in Pakistan, the Women's Action Forum (WAF). WAF staged public protests and campaigns against the Hudood Ordinances, the Law of Evidence, and the Qisas and Diyat laws (temporarily shelved as a result).

In 1983, an orphaned, thirteen-year-old girl, Jehan Mina was allegedly raped by her uncle and his sons, and became pregnant. She was unable to provide enough evidence that she was raped. She was charged with adultery and the court considered her pregnancy as the proof of adultery. She was awarded the punishment of one hundred lashes and three years of rigorous imprisonment.

The International Commission of Jurists' December 1986 mission to Pakistan called for the repeal of the sections of the Hudood Ordinances relating to crimes and of Islamic punishments that discriminate against women and non-Muslims.

Benazir Bhutto became the first woman elected to lead a Muslim state. She was assassinated while campaigning for the Pakistani general election of 2008.

After Zia-ul-Haq's regime, there was a visible change in the policy context in favor of women. The Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth plans formulated under various democratically elected governments have clearly made efforts to include women's concerns in the planning process. However, planned development failed to address gender inequalities due to the gap between policy intent and implementation.

In 1988, Benazir Bhutto (Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's daughter) became the first female Prime Minister of Pakistan, and the first woman elected to head a Muslim country. During her election campaigns, she voiced concerns over social issues of women, health and discrimination against women. She also announced plans to set up women's police stations, courts and women's development banks. She also promised to repeal controversial Hudood laws that curtailed the rights of women. However, during her two incomplete terms in office (1988-90 and 1993-96), Benazir Bhutto did not propose any legislation to improve welfare services for women. She was not able to repeal a single one of Zia-ul-Haq's Islamisation laws. By virtue of the eighth constitutional amendment imposed by Zia-ul-Haq, these laws were protected both from ordinary legislative modification and from judicial review.

In early 1988, the case of Shahida Parveen and Muhammad Sarwar sparked bitter public criticism. Shahida's first husband, Khushi Muhammad, had divorced her and the papers had been signed in front of a magistrate. The husband however, had not registered the divorce documents in the local council as required by law, rendering the divorce not legally binding. Unaware of this, Shahida, after her mandatory 96-day period of waiting ( iddat), remarried. Her first husband, rebounding from a failed attempt at a second marriage, decided he wanted his first wife Shahida back. Shahida's second marriage was ruled invalid. She and her second husband, Sarwar were charged with adultery. They were sentenced to death by stoning. The public criticism led to their retrial and acquittal by the Federal Shariah Court.

The Ministry of Women's Development (MWD) established Women's Studies centers at five universities in Islamabad, Karachi, Quetta, Peshawar, and Lahore in 1989. However, four of these centers became almost non-functional due to lack of financial and administrative support. Only the center at the University of Karachi (funded by the Canadian International Development Agency) was able to run a master of arts program.

The First Women Bank Ltd. (FWBL) was established in 1989 to address women's financial needs. FWBL, a nationalized commercial bank, was given the role of a development finance institution, as well as of a social welfare organization. It operates 38 real-time online branches across the country, managed and run by women. MWD provided a credit line of Rs 48 millions to FWBL to finance small-scale credit schemes for disadvantaged women. The Social Action Program launched in 1992/93 aimed at reducing gender disparities by improving women's access to social services.

Pakistan acceded to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) on 29 February 1996. The Ministry of Women Development (MWD) was the designated national focal machinery for its implementation. However MWD faced a lack of resources initially. Pakistan failed to submit its initial report that was due in 1997. Pakistan neither signed nor ratified the Optional Protocol of the Women's Convention, which has led to non-availability of avenues for filing grievances by individuals or groups against Pakistan under CEDAW.

In 1997, Nawaz Sharif was elected as Prime Minister. He had also held office for a truncated term (1990-1993), during which he had promised to adopt Islamic law as the supreme law of Pakistan.

The report of the Inquiry of the Commission for Women (1997) clearly stated that the Hudood legislation must be repealed as it discriminates against women and is in conflict with their fundamental rights. A similar commission during Benazir Bhutto's administration had also recommended amending certain aspects of Hudood Ordinance. However, neither Benazir Bhutto nor Nawaz Sharif implemented these recommendations.

The enhancement of women's status was stated as one of the 16 goals listed in the Pakistan 2010 Program (1997), a critical policy document. However, the document omits women while listing 21 major areas of interests. Similarly, another major policy document, the "Human Development and Poverty Reduction Strategy" (1999), mentioned women as a target group for poverty reduction but lacks gender framework.

In 2000, the Church of Pakistan ordained its first women deacons. In 2002 (and later during court trials in 2005), the case of Mukhtaran Mai brought the plight of rape victims in Pakistan under an international spotlight. On 2 September 2004, the Ministry of Women Development was made an independent ministry, separating from the Social Welfare and Education Ministry.

In July 2006, General Pervez Musharraf asked his Government to begin work on amendments to the controversial 1979 Hudood Ordinance introduced under Zia-ul-Haq's régime. He asked the Law Ministry and the Council of Islamic Ideology (under the Ministry of Religious Affairs) to build a consensus for the amendments to the laws. On 7 July 2006, General Musharraf signed an ordinance for the immediate release on bail of around 1,300 women who were currently languishing in jails on charges other than terrorism and murder.

In late 2006, the Pakistani parliament passed the Women's Protection Bill, repealing some of the Hudood Ordinances. The bill allowed for DNA and other scientific evidence to be used in prosecuting rape cases. The passing of the Bill and the consequent signing of it into law by President General Pervez Musharraf invoked protests from hardline Islamist leaders and organizations. Some experts also stated that the reforms would be impossible to enforce.

The Women's Protection Bill, however, has been criticized by many including human rights and women's rights activists for only paying lipservice and failing to repeal the Hudood Ordinances.

Asif Ali Zardari was the 11th President of Pakistan. He is the widower of Benazir Bhutto, who twice served as Prime Minister of Pakistan. When his wife was assassinated in December 2007, he became the leader of the Pakistan People's Party. On 30 December 2007 he became co-chairman of the PPP, along with his son Bilawal Bhutto Zardari. On September 8, 2013, Asif Ali Zardari became the country's first president to complete his constitutional term.

Female member of parliament and party loyalist Dr. Fehmida Mirza was appointed as the first female speaker in South Asia. During her tenure, Pakistan saw its first female foreign minister, Hina Rabbani Khar, its first secretary of defense, Nargis Sethi, deputy speaker of a province Shehla Raza and numerous female ministers, ambassadors, secretaries including Farahnaz Ispahani, Media Advisor to former President of Pakistan and co-chairman PPP, Sherry Rehman former ambassador of Pakistan to US, Fauzia Wahab, Firdous Ashiq Awan, Farzana Raja, Shazia Marri, Sharmila Faruqi, Musarat Rafique Mahesar, Shahida Rehmani and others held prestigious positions within the administration.

On 29 January 2010, the President signed the 'Protection against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Bill 2009' which the parliament adopted on 21 January 2010. Two additional bills were signed into law by the President in December 2012 criminalizing the primitive practices of Vani, watta-satta, swara and marriage to the Quran, which used women as tradable commodities for the settlement of disputes, as well as punishing acid-throwing by life imprisonment. The government further established a special task force in the interior Sindh region in action against the practice of Karo-Kari, establishing helplines and offices in the districts of Sukkur, Jacobabad, Larkana and Khairpur.

In 2012, the government revived the National Commission on the Status of Women established by General Musharraf for three years in 2000, later revived for three years at a time. The bill moved by government established the commission as a permanent body with the task to ensure the implementation of women protection legislation for abuses against women.

Criminal Law (Amendment) (Offense of Rape) Act 2016

On 7 October 2016, Pakistan's parliament unanimously passed new anti-rape and anti-honor-killing bills. The new laws introduced harsher punishments for the perpetrators of such crimes. According to the new anti-rape bill, DNA testing was made mandatory in rape cases. Sabotaging or disrupting the work of a police officer or Government official could result in imprisonment of 1 year under the new law. Government officials who are found to take advantage of their official position to commit acts of rape (e.g. custodial rape) are liable to imprisonment for life and a fine. According to the new law, anyone who rapes a minor or a mentally or physically disabled person will be liable for the death penalty or life imprisonment.

The recording of statement of the female survivor of rape or sexual harassment shall be done by an Investigating Officer, in the presence of a female police officer, or a female family member of the survivor. Survivors of rape shall be provided legal aid (if needed) by the Provincial Bar Council.[citation needed ] The new law also declares that trials for offences such as rape and related crimes shall be conducted in-camera and also allows for the use of technology such as video links to record statements of the victim and witnesses, to spare them the humiliation or risk entailed by court appearances. The media will also be restricted from publishing or publicizing the names or any information that would reveal the identity of a victim, except when publishing court judgements. The trial for rape shall conclude within three months. However, if the trial is not completed within three months, the case shall be brought to the notice of the Chief Justice of the High Court for appropriate directions. The new bill also ensures that sex workers are also included in the law's protection.

On 20 June 2019, Chief justice of Pakistan, Asif Saeed Khosa, announced that more than 1,000 special courts will be established in the country which will focus on tackling violence against women. Each district in Pakistan will have once such court according to the chief justice. Romana Bashir, who heads a NGO called the Peace and Development Foundation which is focused on women's rights in Pakistan, said that the establishment of such courts was "a wonderful safeguarding measure". She also said "Certainly women will be encouraged and feel strengthened to speak up against gender based violence. Consequently, women will be able to get justice". Fauzia Viqar, a women's rights campaigner who advised the Punjab government until last month, said studies had shown the performance of such dedicated courts to be "many times better than other courts".

Purdah norms are followed in few communities of Pakistan. It is practiced in various ways, depending on family tradition, region, class, and rural or urban residence. Purdah is most likely to be practiced among the Pashtuns and the Muslim Rajputs. Now, many women in Pakistan don't practice Purdah, which is opposed by many religious scholars. Generally, women living in more developed areas like Lahore, Karachi and Islamabad are more liberal in terms of dressing than women living in less developed areas.

Vani is a marriage custom followed in tribal areas and the Punjab province. The young girls are forcibly married off in order to resolve the feuds between different clans; the Vani can be avoided if the clan of the girl agrees to pay money, called Deet, to other clans. Swara, Pait likkhi and Addo Baddo are similar tribal and rural customs that often promote marriage of girls in their early teenage years. In one extreme case in 2012, a local Jirga in Aari village, Swat ordered that Roza Bibi, a girl of six, must be married off to settle a dispute between her family and the rival family. As of 2018, the trend of Vani is decreased very much, allowing more young girls to live their childhood freely.

Like in other parts of South Asia, the custom of dowry is practiced in Pakistan, and conflicts related to it often result in violence, even dowry deaths. At over 2000 dowry-related deaths per year, and annual rates exceeding 2.45 deaths per 100,000 women from dowry-related violence, Pakistan has the highest reported number of dowry death rates per 100,000 women in the world.

In 1999, at least 1000 women were murdered in Pakistan and 90% of women reported being subject to domestic violence. Law enforcement authorities routinely dismiss domestic violence as private disputes. With domestic violence cases, it is important to acknowledge that marital rape is not considered a crime. Most women do not report the abuse they experience because they want to avoid ruining their family's reputation, they are scared the abuse will worsen, and they are afraid they would be separated from their husband and kids. For the women that do report abuse, they are often harassed by the police and their families; about 33% of women were a victim of physical abuse and did not make any reports. When it comes to marital abuse, pregnant women are even victims. In order to cope, some women enter religious communities or religious events to avoid being home and further altercations. Some ask for help from their friends and family, but most are reluctant to make formal complaints because they feel as if they would not be understood Pakistan Policemen stop activists during a rally to mark International Women's Day in Islamabad on March 8. Women's demand equal rights for women in Pakistan. Pakistani law is even more inadequate in protecting women victims of domestic violence and penalizing batterers.

According to a survey conducted by Pulse Consultant, a staggering 35% of Pakistanis hold the belief that no woman is safe in the country. Additionally, 43% of respondents expressed the view that women are safe to some extent, while a mere 20% believe that women are truly safe in Pakistan. These findings shed light on the perceptions and concerns surrounding women's safety in the nation.

On 17 April 2002, a woman by the name Zafran Bibi, who was 26 at the time, was sentenced to death by stoning in Pakistan. Zafran Bibi stepped forward as a rape victim in Pakistan. Bibi was recast as guilty for having sexual intercourse outside of valid marriage and was sentenced to death because of this incident. Bibi stated that she was tortured and raped by her brother-in-law, Jamal Khan. Her husband was in jail when the incident occurred. Human rights groups saw that Zafran Bibi sentence was bizarre and the actions that were taken towards her case were not taken in the matter that it should have been. The pressure of the Human Rights group ultimately led the court to overturn her sentence.

Honor killings (karo-kari)

In 2010, it was reported that more than 1,000 honour killing occur every year in Pakistan and India.

The practice of summary killing of a person suspected of an illicit liaison is known as in Sindh and Balochistan. In December 2004, the Government passed a bill that made karo kari punishable under the same penal provisions as murder. In 2016, Pakistan repealed the loophole which allowed the perpetrators of honour killings to avoid punishment by seeking forgiveness for the crime from another family member, and thus be legally pardoned. Many cases of honour killings have been reported against women who marry against their family's wishes, who seek divorce or who have been raped. In addition, women of lower classes are more prone to being victims of honour killings or rape.

Acid attacks occur within the public sphere. Acid and kerosene are thrown at women, mostly in the direction of their faces, as a form of permanent punishment. Many women do not report these attacks out of fear of getting attacked again or to protect the groups of people committing the attacks. Hundreds of women are victims of these attacks and some die from their injuries. When these attacks are reported they are written off as mistakes or suicides at times. In order to help with these attacks, the Depilex Smileagain Foundation provides victims of acid attacks with the opportunity to undergo surgery to heal their faces with the help of experienced doctors, while receiving the medical services they need to recover.

Under the Qisas (eye-for-an-eye) law of Pakistan, the perpetrator could suffer the same fate as the victim, if the victim or the victim's guardian chooses. The perpetrator may be punished by having drops of acid placed in their eyes. Section 336B of Pakistan Penal Code states: "Whoever causes hurt by corrosive substance shall be punished with imprisonment for life or imprisonment of either description which shall not be less than fourteen years and a minimum fine of one million rupees." Additionally, section 299 defines Qisas and states: " Qisas means punishment by causing similar hurt at the same part of the body of the convict as he has caused to the victim or by causing his death if he has committed qatl-iamd (intentional manslaughter) in exercise of the right of the victim or a Wali (the guardian of the victim)."

In Pakistan, abortion and infanticide is illegal and so is adultery. Premarital relations are strictly prohibited in the country and are frowned upon by society. According to media reports, the ratio of female infanticides is higher than male. People give more value to a baby boy than a baby girl. People are worried and scared about the finances required for her marriage because of the dowry practice. This whole scenario leads them to commit the hideous crime of infanticide. Three different research studies, according to Klausen and Wink, note that Pakistan had the world's highest percentage of missing girls, relative to its total pre-adult female population.

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In some parts of Sindh, the practice of marrying a woman to the Quran is prevalent among landlords; it requires that the woman live without a husband throughout her life. Although it is without roots in Islamic tradition, the practice is often used by men to claim the land that would otherwise be inherited by their sisters and daughters upon marriage. The cultural logic of "Quran marriage" is not unique to the limited world of Muslims in South Asia. Similar arrangements, such as the "wedding" celebrated between a Catholic novice and Jesus Christ, are known from other regions and religions. Whereas marriage to the Quran is disapproved by "textual Islam," the regionally "practiced Islam" may even add a religious coverage.

According to Prof Huma Arshad Cheema (HOD Department of Pediatric Gastroenterology of the Children's Hospital, Lahore), 50 per cent of infant mortality in Pakistan is attributed to Inherited Metabolic Disorders besides inherited or genetic diseases affecting liver, heart, kidney and brain in children. As per Dr Areeba Farrukh, a Pediatric Resident at National Institute of Child Health (NICH), Karachi, cousin marriages are also an important reason for diseases like thalassemia and faulty haemoglobin build-up, which can eventually lead to iron deficiency and anemia.

According to joint research study conducted in 2016-2017 by scholars of Department of Biological Science Gomal University, and Institute of Biotechnology and Genetic Engineering University of Agriculture Peshawar; high rate of consanguinity in Pakistan does contribute to hereditary hearing loss and to minimize such risks genetic counseling is required. Many girls groomed and pressured to accept cousin marriages to keep familial feudal properties and relations intact, in process kids do suffer various kind of genetic disabilities on account of traditions of cousin marriages. According to Sadia Saeed deformed 'A DCY3' mutations lead to slow learning and from mild to moderate intellectual disabilities, loss of sense of smell to gaining obesity with more likelihood of diabetes in here in life. 'MARK3' mutation may leads to progressive Phthisis bulbi (shrinkage of the eyeball). Mutation IQSEC1 can be a cause of intellectual disability, developmental delays, short stature, speech loss, low muscle tone and, in some cases, seizures and aggressive behavior.

Women and girls in Shadadkot, north-west Sindh, Pakistan.

Pakistan Women's Cricket Team

In Pakistan, the women's access to property, education, employment etc. remains considerably lower compared to men's. The social and cultural context of Pakistani society has historically been predominantly patriarchal. Women have a low percentage of participation in society outside of the family. As per research study of Khurshid, Gillani, Hashmi; Pakistani school textbooks are discriminatory towards female representation in quantity and status. History taught in Pakistani school text books is mostly male oriented, in Urdu school books women religious role too is less depicted, women get depicted in inferior position compared to men.[citation needed ]

In some regions, women are severely bound by cultural constraints and prejudices, as they are often involved in domestic work for over 14 hours per day. In Balochistan, for example, female literacy rate stands between 15 and 25%.

This system leaves the underpowered, women in particular, in a very vulnerable position. The long-lived socio-cultural belief that women play a reproductive role within the confines of the home leads to the belief that educating women holds no value. Although the government declared that all children of ages 5-16 can go to school, there are 7.261 million children out of school at the primary level in Pakistan, and 58% are female (UNESCO, Education for All Global Monitoring Report 2011). Although girls have the right to get an education legally, in many rural regions of Pakistan girls are strongly discouraged from going to school and discriminated against, as there are violent acts such as acid throwing which many girls fall victim to for attending school.

Women in elite urban districts of Pakistan enjoy a far more privileged lifestyle than those living in rural tribal areas. Women in urbanized districts typically lead more elite lifestyles and have more opportunities for education. Rural and tribal areas of Pakistan have an increasingly high rate of poverty and alarmingly low literacy rates. In 2002 it was recorded that 81.5% of 15- to 19-year-old girls from high-income families had attended school while 22.3% of girls from low-income families had ever attended school.

In comparison, it was recorded that 96.6 percent of Pakistani boys ages 15-19 coming from high-income families had attended schooling while 66.1 percent of 15- to 19-year-old boys from low-income families had attended school. Girls living in rural areas are encouraged not to go to school because they are needed in the home to do work at a young age. In most rural villages, secondary schooling simply does not exist for girls, leaving them no choice but to prepare for marriage and do household tasks. These rural areas often have inadequate funding and schooling for girls is at the bottom of their priorities.

Pakistan is a largely rural society (almost two-thirds of the population lives in rural areas) and women are rarely formally employed. This does not mean that women do not participate in the economy: quite on the contrary, women usually work on the farm of the household, practise subsistence agriculture, or otherwise work within the household economic unit. However, women are often prevented from advancing economically, due to social restrictions on women's movement and gender mixing, as well as due to low education.

Although women play an active role in Pakistan's economy, their contribution has been grossly underreported in some censuses and surveys. Part of the underestimation of women's economic role is that Pakistan, like many other countries, has a very large informal sector. The 1991-92 Labour Force Survey revealed that only about 16% of women aged 10 years and over were in the labor force. According to World Bank, in 2014, women made up 22.3% of the labor force in Pakistan.

The low female literacy rate is a large obstacle in women taking part in the workforce.

Due to the religious and cultural values in Pakistan, women who do try to enter the workforce are often pushed into the lower of the three employment structures. This structure level, unorganized services sector, has low pay, low job security and low productivity. In order to improve this situation, governmental organizations and political parties need to push for the entrance of women into the organized services sector. Conservative interpretations of Islam have not promoted women's rights in the workforce, since they value women as keepers of the family honor, support gender segregation, and institutionalization of gender disparities.

Furthermore, women who do work are often paid less than minimum wage, because they are seen as lesser beings in comparison to men, and "their working conditions vis-à-vis females are often hazardous; having long working hours, no medical benefits, no job security, subjected to job discrimination, verbal abuse and sexual harassment and no support from male-oriented labor unions" (An In-Depth Analysis of Women's Labor Force Participation in Pakistan).

Although these religious and cultural barriers exist keeping women away from the workforce, studies have shown that women-only entrepreneurial training that allows participants to develop capital and competences, can break these down. Programs such as this can go a long way in an Islamic socio-cultural context to develop tolerance and understanding.

Women can serve in the Pakistan Armed Forces. In 2006, the first women fighter pilot batch joined the combat aerial mission command of PAF. The Pakistan Navy prohibits women from serving in the combat branch. Rather they are appointed and serve in operations involving military logistics, staff and senior administrative offices, particularly in the regional and central headquarters. About 4,000 women have served the armed forces till 2017.

Women lack ownership of productive resources. Despite women's legal rights to own and inherit property from their families, in 2000 there were very few women who had access and control over these resources.

Dargah pir sarhandi, a frequent crime scene of forced conversion and marriage of kidnapped underage Hindu girls.

In Pakistan, Hindu and Christian girls in Pakistan are kidnapped, raped, forcibly converted to Islam and married to Muslim men. These girls are generally 12 to 18 years old. According to the Aurat Foundation, about 1,000 non-Muslim girls are forcibly converted to Islam in Pakistan every year.

Pakistan is a patriarchal society where men are the primary authority figures and women are subordinate. Sex is one of the organizing principles of Pakistani society. Patriarchal values embedded in local traditions, religion and culture predetermine the social value of sex. Islam heavily influences sex roles in particular. An artificial divide between production and reproduction, made by the ideology of sexual division of labor, has placed women in reproductive roles as mothers and wives in the private arena of home and men in a productive role as breadwinners in the public arena.

Pakistani women lack social value and status because of negation of their roles as producers and providers in all social roles. The preference for sons due to their productive role often dictates the allocation of household resources in their favor. Traditionally, male members of the family are given better education and are equipped with skills to compete for resources in the public arena, while female members are imparted domestic skills to be good mothers and wives. Lack of skills, limited opportunities in the job market, and social, religious and cultural restrictions limit women's chances to compete for resources in the public arena.

According to Pakistani standards, 'good women' could be either educated or uneducated and are expected to be unselfish, calm, tolerant, empathetic, reliable, able to organize, compromise, coordinate and maintain hospitality within the house and in keeping good relationships. They are also expected to do household chores, care for her children, husband and in-laws and, when needed, provide the home with external income. Women are also expected to marry a man of their parent's choice, follow Islam's code of dress and sacrifice their own dreams.

In a study carried out by Gallup Pakistan, the Pakistani affiliate of Gallup International, majority of the Pakistanis believe that both males and females have different roles to play in the society. In Pakistan, for married women it is predominantly the husband's mother and his sisters who load pressure onto women to be at home taking care of the children and the household, and for the man to be the main breadwinner. Although women's role has broadened beyond being a housewife over time, many people still give priority to men in politics, education, employment, and related walks of life. When the respondents were asked to give their opinion on a number of statements about gender roles 63% of the respondents agreed with the statement that "Boys' education is more important than girls'"; 37% disagreed with it. The percentage of people agreeing with this statement was higher among rurallites (67%) as compared to the urbanites (53%). However, more than 90% believe that female children should be educated, nearly half of them believing that, should opportunity be available, they should rise to college education and beyond.

Fifty five percent (55%) of the respondents believe that "Both husband and wife should work"; while 45% said it is wrong for both husband and the wife to work. More than 50% of men including those from rural areas agree that both husband and wife should work for a better living. When the respondents were asked whether "Men are better politicians as compared to women or not"; 67% agree men are better politicians while 33% think otherwise. More women agree with this statement as compared to men. In response to the following statement "If jobs are in shortage should men be given priority for employment"; 72% of the respondents believe they should be given priority while 28% disagree. Eighty three percent (83%) of the respondents think that "To live a happy life women need children"; while only 17% think they do not. A vast majority of all respondents including 82% of women respondents believe that "prosperous women should raise their voice to support the rights of poor women."

According to 1998 figures, the female infant mortality rate was higher than that of male children. The maternal mortality rate was also high, as only 20 percent of women were assisted by a trained provider during delivery. Only 9 percent of women used contraceptives in 1985, but by 2000 this figure had increased substantially, and as of 2012/13, the contraceptive prevalence rate was 35.4%. The total fertility rate is 2.75 children born/woman (2015 est.).

Pakistan has taken certain initiatives in the health sector to redress gender imbalances. The SAP was launched in 1992-1993 to accelerate improvement in the social indicators. Closing the gender gap is the foremost objective of the SAP. The other major initiative is the Prime Minister's program of lady health workers (LHWs). Under this community-based program, 26,584 LHWs in rural areas and 11,967 LHWs in urban areas have been recruited to provide basic health care including family planning to women at the grassroots level. Other initiatives include the village-based family planning workers and extended immunisation programs, nutritional and child survival, cancer treatment, and increased involvement of media in health education.

In order for many parents' daughters to get married, they start "obtaining loans from people, getting interest based loans from banks, utilizing their life savings and even sell their homes" (JAHEZ (Dowry Conditions Set by the Groom for Marriage)). Within the dowry system, abuse is likely to occur after the marriage has taken place. Prior to the marriage, if certain conditions that the groom and his family have put in place are not met, they will threaten to break off the marriage, which would be devastating for the bride and her family because of the lengths the bride's family already had to go through to pay her dowry and because traditionally it is a great dishonor to the family.

Pakistan has many immensely talented women who have played a vital role in changing the social standards and norms of the country. These women come from all walks of life and have played their role in all sorts of sectors. Women in Pakistan have progressed in various fields of life such as politics, education, economy, services, health and many more.

Women from Rawalpindi queued for their chance to vote in Pakistan's elections.

Mukhtār Mā'ī, a survivor of a gang rape as a form of honour revenge.[176][177] She is one of Pakistan's most prominent women's rights activists.

Malala Yousafzai, an activist, working for rights to education for children in Pakistan. She is the youngest Nobel Prize recipient ever.[178]

In 2000, women's presence in political parties as well as in the political structure at the local, provincial, and national levels was insignificant due to cultural and structural barriers. The situation gradually improved, and by 2014, 20.7% of elected representatives were female, a statistic well ahead of the United States and less than 2% behind the United Kingdom. According to Foqia Sadiq Khan while Pakistan is in one of seventy countries where at least one woman President or Prime Minister had been there; lately Pakistan also provides for certain electoral reservations for women at local and parliamentary level like five percent of candidates need to be women, but still Pakistan lags behind in gender equality, and satisfactory political inclusion.

Foqia says while the highest number of women contested the 2018 general elections, still fewer, i.e. just eight, got elected compared to previous years. Foqia says that while electoral reservations provide for minimum level assurance, Pakistani familial, societal and institutional structure do little to give women a fair chance to thrive in competitive political environments. According to Foqia, though local level elections give more opportunities at entry level, being non-political in character means that political exposure remains limited; political parties do allot five percent of their parliamentary seats, but mostly where chances of winning are bleak; and the parliamentary reserved seats for women are awarded based on clientelism. This results in no benefit of exposure in a competitive political environment and the patriarchal hegemony continues to stifle meaningful political inclusion of women in Pakistan's political power structures. Prominent actress Sarah Khan states that Allah provides for equal gender rank for women and that instead of women's day's Aurat March activism, women need to focus on their children's education.

Miss Fatima Jinnah, sister of Mohammed Ali Jinnah, was an instrumental figure in the Pakistan movement. In 1947, she formed the Women's Relief Committee, which later formed the nucleus for the All Pakistan Women's Association (APWA). She was the first Muslim woman to contest the presidency in 1965, as a candidate of the Combined Opposition Party.

Begum Shaista Ikramullah was the first woman elected member of the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan.

Begum Mahmooda Salim Khan was Pakistan's first woman minister and member of the Cabinet of President General Ayub Khan.

Begum Ra'ana Liaquat Ali Khan (1905-1990) was a women's rights activists. She was the founder of the All Pakistan Women's Association. Begum Nusrat Bhutto wife of Prime Minister Zulfikhar Ali Bhutto, led the Pakistani delegation to the United Nations' first women's conference in 1975.

Benazir Bhutto was the first female Prime Minister of Pakistan (1988)(1991) and the first woman elected to head a Muslim country. She was elected twice to the office of Prime Minister.

Fehmida Mirza is the first female speaker of the National Assembly of Pakistan. Other prominent female Pakistani politicians include Begum Nasim Wali Khan, Syeda Abida Hussain, Sherry Rehman and Tehmina Daultana.

Hina Rabbani Khar became the first Minister of Foreign Affairs of Pakistan in 2011.

Mukhtaran Mai a victim of gang rape has become a prominent activist for women's rights in Pakistan.

Asma Jahangir and Hina Jilani, prominent human rights lawyers and founders of the first all woman law firm in Pakistan, AGHS.

Malala Yousafzai, as a teenage education activist, was shot in the face in her hometown Mingora at the age of 15. After her hospitalisation and recovery she went on to win the Nobel Peace Prize in conjunction with Kailash Satyarthi for their work for children's rights. At 17, Yousafzai became the youngest recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize and the first Nobel Peace Prize winner from Pakistan.

Sania Nishtar, the first female cardiologist and the only woman Interim Cabinet Member 2013, is globally recognized for her work and accomplishments in health policy advocacy.

Nigar Ahmad, women's rights activist, co-founder of Aurat (women's) Foundation, one of the oldest women's organisation in the country.

Kanwal Ahmed is the founder of Soul Sisters Pakistan (SSP), a forum for those who identify as women and have roots in Pakistan. SSP, founded in 2013, was one of the few forums exclusively created for women to speak freely about issues particular to their identities. Ahmed also launched a flagship YouTube show called "Conversations with Kanwal. The show has brought different guests and it covers subjects like dwarfism, diabetes, postpartum depression, single fatherhood, bereavement, women in sports, chai trolley culture or colourism. Ahmed has garnered international recognition through her work on SSP and has become a figure in advocating for the need of women only spaces.

Naela Chohan is a Pakistani diplomat and feminist artist. She is currently serving as the Ambassador of Pakistan to Argentina, Uruguay, Peru and Ecuador. She has been a vocal proponent of stronger ties between Pakistan and Latin America.

Farida Shaheed and Khawar Mumtaz, human rights activists and authors, associated with Shirkat Gah, a woman's organisation.

Shahla Zia, human rights activist and lawyer, co-founder of AGHS with Asma Jahngir and Hina Jilani, and also co-founder of Aurat Foundation with Nigar Ahmad. Also the plaintiff in Shahla Zia v. WAPDA, the leading case on environmental law in Pakistan.

Tahira Abdullah, prominent human rights activist, associated with Women's Action Forum (WAF) and the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) and was a prominent member of the Lawyers Movement.

Fatima Lodhi is an activist, who is Pakistan's first anti-colourism and diversity advocate.[citation needed ]

2020 Aurat March (Women's March) in Lahore, Pakistan on International Women's Day

Aurat March is International Women's Day women's procession walk organized in various cities of Pakistan including Lahore, Hyderabad, Karachi and Islamabad. The first Aurat March was held in Pakistan on 8 March 2018 (in the city of Karachi). In 2019, it was organised in Lahore and Karachi by a women's collective called Hum Auratein (We the Women), and in other parts of the country, including Islamabad, Hyderabad, Quetta, Mardan, and Faisalabad, by Women democratic front (WDF), Women Action Forum (WAF), and others. The march was endorsed by the Lady Health Workers Association, and included representatives from multiple women's-rights organizations. The march called for more accountability for violence against women, and to support for women who experience violence and harassment at the hands of security forces, in public spaces, at home, and at the workplace. Reports suggest that more and more women rushed to join the march until the crowd was scattered. Women (as well as men) carried posters bearing phrases such as 'Ghar ka Kaam, Sab ka Kaam', and 'Women are humans, not honour' became a rallying cry.

Pakistani Women's rights activism and NGOs

Pakistani civil society and Pakistani feminists have produced a significant number of big and small, courageous NGOs and proactive activism including that of Me Too Movement and annual Aurat March which work towards improve Pakistani women's global situation and particularly to prevent violence against women, for instance:

the All Pakistan Women's Association, founded in 1949,

the Aurat Foundation, registered in 1986,

Blue Veins, which works primarily on health issues in rural areas,

the Society for Appraisal and Women Empowerment in Rural Areas (SAWERA), founded in 2004 in Khyber Agency, famous for the assassination of its founder Fareeda Afridi who was gunned down in June 2012.

In a landmark legal challenge against state airline, Pakistan International Airline (PIA), in March 2018, plaintiff Komal Zafar argued that failure to select her as cadet pilot was unconstitutional. Justice Muhammad Farrukh Irfan Khan of Lahore High Court passed the orders on a petition, filed by Komal Zafar for the implementation of women quota in the pilots' recruitment process of the PIA. During the hearing, the petitioner's counsel submitted that women were ignored in the recruitment process for filling pilots' vacancies despite 10 per cent quota specified in the policy. He contended that the step was a violation of the policy, and pleaded to issue directions for completing the recruitment process on the pilots' posts reserved for women.

Number of Pakistani women in 'STEM' is low due to one of the highest gender gaps in STEM fields. However, over the time, some Pakistani women have emerged as scientists in fields like Physics, Biology and computer sciences.

Some notable Pakistani women contributing to STEM are:

Ayesha Omer

Since 2006, Pakistan Air Force allowed women to take part in combat roles. Previously, women only took part in non-combat roles in Pakistan Air Force.

Saira Batool, is the first Pakistani female pilot from Hazara community in Pakistan. She along with three other women were the first to join Pakistan Air Force in 2006. The three other women were Saba Khan, Nadia Gul and Mariam Khalil.

Sportswomen of Pakistan have always been plagued by the patriarchal society and many have come forward to claim that coaches, selectors and others who are in position of power demand sexual favours. Sexual abuse of this kind has led some athletes to commit suicide due to inaction of authorities in pursuing the suspects. In some cases the female athletes who register the cases of sexual abuse and harassment are banned or put on probation.

In 1996, when sisters Shaiza and Sharmeen Khan first tried to introduce women's cricket in Pakistan, they were met with court cases and even death threats. The government refused them permission to play India in 1997, and ruled that women were forbidden from playing sports in public. However, later they were granted permission, and the Pakistani women's cricket team played its first recorded match on 28 January 1997 against New Zealand in Christchurch.

Sidra Sadaf, a woman cyclist won a silver medal at the 11th South Asian Games in Dhaka, Bangladesh in January 2010. Naseem Hameed achieved the fastest woman sprinter record in South Asia following the 2010 South Asian games; she gained widespread popularity for the remarkable feat.[clarification needed ]

Sana Mir is captain of the Pakistan women's cricket team. Won two gold medals at Asian Games in 2010 and 2014. Started playing street cricket at the age of five. Studying engineering before becoming a cricketer by profession.

Ismat Chughtai, who was part of the Progressive Writers Association, is regarded as an important feminist writer of Urdu. Parveen Shakir, Kishwar Naheed and Fehmida Riaz are also renowned for their feminist poetry in Urdu. Modern fiction writers such as Rizwana Syed Ali and Bano Qudisa have also highlighted gender issues. Bapsi Sidhwa is one of Pakistan's most prominent English fiction writers. In 1991, she received Sitara-i-Imtiaz, Pakistan's highest honour in arts. Sana Munir is another well known writer. Munir's early schooling was done in Nigeria and she then studied English Literature, Psychology and Mass Communication. Her love for books is influenced by her father, who ensured that they were surrounded by quality books. Her writing style is very gripping, creating a very clear visual image of the characters and their physical settings.

Some of the notable Pakistani women in other fields including computing, education and business are:

Marvi Memon, ex-CEO Trakker

Bridget Sequeira F.M.C.K., was a Franciscan Religious Sister who founded the Franciscan Missionaries of Christ the King, the only religious congregation for women founded in Pakistan

Waheeda Baig started operating a driving school for women in the fifties. After the war of 1965, she became a full-time cab driver.

Norma Fernandes, Tamgha-i-Imtiaz, Former Head Mistress of Karachi Grammar School

Ruth Lewis awarded Sitara-i-Imtiaz for her work at Darul Sukun, a home for the disabled.

Jehan Ara is the President of one of the largest tech associations in Pakistan. She is also a prominent advocate for cyber freedom and net neutrality.

Shaheen Sardar Ali, PhD; FRSA, First Pakistani woman Law Professor, first woman cabinet minister in the north west frontier province (now Khyber Pukhtunkhwa province) 1999-2001; first chairperson, National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW) 2000-2001. First women law professor of Pakistani origin in a UK university. She has written extensively in the field of Islamic law, women's human rights in Islam and international law, children's rights

Fauzia Minallah is the first and youngest woman political cartoonist to win the All Pakistan Newspaper Society award. She is also the winner of Ron Kovic Peace prize.

Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy is the first Pakistani to win two Oscar awards. She won Best Documentary Short Subject for A Girl In The River: The Price of Forgiveness. Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif vowed to end honour killings following her win.

Arfa Karim became the world's youngest Microsoft Certified Professional at the age of 9 years. She represented Pakistan in various prestigious technology related events. The computer prodigy died in 2012 at the age 16 years.

Shamim Akhtar is Pakistan's first female truck driver. She is challenging stereotypes in the transport sector. Despite financial crisis, she continues to drive trucks despite the challenges.

General:

Media related to Women of Pakistan at Wikimedia Commons

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Value 0.534(2021) Rank 135th out of 191 Value 0.575 (2023) Rank 142th out of 146 (2023) Women in Pakistan make up 48.76% of the population according to the 2017 census of Pakistan. Women in Pakistan have played an important role throughout Pakistan's history and they are allowed to vote in elections since 1956.

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"Feminism" wasn't a principle that was widely accepted in Indian life or recognized in law. However, that all changed in 1947 when India gained independence. The country adopted a democratic government and created a constitution. It's in this constitution that equality was granted to everyone, despite of gender, religion, class, etc. Soon after, several plans were put in place to provide healthcare, education, employment, and welfare to women, leading to women eventually being declared "partners in development".

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Protest against 2012 Delhi gang rape and murder

Feminism in India is a set of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and defending equal political, economic, and social rights and opportunities for women in India. It is the pursuit of women's rights within the society of India. Like their feminist counterparts all over the world, feminists in India seek gender equality: the right to work for equality in wages, the right to equal access to health and education, and equal political rights. Indian feminists also have fought against culture-specific issues within India's patriarchal society, such as inheritance laws.

The history of feminism in India can be divided into three phases: the first phase, beginning in the mid-19th century, initiated when reformists began to speak in favour of women rights by making reforms in education and customs involving women; the second phase, from 1915 to Indian independence, when Gandhi incorporated women's movements into the Quit India movement and independent women's organisations began to emerge; and finally, the third phase, post-independence, which has focused on fair treatment of women at home after marriage as well as the work force, and their right to political parity.

Despite the progress made by Indian feminist movements, women living in modern India still face many issues of discrimination. India's patriarchal culture has made the process of gaining land-ownership rights and access to education challenging for women. In the past two decades, there has also emerged a trend of sex-selective abortion. To Indian feminists, these are seen as injustices worth struggling against and feminism is often misunderstood by Indians as female domination rather than equality.

As in the West, there has been some criticism of feminist movements in India. They have especially been criticised for focusing too much on privileged women, and neglecting the needs and representation of poorer or lower caste women. This has led to the creation of caste-specific feminist organisations and movements.

Women's role in pre-colonial social structures reveals that feminism was theorised differently in India than in the West. In India, women's issues first began to be addressed when the state commissioned a report on the status of women to a group of feminist researchers and activists. The report recognised the fact that in India, women were oppressed under a system of structural hierarchies and injustices. During this period, Indian feminists were influenced by the Western debates being conducted about violence against women. However, due to the difference in the historical and social culture of India, the debate in favour of Indian women had to be conducted creatively, and certain Western ideas had to be rejected. Women's issues began to gain an international prominence when the decade of 1975-1985 was declared the United Nations Decade for Women.

Indian feminists face certain obstacles in Indian society that are not present or as prevalent in Western society. While Indian feminists have the same ultimate goal as their Western counterparts, their version of feminism can differ in many ways in order to tackle the kind of issues and circumstances they face in the modern-day patriarchal society of India. Indian feminists attempt to challenge the patriarchal structure of their society in a variety of ways. Sampat Pal Devi is a former government worker and mother of five, who noticed domestic abuse and violence within her own community as she grew up in India. As a result, she decided to start a vigilant group known as the 'Gulabi Gang' who track down abusers and beat them with bamboo sticks until it is believed that they have repented and victims have been sufficiently avenged. In the area of religion, Indian feminists draw attention to the powerful image of female Goddesses in Hinduism. They also point out the matriarchal pre-history of Indian society and emphasise that there have been periods of Indian history that were not patriarchal, and communities existed in India that were largely female-orientated and matriarchal.

Indian women negotiate survival through an array of oppressive patriarchal family structures: age, ordinal status, relationship to men through family of origin, marriage and procreation, and patriarchal attributes. Examples of patriarchal attributes include dowry, siring sons etc., kinship, caste, community, village, market, and the state. It should, however, be noted that several communities in India, such as the Nairs of Kerala, Shettys of Mangalore, certain Marathi clans, and Bengali families, exhibit matriarchal tendencies. In these communities, the head of the family is the oldest woman, rather than the oldest man. Sikh culture is also regarded as relatively gender-neutral.

In India, of communities recognised in the national Constitution as Scheduled Tribes, "some ... [are] matriarchal and matrilineal" "and thus have been known to be more egalitarian." According to interviewer Anuj Kumar, Manipur, "has a matriarchal society", but this may not be a scholarly assessment. Manipur was ruled by strong dynasties and the need for expansions of borders, crushing any outsider threats, etc. engaged the men. So, women had to take charge of home-front.

The heterogeneity of the Indian experience reveals that there are multiple patriarchies, contributing to the existence of multiple feminism. Hence, feminism in India is not a singular theoretical orientation; it has changed over time in relation to historical and cultural realities, levels of consciousness, perceptions and actions of individual women and women as a group. The widely used definition is "An awareness of women's oppression and exploitation in society, at work and within the family, and conscious action by women and men to change this situation." Acknowledging sexism in daily life and attempting to challenge and eliminate it through deconstructing mutually exclusive notions of femininity and masculinity as biologically determined categories opens the way towards an equitable society for both men and women.

The male and female dichotomy of polar opposites with the former oppressing the latter at all times is refuted in the Indian context because it was men who initiated social reform movements against various social evils. Patriarchy is just one of the hierarchies. Relational hierarchies between women within the same family are more adverse. Here women are pitted against one another. Not all women are powerless at all times.

There have been intense debates within the Indian women's movements about the relationship between Western and Indian feminism. Many Indian feminists simultaneously claim a specific "Indian" sensitivity as well as international feminist solidarity with groups and individuals worldwide. The rise of liberal feminism in the West in the 1970s focused deeply on demands for equal opportunities in education and employment, as well as ending violence against women. To a large extent, the emerging feminist movement in India was influenced by Western ideals. These called for education and equal rights but also adapted their appeals to local issues and concerns, such as dowry-related violence against women, Sati, sex-selective abortion, and custodial rape. Some Indian feminists have suggested that these issues are not specifically "Indian" in nature but rather a reflection of a wider trend of patriarchal oppression of women.

Feminism as an initiative started independently in Maharashtra by the pioneering of women's rights and education: Savitribai Phule, who started the first school for girls in India (1848); Tarabai Shinde, who wrote India's first feminist text Stri Purush Tulana ( A Comparison Between Women and Men) in 1882; and Pandita Ramabai, who criticized patriarchy and caste-system in Hinduism, married outside her caste and converted to Christianity (1880s). The efforts of Bengali reformers included abolishing sati, which was a widow's death by burning on her husband's funeral pyre, abolishing the custom of child marriage, abolishing the disfiguring of widows, introducing the marriage of upper caste Hindu widows, promoting women's education, obtaining legal rights for women to own property, and requiring the law to acknowledge women's status by granting them basic rights in matters such as adoption.

The 19th century was the period that saw a majority of women's issues which came under the spotlight and reforms began to be made. Much of the early reforms for Indian women were conducted by men. However, by the late 19th century they were joined in their efforts by their wives, sisters, daughters, protegees and other individuals directly affected by campaigns such as those carried out for women's education. By the late 20th century, women gained greater autonomy through the formation of independent women's own organisations. By the late thirties and forties a new narrative began to be constructed regarding "women's activism". This was newly researched and expanded with the vision to create 'logical' and organic links between feminism and Marxism, as well as with anti-communalism and anti-casteism, etc. The Constitution of India did guarantee "equality between the sexes", which created a relative lull in women's movements until the 1970s.

During the formative years of women's rights movements, the difference between the sexes was more or less taken for granted in that their roles, functions, aims and desires were different. As a result, they were not only to be reared differently but treated differently also. Over the course of time, this difference itself became a major reason for initiating women's movements. Early 19th century reformers argued that the difference between men and women was no reason for the subjection of women in society. However, later reformers were of the opinion that indeed it was this particular difference that subjugated women to their roles in society, for example, as mothers. Therefore, there was a need for the proper care of women's rights. With the formation of women's organisations and their own participation in campaigns, their roles as mothers was again stressed but in a different light: this time the argument was for women's rights to speech, education and emancipation. However, the image of women with the mother as a symbol underwent changes over time - from an emphasis on family to the creation of an archetypal mother figure, evoking deep, often atavistic images.

First phase: 1850-1915

Kamini Roy (poet and suffragette) became the first woman Honors Graduate in India in 1886.

The colonial venture into modernity brought concepts of democracy, equality and individual rights. The rise of the concept of nationalism and introspection of discriminatory practices brought about social reform movements related to caste and gender relations. This first phase of feminism in India was initiated by men to uproot the social evils, to allow remarriage of widows, to forbid child marriage, and to reduce illiteracy. It also aimed to regulate the age of consent and to ensure property rights through legal intervention. However, efforts for improving the status of women in Indian society were somewhat thwarted by the late nineteenth century, as nationalist movements emerged in India. These movements resisted 'colonial interventions in gender relations' particularly in the areas of family relations. In the mid to late nineteenth century, there was a national form of resistance to any colonial efforts made to 'modernize' the Hindu family. This included the Age of Consent controversy that erupted after the government tried to raise the age of marriage for women.

Several Indian states were ruled by women during British colonial advance including Jhansi ( Rani Laxmibai), Kittur ( Rani Chennama), Bhopal (Quidisa Begum) and Punjab ( Jind Kaur).

Second Phase: 1915-1947

During this period the struggle against colonial rule intensified. Nationalism became the pre-eminent cause. Claiming Indian superiority became the tool of cultural revivalism resulting in an essential model of Indian womanhood similar to that of Victorian womanhood: special yet separated from public space. Gandhi legitimized and expanded Indian women's public activities by initiating them into the non-violent civil disobedience movement against the British Raj. He exalted their feminine roles of caring, self-abnegation, sacrifice and tolerance; and carved a niche for those in the public arena. Peasant women played an important role in the rural satyagrahas of Borsad and Bardoli. Women-only organisations like All India Women's Conference (AIWC) and the National Federation of Indian Women (NFIW) emerged. Women were grappling with issues relating to the scope of women's political participation, women's franchise, communal awards, and leadership roles in political parties.

The 1920s was a new era for Indian women and is defined as 'feminism' that was responsible for the creation of localized women's associations. These associations emphasized women's education issues, developed livelihood strategies for working-class women, and also organised national level women's associations such as the All India Women's Conference. AIWC was closely affiliated with the Indian National Congress. Under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi, it worked within the nationalist and anti-colonialist freedom movements. This made the mass mobilisation of women an integral part of Indian nationalism. Women therefore were a very important part of various nationalist and anti-colonial efforts, including the civil disobedience movements in the 1930s.

After independence, the All India Women's Conference continued to operate and in 1954 the Indian Communist Party formed its own women's wing known as the National Federation of Indian Women. However, feminist agendas and movements became less active right after India's 1947 independence, as the nationalist agendas on nation building took precedence over feminist issues.

Women's participation in the struggle for freedom developed their critical consciousness about their role and rights in independent India. This resulted in the introduction of the franchise and civic rights of women in the Indian constitution. There was provision for women's upliftment through affirmative action, maternal health and child care provision ( crèches), equal pay for equal work etc. The state adopted a patronizing role towards women. For example, India's constitution states that women are a "weaker section" of the population, and therefore need assistance to function as equals. Thus women in India did not have to struggle for basic rights as did women in the West. The utopia ended soon when the social and cultural ideologies and structures failed to honour the newly acquired concepts of fundamental rights and democracy.

Indira Gandhi (née Nehru) was the only child of the India's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. She is the first and only woman Prime Minister of India and the second-longest-serving Prime Minister.

Post independence feminists began to redefine the extent to which women were allowed to engage in the workforce. Prior to independence, most feminists accepted the sexual divide within the labour force. However, feminists in the 1970s challenged the inequalities that had been established and fought to reverse them. These inequalities included unequal wages for women, relegation of women to 'unskilled' spheres of work, and restricting women as a reserve army for labour. In other words, the feminists' aim was to abolish the free service of women who were essentially being used as cheap capital. Feminist class-consciousness also came into focus in the 1970s, with feminists recognizing the inequalities not just between men and women but also within power structures such as caste, tribe, language, religion, region, class etc. This also posed as a challenge for feminists while shaping their overreaching campaigns as there had to be a focus within efforts to ensure that fulfilling the demands of one group would not create further inequalities for another. Now, in the early twenty-first century, the focus of the Indian feminist movement has gone beyond treating women as useful members of society and a right to parity, but also having the power to decide the course of their personal lives and the right of self-determination.

In 1966 Indira Gandhi became the first woman Prime Minister of India. She served as prime minister of India for three consecutive terms (1966-77) and a fourth term from 1980 until she was assassinated in 1984.

Section 53A of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Indian law, 1973 lays down certain provisions for medical examination of the accused. Section 164A of the Code of Criminal Procedure deals with the medical examination of the victim.

Mary Roy won a lawsuit in 1986, against the inheritance legislation of her Keralite Syrian Christian community in the Supreme Court. The judgement ensured equal rights for Syrian Christian women with their male siblings in regard to their ancestral property. Until then, her Syrian Christian community followed the provisions of the Travancore Succession Act of 1916 and the Cochin Succession Act, 1921, while elsewhere in India the same community followed the Indian Succession Act of 1925.

In 1991, the Kerala High Court restricted entry of women above the age of 10 and below the age of 50 from Sabarimala Shrine as they were of the menstruating age. However, on 28 September 2018, the Supreme Court of India lifted the ban on the entry of women. It said that discrimination against women on any grounds, even religious, is unconstitutional.

The state of Kerala is often viewed as the ideal progressive leader in the women's rights movement in India among states. Kerala maintains very high relative levels of women's literacy and women's health, as well as greater female inheritance and property rights. For example, a 1998 study conducted by Bina Agarwal found that while only 13% of all women in India with landowning fathers inherited that land as daughters, 24% of such women were able to do so in the state of Kerala. This is important because it has been shown that measures to improve such access to property and economic independence through channels such as education not only directly improve women's wellbeing and capabilities, but also reduce their risk of exposure to marital or any sort of domestic violence.

The Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005 is an Act of the Parliament of India enacted to protect women from domestic violence. It was brought into force by the Indian government from 26 October 2006. The Act provides for the first time in Indian law a definition of "domestic violence", with this definition being broad and including not only physical violence, but also other forms of violence such as emotional/verbal, sexual, and economic abuse. It is a civil law meant primarily for protection orders and not meant to penalize criminally.However, as per the recent study 51.5% males have experienced the violence from their wives/partner. Many men feel bad to share about they are being beaten by their wives. Also, as per the research Married men have reported the domestic violence.

The Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Act, 2013 is a legislative act in India that seeks to protect women from sexual harassment at their place of work. The Act came into force from 9 December 2013. The Criminal Law (Amendment) Act, 2013 introduced changes to the Indian Penal Code, making sexual harassment an expressed offence under Section 354 A, which is punishable up to three years of imprisonment and or with fine. The Amendment also introduced new sections making acts like disrobing a woman without consent, stalking and sexual acts by person in authority an offense. It also made acid attacks a specific offence with a punishment of imprisonment not less than 10 years and which could extend to life imprisonment and with fine. The definition of rape under the law was expanded to consider rape as any acts like penetration by penis, or any object or any part of body to any extent, into the vagina, mouth, urethra or anus of a woman or making her to do so with another person or applying of mouth to sexual organs without the consent or will of the woman constitutes the offence of rape. The section has also clarified that penetration means "penetration to any extent", and lack of physical resistance is immaterial for constituting an offence. Except in certain aggravated situation the punishment will be imprisonment not less than seven years but which may extend to imprisonment for life, and shall also be liable to fine. In aggravated situations, punishment will be rigorous imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than ten years but which may extend to imprisonment for life, and shall also be liable to fine. The revised statutes of 2013 Indian law, in section 376A, also mandates minimum punishment in certain cases. For instance, if the sexual assault inflicts an injury which causes death or causes the victim to be in a persistent vegetative state, then the convicted rapist must be sentenced to rigorous imprisonment of at least twenty years and up to the remainder of the natural life or with a death penalty." In the case of " gang rape", the same mandatory sentencing is now required by law. The convicted is also required to pay compensation to the victim which shall be reasonable to meet the medical expenses and rehabilitation of the victim, and per Section 357 B in the Code of Criminal Procedure. Death penalty for the most extreme rape cases is specified. The new law has made it mandatory for all government and privately run hospitals in India to give free first aid and medical treatment to victims of rape. The 2013 law also increased the age of consent from 16 years to 18 years, and any sexual activity with anyone less than age of 18, irrespective of consent, now constitutes statutory rape.

In May 2013, the Supreme Court of India held that the two-finger test on a rape victim violates her right to privacy, and asked the Delhi government to provide better medical procedures to confirm sexual assault.

In 2014, an Indian family court in Mumbai ruled that a husband objecting to his wife wearing a kurta and jeans and forcing her to wear a sari amounted to cruelty, which led to the wife being granted a divorce. In 2016 a judgment of the Delhi high court was made public in which it was ruled that the eldest female member of a Hindu Undivided Family can be its "Karta".

In 2018 the Supreme Court of India struck down a law making it a crime for a man to have sex with a married woman without the permission of her husband. Prior to November 2018, women were forbidden to climb Agasthyarkoodam. A court ruling removed the prohibition.

Despite "on-paper" advancements, many problems still remain which inhibit women from fully taking advantage of new rights and opportunities in India.

There are many traditions and customs that have been an important part of Indian culture for hundreds of years. Religious laws and expectations, or "personal laws" enumerated by each specific religion, often conflict with the Indian Constitution, eliminating rights and powers women should legally have. Despite these crossovers in legality, the Indian government does not interfere with religion and the personal laws they hold. Indian society is largely composed of hierarchical systems within families and communities. These hierarchies can be broken down into age, sex, ordinal position, kinship relationships (within families), and caste, lineage, wealth, occupations, and relationship to ruling power (within the community). When hierarchies emerge within the family based on social convention and economic need, girls in poorer families suffer twice the impact of vulnerability and stability. From birth, girls are automatically entitled to less; from playtime, to food, to education, girls can expect to always be entitled to less than their brothers. Girls also have less access to their family's income and assets, which is exacerbated among poor, rural Indian families. From the start, it is understood that females will be burdened with strenuous work and exhausting responsibilities for the rest of their lives, always with little to no compensation or recognition.

India is also a patriarchal society, which, by definition, describes cultures in which males as fathers or husbands are assumed to be in charge and the official heads of households. A patrilineal system governs the society, where descent and inheritance are traced through the male line and men are generally in control of the distribution of family resources.

These traditions and ways of Indian life have been in effect for so long that this type of lifestyle is what women have become accustomed to and expect. Indian women often do not take full advantage of their constitutional rights because they are not properly aware or informed of them. Women also tend to have poor utilization of voting rights because they possess low levels of political awareness and sense of political efficacy. Women are not often encouraged to become informed about issues. Due to this, political parties do not invest much time in female candidates because there is a perception that they are a "wasted investment".

The female-to-male ratio in India is 933 to 1000, showing that there are numerically fewer women in the country than men. This is due to several factors, including infanticides, most commonly among female infants, and the poor care of female infants and childbearing women. Although outlawed, infanticides are still very common in rural India, and are continuing to become even more prominent. This is due to the fact, most especially in rural areas, that families cannot afford female children because of the dowry they must pay when their daughter gets married. Like infanticide, the payment of dowry is also illegal, but is still a frequent and prevalent occurrence in rural India. Women are considered to be "worthless" by their husbands if they are not "able" to produce a male child, and can often face much abuse if this is the case.

Between the years of 1991 to 2001, the female-male ratio of the population of India fell from 94.5 girls per 100 boys to 92.7 girls per 100 boys. Some parts of the country, such as Kerala, did not experience such a decline, but in the richer Indian states of Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat, and Maharashtra, the female-male ratio fell very sharply (the female-male ratios in these states were between 79.3 and 87.8). This is the evidence of natality inequality, and an indication that sex-selective abortion has become more pervasive. The Indian parliament has banned the use of sex determination techniques for foetuses due to this, but enforcement of this law has been largely ignored.

Most of the average Indian woman's life is spent in marriage; many women are still married before the legal age of 18, and the incidence of non-marriage is low in India. Childbearing and raising children are the priorities of early adulthood for Indian women. Thus, if they enter the workforce at all, it is far later than Indian men. Urban Indian men reach the peak of their labour force participation between the ages of 25 and 29, while urban Indian women do so between the ages of 40 and 44. Because of this, women have less time for the acquisition of skills and fewer opportunities for job improvements.

There is a poor representation of women in the Indian workforce. Females have a ten percent higher drop-out rate than males from middle and primary schools, as well as lower levels of literacy than men. Since unemployment is also high in India, it is easy for employers to manipulate the law, especially when it comes to women, because it is part of Indian culture for women not to argue with men. Additionally, labour unions are insensitive to women's needs. Women also have to settle for jobs that comply with their obligations as wives, mothers, and homemakers.

The Gulabi Gang in India wear pink saris and carry lathis (bamboo staves) for protection against physical attack, and punish abusive husbands, publicly shaming and sometimes beating them. They also watch out for and expose dowry beatings, dowry death, rape, child marriages, desertion, depriving girls of education, child molestation, and sexual harassment. They have invaded police stations to demand that police investigate these matters, and other things that affect the community such as corruption. India's police are notoriously corrupt and sometimes only the threat of a full-scale female riot will get them to act. Nobody knows quite how many of them there are. Estimates range from 270,000 to 400,000.

In 2018 the Supreme Court of India struck down a law making it a crime for a man to have sex with a married woman without the permission of her husband.

Another issue that concerns women is the dress code expected of them. Islam requires both men and women to dress modestly; this concept is known as and covers a wide interpretation of behavior and garments. There is mixed opinion among feminists over extremes of externally imposed control. Women from other religions are also expected to follow dress codes.

In 2014, an Indian family court in Mumbai ruled that a husband objecting to his wife wearing a kurta and jeans and forcing her to wear a sari amounts to cruelty inflicted by the husband and can be a ground to seek divorce. The wife was thus granted a divorce on the ground of cruelty as defined under section 27(1)(d) of Special Marriage Act, 1954.

A jagran in honour of Devi, the Hindu goddess.

In the Hindu religion, there has been partial success in terms of gender equality reform laws and family law. While this is a major advancement relative to other religions in India, it is still not a complete triumph in terms of feminism and relieving oppression. Gandhi came up with the term stree shakti (women power) for the concept of womanhood. In the Hindu religion, Gods are not exclusively male. Hinduism sheds a positive light on femininity; females are considered to complement and complete their male counterparts. It is important to note that both the deity of knowledge and the deity of wealth are female. In 1991, the Kerala High Court restricted entry of women above the age of 10 and below the age of 50 from Sabarimala Shrine as they were of the menstruating age. However, on 28 September 2018, the Supreme Court of India lifted the ban on the entry of women. It said that discrimination against women on any grounds, even religious, is unconstitutional.

Hindu mythology reveals that patriarchy, the idea that men are superior to women, was invented. The epic, Mahabharata, for example, refers to a time when there was no concept of marriage. Men and women were free to go to anyone. Feminism, the idea that men and women are equal is, however, discovered in Hinduism as the scriptures point to the difference between the soul and the flesh. The soul has no gender. Gender comes from the flesh. [2]

The ancient scriptures and texts seem to provide evidence that gender of these deities was not seen as binary but more like a spectrum. The creator, Brahma (the creator), is perceived by many Hindus to be genderless. Many gods, such as 'Ardhanarishvara' are also seen as androgynous. There are several words in Sanskrit and Tamil, such as 'pedi', 'kliba' and 'sanda' that suggest that civilization has long been familiar with queer thought and behavior. The idea of ardhanariswara, a symbol of god as half male half female is also an appealing way to represent Brahman in human terms because the boundaries of male-ness and female ness are not apparent. When a person grapples with the idea of a form-less, all encompassing Brahman that pervades all forms, one does not need to think of atomized, essentialized females and males. Shakti, female strength/power, is about regenerate, which rests on creation and destruction. This dual personification of god as female and male and the preeminence of shakti in symbolism is a unique symbolism. At least in the realm of religious symbolism, there is nothing that makes females feel lesser than males.

Both Hindu women and men wear bindis on their foreheads, and it was traditionally available in myriad hues of red, and sandalwood paste, or saffron: it could be round in shape, a streak, a line, or in more decorative forms; it is now worn in other colours too. The spot on the forehead where the bindi is worn marks the ajna chakra, which contains the pineal gland and the hypothalamus, and is represented by the Omkara. Liberation, or the possession of higher and more meaningful inclinations, and a turning of the mind towards the sublime-such as the intended achievement of a metaphysical/mystical union with the Infinite, the beyond, and the ever expanding frontiers of both the universe and human consciousness-is what is signified by women wearing a bindi. There is no compulsion at all, but most Hindu women in India wear it through the day, with pleasure.[3]

There is such a diversity of "forms of worship" that individuals can and do exercise agency in what they choose to follow at different points of their life- course. There are centralized organizations focusing on male or female gurus. There are temple based forms where priests dictate the practice of ritual offering and that are male dominated. There are direct devotional forms where there is little segregation of male and female, with an emphasis on the direct relationship between "the god" and the worshipper with no outside intervention. "The worship" can take on myriads of forms including combinations of knowledge, work, faith/devotion, and following disciplines. "God" can be personified, or imagined in millions of other ways. In the end, an individual can be anything from an atheist to a faith-based follower, change the object of worship depending on life stage and preferences, in short find ways of living "manusher dharma" i.e. striving to become more human/e. Second, Hinduism assumes that individuals are likely to change during their lifetime. The whole notion of having a personal deity-a tangible way of thinking about Brahman-that reflect one's emotional and social state, allows a great deal of choice. Although how often are the broad non-gendered, non-discriminatory fundamentals of the religion are misused by groups that use their power to exploit and trample over other human beings in the name of religion. The 13th century "laws" of Manu continue to be selectively evoked by people whose inhumanity is reflected in their abuse of women. [4]

Woman sitting at the threshold of the main building of Hazratbal shrine in Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir, as the sign on the gate reads "Ladies Are Not Allowed"

The Hindu and Muslim communities in India were treated differently by the government in that separate types of concessions were made for each 1 in [5] [6] accommodate their separate religious laws and regulations. The case of Shah Bano begun in 1985 was one such example of Rajiv Gandhi attempting to make "concessions" for the Muslim community to in turn secure support for the Congress. Shah Bano, a 73-year-old Muslim woman, was divorced by her husband after forty-three years of marriage. According to the Sharia or Muslim Law, her husband was not required to pay her alimony. Shah Bano challenged this decision in the Supreme Court, which ultimately ruled in her favour and ordered her husband to pay her a monthly maintenance allowance. This caused chaos amongst the Muslim clerics who denounced the judgement and suggested that their religion, Islam was under attack in the country. In a fear of losing overall Muslim support, Rajiv succumbed to the pressures of the Conservative Maulavis from Muslims community and his own party and backed the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Bill which restricts alimony for Muslim Women only for 90 days after divorce. This caused an outcry from Muslim feminists and Hindu nationalists who found the appeasement of Muslim males by the Congress for political purposes wrong and opportunistic.

Feminism was challenged by various minority groups for not entirely addressing the needs of minority populations. It was suggested that 'mainstream' feminism was upper caste and Hindu in its orientation and did not address the concerns of minority women. This led to the formation of the Awaaz-e-Niswaan (The Voice of Women) in 1987 in Mumbai in largely Muslim part of the city. The Muslim community has personal laws that often were considered harmful to the rights of Muslim women. The Muslim personal law allows Polygamy but not Polyandry.

The dynamic of women's rights in India is on the foreground of the Muslim community and the Indian Nation State. Article 14 of the Indian Constitution states 'Equality before law' and grants every person equality before the law and equal protection in India. Article 15 prohibits discrimination based on religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. Muslims women in India however are used as both an instrument and symbol for Islam in South Asia. Muslim Personal Law governs many aspects of a married Muslim Woman's rights in India. Personal Law serves a purpose in maintaining the democratic right to freedom of religion and preserving traditions which have been a part of India for many centuries. The idea of having 'differential citizenship' has resulted from the differences between constitutional and personal laws in India.

Since the partition of Pakistan and Bangladesh the Muslim community in India have been greatly reduced. Maintaining Muslim traditions in India serves as a means of achieving religious equality as well preserving their respective community under the Indian Nation State. Islam although being one of the first religions to advocate for women's rights both socially and in the political arena, has been heavily misinterpreted over the years with the death of the Islamic prophet Muhammad and with the residency of Islam in different societies. In India, "like Hindu women, Muslim women also demanded legal redress for polygamy, child marriage, purdah and denial of property rights".

Constitutional laws in India have taken more initiative to improve gender equality than Muslim Personal Law. The political arena for Muslims in India are overwhelmingly male dominated and the Muslim society in India is heavily patriarchal. The Ulama is given massive criticism for supporting a 'patriarchal interpretation' and using the Quran to further their own agendas. The Mullahs who dominate the political arena for Muslims in India have not prioritized reform to the Muslim Personal Laws. In addition Muslim women in India face larger issues in "illiteracy, social conservatism ... economic dependence on men, domestic and social violence, a wide gap between formal constitutional equality and actual inequality, inferiority and subordination of Indian women.".

Female pilgrims inside the Harmandir Sahib

According to Sikh tradition, both men and women are to follow the five Ks: Kesh (uncut hair), Kangha (comb), Kara (iron bracelet), Kachera (cotton undergarment) and Kirpan (iron dagger). Both men and women are to be treated equally inside a Gurudwara, and required to follow the same etiquette: both men and women should cover their head and wear modest clothing, both sit side by side in congregation and to eat langar. Although Sikh scriptures are usually publicly recited by men, there are no restrictions on who can become a , and women can also apply. Both men and women can choose to wear a turban. Sikh women usually take the surname Kaur, with the purpose of rejecting both casteism and inequality among men and women. Similarly, Sikh men usually take the surname Singh. The Sikh faith condemns the practices of female infanticide, widow burning, dowry, and treatment of menstruating women as impure, and also discourages seclusion and face veil. However, many of these are still practiced by Sikhs.

Feminism did not gain meaning or become an operational principle in Indian life until the country gained independence in 1947 and adopted a democratic government. The Indian Constitution then granted equality, freedom from discrimination based on gender or religion, and guaranteed religious freedoms. Also, seven five-year plans were developed to provide health, education, employment, and welfare to women. The sixth five-year plan even declared women "partners in development".

In general, in the uneducated and rural sections of Indian society, which form a major percentage of the total population, women are seen as economic burdens. Their contributions to productivity are mostly invisible as their familial and domestic contributions are overlooked. Indian women were contributing nearly 36 percent of total employment in agriculture and related activities, nearly 19 percent in the service sector, and nearly 12.5 in the industry sector as of the year 2000. High illiteracy rates among women confine them to lower paying, unskilled jobs with less job security than men. Even in agricultural jobs where the work of men and women are highly similar, women are still more likely to be paid less for the same amount and type of work as men. Although the Government of India has tried to eliminate inequality in the workforce, women still receive unequal treatment. "Men are more likely to get promotions than women-besides, for men the nature of their jobs often changed with these promotions, unlike women, who usually only got increased responsibility and higher workload.". However, AIIMS nurses union has alleged gender discrimination for Nursing Officers recruitment, giving 80 percent posts to female candidates and remaining to male candidates.

In 1955 the Bollywood group Cine Costume Make-Up Artist & Hair Dressers' Association (CCMAA) created a rule that did not allow women to obtain memberships as makeup artists. However, in 2014 the Supreme Court of India ruled that this rule was in violation of the Indian constitutional guarantees granted under Article 14 (right to equality), 19(1)(g) (freedom to carry out any profession) and Article 21 (right to liberty). The judges of the Supreme Court of India stated that the ban on women makeup artist members had no "rationale nexus" to the cause sought to be achieved and was "unacceptable, impermissible and inconsistent" with the constitutional rights guaranteed to the citizens. The Court also found illegal the rule which mandated that for any artist, female or male, to work in the industry, they must have domicile status of five years in the state where they intend to work. In 2015 it was announced that Charu Khurana had become the first woman to be registered by the Cine Costume Make-Up Artist & Hair Dressers' Association.

Feminists are also concerned about the impact of globalization on women in India. Some feminists argue that globalization has led to economic changes that have raised more social and economical challenges for women, particularly for working-class and lower-caste women. Multinational companies in India have been seen to exploit the labour of 'young, underpaid and disadvantaged women' in free trade zones and sweat shops, and use "Young lower middle class, educated women", in call centres. These women have few effective labour rights, or rights to collective action.

In addition to this, multinational corporations are seen to advertise a homogenous image of ideal women across the country is argued to cause an increase in the commodification of women's bodies. This is also manifested in the form of nationalist pride exhibited through Indian women winning international beauty pageants. According to some feminists, such developments have offered women greater sexual autonomy and more control over their bodies. However, many other feminists feel that such commodification of female bodies has only served the purpose of feeding to male fantasies.

Girls in Kalleda Rural School, Andhra Pradesh.

Some of the main reasons that girls are less likely to reach optimal levels of education include the fact that girls are needed to assist their mothers at home, have been raised to believe that a life of domestic work is their destined occupation, have illiterate mothers who cannot educate their children, have an economic dependency on men, and are sometimes subject to child-marriage. Many poor families marry their daughters off early with a belief that the more she will stay at home, the more they'll be needed to invest in her. Plus it is a popular belief that they should be married off early so that they produce off-springs early in their life.

In 1986, the National Policy on Education (NPE) was created in India, and the government launched the program called Mahila Samakhya, whose focus was on the empowerment of women. The program's goal is to create a learning environment for women to realize their potential, learn to demand information and find the knowledge to take charge of their own lives. In certain areas of India, progress is being made and an increase in the enrollment of girls in schools and as teachers has begun to increase. By 2001 literacy for women had exceeded 50% of the overall female population, though these statistics were still very low compared to world standards and even male literacy within India. Efforts are still being made to improve the level of education that females receive to match that of male students.

At shortlisting stage IIM Indore is giving extra marks to female candidates now.

DRDO launched the scholarship scheme exclusively for girls in year 2019.

Girls in Haryana now will be getting passport with graduation degree.

1. ^ Ray, Raka. Fields of Protest: Women's Movements in India Archived 7 July 2014 at the Wayback Machine. University of Minnesota Press; Minneapolis, MN. 1999. Page 13.

2. ^ Chaudhuri, Maitrayee. Feminism in India (Issues in Contemporary Indian Feminism) New York: Zed, 2005.

3. ^ Kumar, Radha. The History of Doing Archived 10 January 2016 at the Wayback Machine, Kali for Women, New Delhi, 1998.

4. Gangoli, Geetanjali. ^ Indian Feminisms - Law, Patriarchies and Violence in India Archived 1 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine. Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 2007. Print; pages 10-12.

5. Partha Chatterjee, "The Nationalist Resolution of the Women's Question", in ^ Recasting Women: Essays in Colonial History Archived 7 July 2014 at the Wayback Machine, Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid, eds. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press.

6. Mukherjee, Sucharita Sinha, ^ Women's Empowerment and Gender Bias in the Birth and Survival of Girls in Urban India, in Feminist Economics, vol. 19, no. 1 (January, 2013) (doi:10.1080/13545701.2012.752312), p. 9, citing Srinivas, Mysore Narasimhachar, The Cohesive Role of Sanskritization and Other Essays (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989), & Agarwal, Bina, A Field of One's Own: Gender and Land Rights in South Asia (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1994).

7. Mukherjee, Sucharita Sinha, ^ Women's Empowerment and Gender Bias in the Birth and Survival of Girls in Urban India, op. cit., p. 9.

8. ^ Kumar, Anuj, Let's Anger Her! (sic), in The Hindu, July 25, 2012 Archived 27 August 2012 at the Wayback Machine, as accessed September 29, 2012 (whether statement was by Kumar or Kom is unknown).

9. Singh, S. & Singh, P. (2011). "Shobha De: Deconstructed for Maverick Feminism". In Contemporary Indian Women Novelists in English, Ed. Indu Swami, Sarup: Delhi

10. ^ "Savitribai, The Mother Of Modern Girls' Education In India". The Better Indian. 15 October 2013. Archived from the original on 26 August 2016.

11. Napier, William. (1851) ^ History of General Sir Charles Napier's Administration of Scinde. (P. 35). London: Chapman and Hall [1] Archived 3 June 2016 at the Wayback Machine at books.google.com, accessed 10 July 2011

12. ^ Herpreet Kaur Grewal (31 December 2010). "Rebel Queen - a thorn in the crown". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 5 October 2015.

13. ^ Viswanathan, T.K. "The Code of Criminal Procedure (Amendment) Act, 2005" (PDF). mha.nic.in. Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 October 2017.

14. Desk, The Hindu Net (28 September 2018). "Supreme Court upholds the right of women of all ages to worship at Sabarimala | Live updates". The Hindu. ISSN 0971-751X. Archived from the original on 28 September 2018.

15. Panda, Pradeep, Bina Agarwal, Population Council, New Delhi, India, and Institute of Economic Growth, University of Delhi, India. "Marital Violence, Human Development and Women's Property Status in India". World Development (2005). 18 March 2013.

16. ^ Deshpande, Sanjay (2019). "Sociocultural and Legal Aspects of Violence Against Men". Journal of Psychosexual Health. 1 (3-4): 246-249. doi:10.1177/2631831819894176. S2CID 209523024.

17. ^ "Woman can be 'karta'of a family: Delhi high court". The Times of India. Archived from the original on 31 January 2016.

18. ^ Shukla, Shashi; Shukla, Sashi (1996). "UC Berkeley Library Proxy Login". The Indian Journal of Political Science. 57 (1/4): 1-13. JSTOR 41855734.

19. ^ Harbans, Bhatia; Bakshi, Shiri Ram (1999). Political Ideology Of The Sikhs. Deep & Deep Publications. p. 33. ISBN 9788176291354.

20. ^ Singh, Darshan (January 2004). Guru Granth Sahib Among The Scriptures Of The World. Patiala: Punjabi University. p. 196. ISBN 9788173809286.

21. ^ Pruthi, Raj (2004). Sikhism and Indian Civilization. Discovery Publishing House. p. 105. ISBN 9788171418794. Archived from the original on 9 October 2021.

22. Kaur-Singh, Nikky-Guninder (1993). ^ The Feminine Principle in the Sikh Vision of the Transcendent Archived 9 October 2021 at the Wayback Machine. Cambridge University Press ISBN 0521432871. pp. 4.

23. ^ Esteve-Volart, Berta (2004). "Women and the Labour Market in India: Some Background" (PDF). Gender Discrimination and Growth: Theory and Evidence from India. Archived (PDF) from the original on 22 March 2012.

24. ^ "AIIMS resident doctor attempts suicide over 'caste and gender discrimination'". 20 April 2020. Archived from the original on 5 November 2021.

25. Gangoli (2007), page 13.

Bhasin, Kamla; Khan, Nighat Said (1986). Some questions on feminism and its relevance in South Asia. New Delhi: Kali for Women. ISBN 9788185107141.

Chaudhuri, Maitrayee (2005). Feminism in India. Issues in Contemporary Indian Feminism. London New York New York: Zed Books. ISBN 9781842776025.

Madhavananda, and R. C. Majumdar. Great women of India. Mayavati (2014)

Jain, Pratibha; Sharma, Sangeeta (1995), "Women in the freedom struggle: invisible images", in Jain, Pratibha; Sharma, Sangeeta (eds.), Women images, Jaipur: Rawat Publications, OCLC 34318242.

Singh, Maina Chawla (June 2004). "Feminism in India". Asian Journal of Women's Studies. 10 (2): BR2. Archived from the original on 18 January 2016.

Kishwar, Madhu (2008). Zealous reformers, deadly laws: battling stereotypes. Los Angeles: SAGE Publications. ISBN 9780761936374.

Madhu Kishwar. "The Daughters of Aryavarta: Women in the Arya Samaj movement, Punjab". In Women in Colonial India; Essays on Survival, Work and the State, edited by J. Krishnamurthy, Oxford University Press, 1989.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Feminism in India is a set of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and defending equal political, economic, and social rights and opportunities for women in India. It is the pursuit of women's rights within the society of India.

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The fight for women’s franchise in India was incremental and ran parallel to the Independence movement in the country. When India finally became a republic in 1950, it did so by bestowing voting rights to all adults in the country regardless of sex, literacy, property, class or religion.

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Rhodes Must Fall (with Rekgotsofetse Chikane)

This episode is part of a four-part series in support of the Black Lives Matter movement. In this episode, guest ...

The Voice of Hong Kong in Exile (with Nathan Law)

During the Umbrella Movement in 2014, Nathan Law was one of the five representatives who took part in the dialogue ...

The Need for Empathy: Understanding India's COVID-19 Lockdown (with Kalpana Kannabiran)

"The question really, for me, is not so much one of the degree of deference that courts should grant the State, ...

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The Indian Suffragists: Claiming their Rights in Britain and India

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Rhodes Must Fall (with Rekgotsofetse Chikane) This episode is part of a four-part series in support of the Black Lives Matter movement. In this episode, guest ... The Voice of Hong Kong in Exile (with Nathan Law) During the Umbrella Movement in 2014, Nathan Law was one of the five representatives who took part in the dialogue ...

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Agnes De Silva, secretary of the Ceylon Women's Franchise Union, advocated for women's suffrage in 1927. She gathered female Franchise Union members to advocate for constitutional reform at the Donoughmare Commission in 1928, which included her proposed changes in the 1931 constitution.

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Women in Sri Lanka have had suffrage since 1931.

Agnes De Silva was secretary of the Ceylon Women's Franchise Union, which had been founded in 1927, and a prominent activist for women's suffrage. She led an organized delegation of women members of the Franchise Union to present their case at the 1928 Donoughmare Commission on Constitutional Reform which the British Government then in control of the island had constituted. They advocated for suffrage to be granted to women thirty years of age and older. The reforms she introduced later became a part of new constitution established in 1931. After the new constitution came into force the adult franchise was extended to women above the age of 21, regardless of their educational status.

The subsection 12.(1) of the Sri Lankan constitution guarantees equality before the law and equal protection of the law to all citizens. Subsection 12.(2) further states that "no citizen shall be discriminated against on the grounds of race, religion, language, caste, sex, political opinion [or] place of birth ..." (Cooray Sept. 1989, 12).

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Women's suffrage in Sri Lanka - Wikipedia

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Women in Sri Lanka have had suffrage since 1931. Agnes De Silva was secretary of the Ceylon Women's Franchise Union, which had been founded in 1927, and a prominent activist for women's suffrage.

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Brian - Vietnam  ~  Beautiful picture, but a link to your information source needs to be added!

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Brian - Vietnam  ~  Beautiful picture, but a link to your information source needs to be added!

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Before 1930 women in Vietnam inspired by other movements about women's rights began to advocate for women's rights. Later, in 1946 when Vietnam gained independence from France, The Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam was established and allowed women to have equal rights.

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1919 ~ Yugoslav Women's Alliance

~ at first, mainly upper class women & then professional middle class women joined.

~ worked for women's suffrage (right to vote) reforms in favor of women's rights, gender equality, such as civil marriage, marital property rights, custody of children & women's professional rights.

1945 ~ the 'Royal Dictatorship' was abolished & the rise of a new Communist(Socialist) state was formed.

1946 ~ a new constitution was created that legalized the equality between women and men.

ironically, this was done without the input from the Yugoslav Women's Alliance.

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Navi  ~  India   Also, add your brief summary of 5W's + H below your link. Also, check that you are in the right date section.

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Navi  ~  India   Also, add your brief summary of 5W's + H below your link. Also, check that you are in the right date section.

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Indian Empire in 1915 (Pink areas indicate those under the control of the British Raj and grey areas indicate those princely kingdoms which managed their own internal affairs)

In the 1890s nationalism arose in India with the founding of the Indian National Congress.[1] The advent of World War I and the use in propaganda rhetoric of terms like 'self-determination' gave rise for hope among middle-class Indians that change was imminent.[2] For English-educated elites, who had predominantly become urbanised and depended on professional income, British rule was beneficial, but they also recognised that restrictions on their wives impacted their own careers. The practice of secluding women meant that they were unable to educate children or serve as hostesses or helpmeets to further their husbands' advancement.

Indian women, who had begun participating in reform activities since the 19th century, also saw the potential for change. They escalated their efforts into demands for political rights and specifically for suffrage. Entwined with Indian nationalists, Indian feminists sought support from British suffragists as well as their own autonomy, which prevented the development of a unified identity or set of demands from women. Austen Chamberlain, the Secretary of State for India was against loosening the power of Britain in India and accused those who backed even moderate proposals for consultation of Indian princes as "meddlers" in the affairs of the British Raj.[7] When he was ousted in 1917, his replacement, Edwin Montagu, gained approval to organise with Lord Chelmsford, Viceroy of India, a consultation for a limited political devolution of British power.[8]

Margaret E. Cousins, 1932

In 1917, Margaret Cousins founded the Women's Indian Association in Adyar, Madras, to create a vehicle for women to influence government policy. The organisation focused on equal rights, educational opportunity, social reform, and women's suffrage. Founding members included S. Ambujammal, Annie Besant, Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay, Mary Poonen Lukose, Begam Hasrat Mohani, Saralabai Naik, Dhanvanthi Rama Rau, Muthulakshmi Reddy, Mangalammal Sadasivier, and Herabai Tata. Besant was named president[citation needed ] and Tata, general secretary. Wanting to secure an audience with Montagu, Cousins sent an application requesting discussion of educational and social reforms for women. When it was rejected on the grounds that the commission's research was limited to political topics, she revised her application, focusing on the presentation of political demands of women.

When it was approved, on 15 December 1917, Sarojini Naidu led a deputation of 14 leading women from throughout India to present the demand to include women's suffrage in the new Franchise Bill under development by the Government of India. Besides Naidu and Cousins, members of the delegation included Besant, Parvati Ammal, Mrs. Guruswamy Chetty, Nalinibai Dalvi, Dorothy Jinarajadasa, Dr. Nagutai Joshi (later known as Rani Lakshmibai Rajwade, Srimati Kamalabai Kibe, Mrs. Z. Lazarus, Mohani, Srimati S. Naik, Srimati Srirangamma, and Tata. In addition to the women physically present, telegrams of support were sent to Montagu by Francesca Arundale, Abala Bose, Sarala Devi Chaudhurani, Mrs. Mazur-al-Haque, Uma Nehru, Mrs. R. V. Nilakanta, Miss H. Petit, Ramabai Ranade, and Shrimati Padmabai Sanjiva Rao.

The British Parliament passed the Representation of the People Act 1918, enfranchising women over the age of 30, who were entitled to be, or who were married to someone entitled to be, a local government elector. The law did not apply to British citizens in other parts of the Empire. When the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms were introduced in 1918 no recommendation was made for Indian women's enfranchisement. Suffragists were active in drawing up petitions and published updates about the struggle in Stri Dharma, urging support for women's political empowerment as a part of the anti-colonial movement against Britain. Stri Dharma was edited by Reddy and Srimati Malati Patwardhan and aimed to develop both local and international support for women's equality. Widely attended protest meetings were held throughout the country, organised by the Women's Indian Association. In 1918, the provincial legislatures in Bombay and Madras passed resolutions supporting the elimination the sex disqualification for voting, and women gained the endorsement for suffrage from the Indian Home Rule League and the All-India Muslim League. When the Indian National Congress convened in December, Chaudhurani presented a resolution to the Congress to grant suffrage, which was taken under advisement pending the outcome of consultations with the remaining provincial legislatures. Though a resolution did not pass in 1918 in Bombay, support for suffrage was approved in Calcutta.

The Southborough Franchise Committee was tasked with developing the electoral regulations under the Montagu-Chelmsford Reforms. Though they accepted petitions from throughout India, they spoke only with women in Bengal and Punjab. The Southborough Report published in April 1919 acknowledged that educated women might be qualified, but concluded that overall women were not ready for the vote, nor would conservative sectors of society support their enfranchisement. In July women in Bombay organised a protest meeting and when Lord Southborough sent his report to the Joint Select Committee of the House of Lords and Commons the Bombay Committee on Women's Suffrage sent Tata and her daughter Mithan to give evidence along with Sir Sankaran Nair.

In August 1919, Besant and Naidu presented pleas for enfranchisement to the Joint Select Committee. Besant even used the argument that if Indian women were not given the vote, they might support the anti-colonial movement. The following month, Tata presented the memorandum Why Should Women Have Votes to the India Office. While in England, the Tatas and other suffragists spoke at various public meetings and events of British suffragists, travelling to "Birkenhead, Bolton, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Harrowgate, Liverpool, Manchester and Newcastle" to gain the support of other women. They were very successful in their pleas, causing the India Office to be inundated with resolutions of support for women's suffrage in India. Tata and her daughter participated in a second presentation before the Joint Select Committee on 13 October and were present for the final reading of the Government of India Act in December 1919.

The Act did not grant women suffrage, but included a clause that Indian provinces could enfranchise women if they chose to do so. It limited suffrage, barring most of India's middle class, as it restricted the vote to those who had an annual income of more than ₹10,000-20,000; land revenues in excess of ₹250-500 per annum; or those recognised for their high level of public work or scholarship. Furthermore, it did not allow women to stand in elections. The law empowered the Imperial Legislative Assembly and the Council of State to grant the right to vote in those provinces in which legislative franchise had been approved, but the British Parliament retained the right to determine who could stand as candidates for the Legislative Councils.

Suffragists recognised that their political aims were tied to those of the Nationalist Movement. By combining their goals, both nationalists and feminists benefited by articulating their common issues, resulting in more supporters to help with resolving their challenges. By linking gender equality with the removal of colonial restrictions, women were able to defuse opposition, but not eliminate it entirely. For example, Mahatma Gandhi encouraged women's participation in socio-economic and political struggles, but he published an article in Young India stating he did not support the campaign for women's suffrage. Members of the 45 branches of the Women's Indian Association began to agitate locally for voting rights, submitting demands to their various councils and the focus shifted from India-wide agitation to the provincial level.

The Madras City Council passed Municipal Act IV in 1919, which gave women the right to vote, but not the right to stand in elections. Women activists including Besant, Chetty, Cousins, Jinarajadasa, Lazaras, Reddi, Rama Rau, Mangalammal Sadasiva Iyer, Rukmini Lakshmipathi, Mrs. Ramachandra Rao, Mrs. Mahadeva Shastri, Mrs. C. B. Rama Rao and Mrs. Lakshman Rao, continued pressing for the same rights as male electors. In 1920, the Kingdom of Travancore and the Jhalawar State granted women's suffrage. In 1921, the Madras Presidency voted to remove the restriction on standing for elections at the local level, striking the sex qualification for women. The first woman to be elected to the Madras City Corporation was Mrs. M. C. Devadoss. Later that year, the Bombay Legislative Council passed legislation removing sex as a disqualification for voting, though educational and property qualifications remained.

In Bengal in 1921, the women's organisation, Bangiya Nari Samaj, was formed to agitate for the vote. Founded by Abala Bose, who had supported the delegation to the Montagu Inquiry, members included Kumudini Bose, R. S. Hossain, Kamini Roy, and Mrinalini Luddhi Sen. Nellie Sengupta was also active in Bengal in agitating for women's rights. Bangiya Nari Samaj organised large public meetings hoping to influence the educated public to support women's suffrage. They spoke in towns throughout the province and published in newspapers. Though a resolution for women's suffrage was presented in September, it was defeated by a vote of 56 to 37, largely on the basis of arguing that granting enfranchisement would allow prostitutes to vote.

In April 1922, the [ Kingdom of Mysore's Legislative Council granted women's suffrage, followed by approval in the province of Burma in June. In 1923, four women, Hari Hadgikson, Avantikabai Gokhale mr], Bachubai Lotvala, and Naidu, were elected to the Bombay City Corporation. That year, the United Provinces Legislative Council unanimously granted women's suffrage and the Rajkot State not only granted full universal suffrage but elected two women to serve on the Council. As the princely kingdoms were not bound by the restriction for women standing for election, Rajkot became the first place in India where a woman was elected to the council. In 1924, the Kingdom of Cochin followed suit eliminating the sex disqualification for voting and standing in an election. When the Muddiman Committee came to India to assess the implementation and progress made on the implementation of the Act of 1919, the wife of Deep Narayan Singh stressed to the Committee women's desire to participate in the legislature. The Committee made no change to implementation by provincial authorisation, but did recommend that the bill be reformed to allow women to be elected to legislative positions. Before the end of the year, Assam Province passed a woman's suffrage resolution.

The National Council of Women in India was established in 1925. It was led by Lady Meherbai Tata and most of its members were among the elite classes. An affiliate of the International Council of Women, the group, which included Marahani of Baroda, Tarabai Premchand, Dowager Begum Saheb of Bhopal, and Cornelia Sorabji, strove to maintain connections with the British and focused on petition politics. Mithan Lam (née Tata) joined the council and led the legislative committee, which worked to improve the status of women. Women's suffrage was passed in the Bengal Presidency in 1925, and was approved in 1926 in Punjab. That year, the British Parliament allowed the Government of India to amend the electoral rules granting women the right to become legislative members and Madras granted the right for women to stand in elections for the Provincial Legislative Council. Also in 1926, Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay, an active worker in registering women to vote, became the first woman to stand for a legislative seat in the British provinces, but lost by a small margin.

In 1927, the Madras Legislative Council appointed Muthulakshmi Reddy, who became the first woman legislator in the British provinces. The All India Women's Conference (AIWC) was organised in Poona that year by Cousins, initially to deal with girls' education. Recognizing improvements in education depended on a revision of social customs, the organisation worked on social and legal issues that benefited women with the aim of improving the nation. Women gained enfranchisement in the Central Provinces, in 1927, and in Bihar and Orissa Province, in 1929. At the end of the 1920s, franchise had been extended to almost all provinces in India. However, because of the property qualification, less than 1% of the women in the country were able to vote. Though they qualified for registration under the same terms as men, the income requirements meant that only about 1 million women were able to vote or stand in elections.

Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, tensions arose among various women's groups depending on whether or not they supported the British schemes for extending franchise. The major all-India organisations continued to demand universal suffrage, whereas British women's groups favoured proposals which maintained the social order. These tensions were brought about by the appointment in 1927, of the Simon Commission, which was tasked with developing a new India Act. In response, the Nehru Report, which came out of the All Parties Conference of 1928, was drafted to recommend that dominion status be given to India within the British Commonwealth. The Nehru Report recommended adoption of a bill of rights giving men and women equality. The Simon Commission arrived in India in 1929 and began soliciting input. Because the leaders of the nationalist movement were against the seven white men on the commission deciding the fate of Indians, the Women's Indian Association refused to meet with commissioners, as did the All India Women's Conference.

When Gandhi began the Civil Disobedience Movement in 1930, the British response was to ban the Indian National Congress and arrest its leadership. Initially he was reluctant to have women participate, but its non-violent aspect appealed to women and soon thousands of women from throughout India were participating in violating the salt laws. When the men were arrested, women stepped in to continue manufacturing and selling salt to defy the British monopoly and continue the movement. Leaders included Anasuya Ben, Perin Naoroji Captain, Chattopadhyay, Gokhale, Lakshmipathi, Hansa Mehta, Sharda Mehta, Naidu, and Saraladevi Sarabhai, among others. Proving their leadership abilities, the women held daily councils to plan the day-to-day activities, including protesting at liquor and shops that dealt in imported cloth. For example, they scheduled shifts of four women a day twice a day for two hours, to picket at each of the 500 liquor shops in Bombay. Many women were assaulted and arrested for their participation in civil disobedience protests.

When the Round Table Conference was scheduled in London for 1930, initially the Women's Indian Association reversed their boycott, submitting a memorandum which stressed how women's co-operation had been shown to be valuable in resolving political problems. They withdrew from participation again when the commission declaration stated the meeting was to "discuss" rather than "implement" further change. Those chosen to participate with the commission included Begum Jahan Ara Shah Nawaz and Radhabai Subbarayan, though the British appointed them without consulting any women's organisations. They agreed to accept interim measures expanding suffrage to literate women and granting special reservations of four legislative seats to encourage women's input on education and social issues.

Cousins and Reddy of the Women's Indian Association, Shareefa Hamid Ali and Rajwade from the All India Women's Conference, and Premchand from the National Council of Women in India jointly prepared a memorandum supporting universal suffrage with no special reservations. This was a compromise position, as initially the women saw the benefit of having seats reserved to ensure women's representation. Under pressure from nationalist leaders, these women's organisations acquiesced to the nationalists, thereafter supporting no preferential treatment for any group. A delegation of women, led by Rani Lalit Kumari (Dowager Rani of Mandi), and including Mrs. Ahmad, a former council member from the United Provinces Legislature and Satyavati Singh Chitambar, president of the Woman's Christian Temperance Union of India, recommended that women be enfranchised based upon marriage. They also proposed that the property requirement for women should be twice that for men. The recommendations originating from the committee included being a wife or widow, having attained the age of 25 and whose spouse met (or had met before death) the property requirements of 1919.

When the Gandhi-Irwin Pact of 1931 was signed, and the Indian National Congress agreed to participate in the round table process, women supporting the nationalist aims agreed to participate as well. At the Second Round Table Conference held that year, suffragists of the Women's Indian Association, National Council of Women of India, and the All-Indian Women's Conference submitted a joint memorandum demanding full adult franchise. They rejected sex disqualification for candidacy, employment, holding public office, or voting, as well as special provisions to make places for women in the legislature. The memorandum was presented by Naidu, but Subbarayan countered with a recommendation for 5% of the legislative seats over the next three election cycles to be reserved for women. As there was no agreement among the Indian delegates, the Second Round Table recommended that each provincial legislature have seats allocated for specific communities and 2.5% of the overall seats be reserved for women. The three major suffragist groups were disappointed and sent a telegram to the Viceroy expressing their frustration with communal organisation of seats.

The Third Round Table meeting took place in 1932 and the only woman present was Nawaz. Though she supported limited suffrage, when a White Paper was developed for a Joint Select Committee of Parliament, she urged Amrit Kaur and Reddy to prepare a case and select a delegate to testify before the committee. Ali, Kaur and Reddy were chosen as delegates to present a second memorandum. Throughout the summer of 1933, the women, including Nawaz, toured Britain and tried to gain support from British suffragists for Indian women's voting rights. In October 1934, the Joint Committee published their report, which was incorporated into the Government of India Act 1935. Eligibility for women voters was revised under the act to include women aged 21 or over who met the same property qualifications as men, who were literate in any language in use in India, and who were wives or widows of a person who had paid income tax in the prior financial year or had served in the Royal Military. It also reserved seats for women in the lower house and excluded them from the second chamber entirely. Once again women from the Women's Indian Association, National Council of Women of India, and the All-Indian Women's Conference issued a joint statement of their dissatisfaction with voting being tied to marital status, income and property requirements that excluded the majority from voting, and special privileges that treated men and women differently.

The Government of India Act 1935 extended the vote to include around 6 million women, but even so covered only 2.5% of the women in India. "In the 1937 elections, 10 women were elected from general constituencies, 41 from reserved constituencies, and five were nominated to provincial legislative councils". The struggle to further expand the franchise was tied to the drive to gain independence, though independence took priority over women's issues. In 1938, the Indian National Congress set up a subcommittee, which included Ali, Chaudhurani, Kaur, Naidu, Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit, Rajwade, Mridula Sarabhai, and Jahanara Shahnawaz. They were tasked with defining the role of women in society. Working with members of the Women's Indian Association and the All India Women's Conference, they focused on a society reordered so that men and women were equal partners, demanding equal status and opportunity with full political rights. They also recommended schemes to develop child care, health, and social insurance services; a uniform civil code which protected the economic rights of women and provided protection for children's rights, equal rights to marriage and divorce, guardianship, and nationality; and uniform educational standards regardless of gender. Similarly, that same year the All-India Muslim League established a sub-committee for women and encouraged their participation in fundraising, mass processions and public meetings. They also were actively involved in campaigning for women to participate as voters.

The nationalist movement allowed women to enter the public sphere, but did not generally transform the inequality of their lives. Though they were able to press for the passage of the Sarda Act of 1929, which raised the age of marriage, members of the Women's Indian Association and the All India Women's Conference were often rebuffed by the nationalist leaders in their attempts to legalise equality. When the Constituent Assembly of India was elected in 1946, 15 women gained seats. They included Purnima Banerjee, a member of the All India Women's Conference; Kamla Chaudhry, a feminist writer and independence activist; Malati Choudhury, an activist in the nationalist movement; Durgabai Deshmukh, an independence activist, lawyer, social worker, and women's rights activist;[102] Kaur, co-founder of the All India Women's Conference; Sucheta Kriplani, a nationalist activist and member of the women's committee of the Indian National Congress; Annie Mascarene, a lawyer and activist from the independence movement;[105] Hansa Mehta, president of the All India Women's Conference; Naidu, a member of the Women's Indian Association; Pandit, a member of the All India Women's Conference; Begum Aizaz Rasul, a member of the All India Women's Conference; Renuka Ray, a member of the All India Women's Conference; Leela Roy, a founder of the militant women's political organisation Congress Mahila Sangha, in Bengal; Ammu Swaminathan, a member of the Women's Indian Association; and Dakshayani Velayudhan, a teacher and delegate in the Cochin Legislative Assembly.

These women helped draft the Constitution of India and worked to ensure that socio-economic and political inequalities were addressed. One of the first actions of the Assembly was to establish universal adult suffrage, eliminating the gender, income, property, and educational restrictions on voting. In April 1947, the Advisory Committee on the Subject of Fundamental Rights reported that both the Fundamental Rights Sub-Committee and the Minorities Sub-Committee agreed to the principal. The Constituent Assembly adopted provisions for elections on this basis in July. The Assembly also passed legally enforceable statutes to protect fundamental rights, such as guaranteeing equality and equal opportunity for men and women; eliminating discrimination on the basis of caste, race religion, or sex by either the government or an employer; and banning untouchability; among other provisions.

With the passage of the Indian Independence Act 1947 by the British parliament, the Constitutional Assembly became the parliament of the Dominion of India on 15 August. In November, the Secretariat of the Constituent Assembly sent out a memorandum regarding general elections to be held under universal adult suffrage and in March 1948, general instructions for preparation of electoral roles were issued to all the Provincial and State governments. The instructions advised anyone who was a resident, of sound mind, and not a criminal of the age of at least 21 was entitled to be registered. The goal was to have complete rolls drafted so that immediately after the Constitution was adopted elections for the new government could be held. Despite agreeing upon the principal of universal adult suffrage upon starting the constitutional debates, "the key provisions for franchise and elections were only debated and passed in June 1949". The provisions officially replaced those contained in the Government of India Act of 1935, thereafter being adopted by the Constituent Assembly in November 1949 for the formal enforcement date of 26 January 1950.

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In the 1890s nationalism arose in India with the founding of the Indian National Congress.[1] The advent of World War I and the use in propaganda rhetoric of terms like 'self-determination' gave rise for hope among middle-class Indians that change was imminent.[2] For English-educated elites, who had predominantly become urbanised and depended on professional income, British rule was beneficial, but they also recognised that restrictions on their wives impacted their own careers.

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Nicole  ~  Egypt  You answered a bit of What & When. You need to add 5W's + H.

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Nicole  ~  Egypt  You answered a bit of What & When. You need to add 5W's + H.

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women in egypt gained the right to vote in 1919

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Orest-Ukraine   The link is not working, so can you choose another source, please?

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Orest-Ukraine   The link is not working, so can you choose another source, please?

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Women in Ukraine Generally got the right to vote on March 10 ,1919 but that only applies to the Communist West Ukraine but the East Ukraine which was under Poland got the right to vote earlier in November of 1918. But if are going to talk about actual election of presidents people got the right to vote in 1991.

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©2001 All Rights Reserved. Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies.

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інтернетова енциклопедія україни (іеу)

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File pages\W\O\Womensmoveme.htm is not found, please contact IEU Webmaster or contact web site administrator from where link originated (to check link coding). Click Home to get to the IEU Home page; to contact the IEU editors click Contact. To learn more about IEU click About IEU and to view the list of donors and to become an IEU supporter click Donors.

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Samer - Iraq  Great map picture, but a link to your information source needs to be added!

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Samer - Iraq  Great map picture, but a link to your information source needs to be added!

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Women in Iraq gained the right to vote in 1980 and it was granted by Saddam Hussein. This significant milestone in Iraqi history marked a step towards political inclusivity and gender equality. The granting of voting rights to women was likely influenced by evolving social and political dynamics within Iraq during that period. However, it's essential to note that despite gaining the right to vote, women's participation in Iraqi politics and society has faced various challenges and obstacles over the years. The granting of suffrage in 1980 represented a crucial advancement towards greater gender equality and democratic representation in Iraq.