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The soft revolution of Brazil, in which Prince Pedro boldly seized power from his father, but promised to give it back if King João ever returned to Brazil. He also covers the decidedly more violent revolutions in Mexico, Venezuela, and Argentina. Watch the video to see Simón Bolívar's dream of a United South America crushed, even as he manages to liberate a bunch of countries and get two currencies and about a thousand schools and parks named after him.

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Latin American Revolutions: Crash Course World History #31

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Among the most important events during the war was the proclamation of independence of Peru by José de San Martín on 28 July 1821.

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The Peruvian War of Independence was composed of a series of military conflicts in Peru beginning with viceroy Abascal military reconquest in 1811 in the battle of Guaqui, continuing with the definitive defeat of the Spanish Army in 1824 in the battle of Ayacucho, and culminating in 1826 with the Siege of Callao. The wars of independence took place with the background of the 1780-1781 uprising by indigenous leader Túpac Amaru II and the earlier removal of Upper Peru and the Río de la Plata regions from the Viceroyalty of Peru. Because of this the viceroy often had the support of the "Lima Oligarchy", who saw their elite interests threatened by popular rebellion and were opposed to the new commercial class in Buenos Aires. During the first decade of the 1800s Peru had been a stronghold for royalists, who fought those in favor of independence in Peru, Bolivia, Quito and Chile. Among the most important events during the war was the proclamation of independence of Peru by José de San Martín on 28 July 1821.

During the Peninsular War (1807-1814) central authority in the Spanish Empire was lost and many regions established autonomous juntas. The viceroy of Peru, José Fernando de Abascal y Sousa was instrumental in organizing armies to suppress uprisings in Upper Peru and defending the region from armies sent by the juntas of the Río de la Plata. After success of the royalist armies, Abascal annexed Upper Peru to the viceroyalty, which benefited the Lima merchants as trade from the silver-rich region was now directed to the Pacific. Because of this, Peru remained strongly royalist and participated in the political reforms implemented by the Cortes of Cádiz (1810-1814), despite Abascal's resistance. Peru was represented at the first session of the Cortes by seven deputies and local cabildos (representative bodies) became elected.[clarification needed ] Therefore, Peru became the second to last redoubt of the Spanish Monarchy in South America, after Upper Peru. Peru eventually succumbed to patriot armies after the decisive continental campaigns of José de San Martín (1820-1823) and Simón Bolívar (1823-1825).

Some of the early Spanish conquistadors who explored Peru made the first attempts for independence from the Spanish crown. They tried to liberate themselves from the Viceroyalty, who governed on behalf of the king of Castile. Throughout the eighteenth century, there were several indigenous uprisings against colonial rule and their treatment by the colonial authorities. Some of these uprisings became true rebellions. The Bourbon Reforms increased the unease, and the dissent had its outbreak in the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II which was repressed, but the root cause of the discontent of the indigenous people remained dormant. It is debated whether these movements should be considered as precedents of the emancipation that was led by chiefs ( caudillos), Peruvian towns ( pueblos), and other countries in the American continent.

The independence of Peru was an important chapter in the Hispano-American wars of independence. The campaign of Sucre in Upper Peru concluded in April 1825, and in November of the same year Mexico obtained the surrender of the Spanish bastion of San Juan de Ulúa in North America. The Spanish strongholds in Callao and Chiloé in South America fell in January 1826. Spain renounced all their continental American territories ten years later in 1836 leaving very little of its vast empire intact.

Junta movements

Despite the royalist tendencies of Upper Peru and overall lack of political unrest from the general public between the end of the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II (which ended in 1783) and 1808, junta movements did emerge. Within this period, divisions between Upper Peru and Southern Peru were evident, especially through the mining industry within the country, with the South overall suffering economically due to discrimination which ultimately provoked bitter protest from mining deputies of Southern Peru in 1804. This was evidently the start of unrest and uprising of the junta movements between the divided country which caused royalist officials to become more aware and cautious of Cuzco and the southern parts of Perú as a whole. Political unrest amped up after the crumbling of the Peruvian government structure, and after being effected by the collapse of monarchy within Spain, the country that colonized Peru, in 1808. Between 1809 and 1814, arguably the timeframe of the major junta movements and protests, Cuzco and the southern provinces of Peru were administratively and politically unstable, as expected from a country whose government is going through a general crisis. This time frame has been characterized by uncertainty and overall confusing after the implementation of the Junta Central and the Council of Regency, efforts made by the then newly monarch-less and overruling Spain.

The first significant attempt of an armed rebellion was in June 1811 in the southern city of Tacna led by Francisco Antonio de Zela. Though this rebellion was more personal, as it had to do with a direct issue Antonio de Zela faced, it demonstrated the desire in the southern region of Peru to reunite with Upper Peru. This movement also proved that those who rebelled in the provinces of southern Peru were much closer with one another, regardless of socioeconomic status, race, or ethnicity than those in Upper Peru (specifically Lima). This was significant due to the divisions between citizens due to features such as race and background and that though there may have been tensions between the groups, their common belief that Peru should be independent from Spanish-ruling overpowered all other differences they may have had.

Another significant movement, led by Natives in Huánuco, began on 22 February 1812. This movement was partially initiated by the motives of Juan Jose Castelli within the First Upper Peru Campaign. It was also begun as a protest against the corruption within local governments which illegally implemented a policy that disadvantaged indigenous merchants in the area. The rebellion lasted three months, ending in May 1812, was, like the Tacna movement, united more citizens in southern Peru of different backgrounds and proved the anti-peninsular beliefs of rebels a part of the junta movements. It involved various leaders, including and township magistrates ( alcaldes pedáneos), but was suppressed within a few weeks.

More enduring was the rebellion of Cuzco from 1814 to 1815.

The rebellion began in a confrontation between the Constitutional Cabildo and the Audiencia of Cuzco, made up of officeholders and Europeans, over the administration of the city and spread much more rapidly than any prior movement. Cabildo officials and their allies were arrested by the Audiencia. Seemingly a culmination of the prior rebellions, the motives of the 1814 movement declared by the main leaders included the struggle for power (specifically independent power from Spain), the disapproval of Fernando VII and the lack of application of promised reforms by the Audiencia. Criollo leaders appealed to retired brigadier Mateo Pumacahua, then in his 70s, who was curaca of Chinchero, and decades earlier had been instrumental in suppressing the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II. This was monumental as Pumacahua changed his beliefs for the national cause, something he was against when rebelling against Túpac Amaru II's similar stance in the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II earlier. The rebellion continued to move their efforts towards Lima and Upper Peru to inspire and spread attention to the public and officials opposed to their beliefs. This movement also made note of the uselessness of the position of viceroyalty as a whole, though specifically in Upper Peru where it was the center of Royalist reaction Pumacahua joined the Criollo leaders in forming a junta on 3 August in Cuzco, which demanded the complete implementation of the liberal reforms of the Spanish Constitution of 1812. After some victories in southern Peru and Upper Peru, the rebellion was squashed by mid-1815 when a combined strength of royal forces and loyal curacas, among which were the Catacora and Apo Cari took Cuzco and executed Pumacahua.

José de San Martín and the Liberation Army of the South

After the squashing of the aforementioned rebellion, the Viceroy of Peru organised two expeditions; conformed by the royalist regiments of Lima and Arequipa, and expeditionary elements from Europe; against the Chilean Patriots. In 1814, the first expedition was successful in reconquering Chile after winning the Battle of Rancagua. In 1817 following the royalist defeat in the Battle of Chacabuco, the second expedition against the Chilean Patriots in 1818 was an attempt to restore the monarchy. Initially it was successful in the Second Battle of Cancha Rayada, the expedition was finally defeated by José de San Martín in the Battle of Maipú.

To begin the liberation of Peru, Argentina and Chile signed a treaty on 5 February 1819 to prepare for the invasion. General José de San Martín believed that the liberation of Argentina wouldn't be secure until the royalist stronghold in Peru was defeated.

Peruvian campaign

Following the Battle of Maipú and the subsequent liberation of Chile, the patriots began the preparations for an amphibious assault force to liberate Peru. Originally the costs were to be assumed by both Chile and Argentina, however the Chilean government under Bernardo O'Higgins ended up assuming most of costs of the campaign. Nonetheless, it was determined that the land army was to be commanded by José de San Martín, whilst the navy was to be commanded by admiral Thomas Alexander Cochrane.

The 21 August 1820, an amphibious landing took place in the city of Valparaiso by the Peruvian Liberation Expedition under Chilean flag. Said expedition was composed of 4,118 soldiers. On 7 September the Liberation expedition arrived on the bay of Pisco in today's Region of Ica and captured the province by the following day. In an attempt to negotiate, the viceroy of Peru sent a letter to José de San Martín 15 September. However, negotiations broke down on 14 October with no clear result.

Beginning of hostilities

On 9 October 1820 the uprising of the reserve regiment of Grenadiers of Cusco began, which culminated in the proclamation of the Independence of Guayaquil. Then on 21 October, General José shot himself.

Actual hostilities began with the Sierra Campaign, led by patriot General Juan Antonio Álvarez de Arenales beginning on 5 October 1820. During this campaign, General Arenales proclaimed the independence of the city of Huamanga ( Ayacucho) on 1 November 1820. This was followed by the Battle of Cerro de Pasco, where General Arenales defeated a royalist division sent by viceroy Pezuela. The rest of the liberation forces under Admiral Cochrane captured the royalist frigate Esmeralda on 9 November 1820, dealing the royalist navy a heavy blow. On 2 December 1820 the royalist battalion Batallón Voltígeros de la Guardia defected to the patriots' side. On 8 January 1821, the armed column of General Álvarez de Arenales regroups with the rest of the expedition in the coast.

Viceroy Pezuela was ousted and replaced by General José de la Serna on 29 January 1821. In March 1821, incursions led by Miller and Cochrane attacked the royalist ports of Arica and Tacna. The new viceroy announced his departure from Lima on 5 June 1821, but ordered a garrison to resist the patriots in the Real Felipe Fortress, leading to the First Siege of Callao. The royalist army under the command of General José de Canterac leaves Lima, and proceeded to the highlands on 25 June 1821. General Arenales was sent by General San Martín to observe the royalist retreat. Two days after, the Liberation Expedition entered Lima. Under fear of repression and pillaging, the inhabitants of Lima begged General San Martín to enter Lima.

Declaration of Independence of Peru

Once inside Lima, General San Martín invited all of the populace of Lima to swear oath to the Independence cause. The signing of the Act of Independence of Peru was held on 15 July 1821. Manuel Pérez de Tudela, later Minister of International Relations wrote the Act of Independence. Admiral Cochrane is welcomed in Lima two days later; General José de San Martín announces in the Plaza Mayor of Lima the famous declaration of independence:

DESDE ESTE MOMENTO EL PERÚ ES LIBRE E INDEPENDIENTE POR LA VOLUNTAD GENERAL DE LOS PUEBLOS Y POR LA JUSTICIA DE SU CAUSA QUE DIOS DEFIENDE. ¡VIVA LA PATRIA!, ¡VIVA LA LIBERTAD!, ¡VIVA LA INDEPENDENCIA!.

-  José de San Martín. Lima, 28th of July of 1821

San Martín Abandons Peru

José de la Serna, moves his headquarters to Cuzco (or Qosqo). He sends troops under the command of General Canterac which arrive in Lima 10 September 1821. He is successful in reuniting with the besieged forces of General José de La Mar, in the Fortress of Real Felipe. After learning the viceroy new orders, he leaves to the highlands again on 16 September of the same year. The republicans pursued the retreating royalists until reaching Jauja on 1 October 1821.

Antonio José de Sucre, in Guayaquil requests help from San Martín. He complies and leads the Auxiliary Expedition of Santa Cruz to Quito. Afterwards, during the Entrevista de Guayaquil, San Martín and Bolívar attempted to decide the political fate of Peru. San Martín opted for a Constitutional Monarchy, whilst Simon Bolivar (Head of the Northern Expedition) opted for a Republican. Nonetheless, they both followed the notion that it was to be independent of Spain. Following the interview, General San Martin abandons Peru 22 September 1822 and leaves whole command of the Independence movement to Simon Bolivar.

After a row with General San Martin, Admiral Cochrane leaves Peru on 10 May 1822, being replaced by Martin Guisse as head of the navy. In April 1822, a royalist incursion defeats a Republican Army in the Battle of Ica. Afterwards, in October 1822 the republicans under General Rudecindo Alvarado experience another costly defeat at the hands of the royalist.

Simón Bolívar, the Northern Expedition, and the end of colonial era

Following the declaration of Independence, the Peruvian state was bogged down by the royalist resistance, and instability of the republic itself. Hence, whilst the coast and Northern Peru was under the command of the republic, the rest of the country was under the control of the royalists. Viceroy La Serna had established his capital in the city of Cuzco. Another campaign under General Santa Cruz against the royalist is defeated. The end of the war would only come with the military intervention of Gran Colombia. Following the self exile of San Martin, and the constant military defeats under president José de la Riva Agüero, the congress decided to send a plea in 1823 for the help of Simón Bolívar. Bolivar arrived in Lima 10 December 1823 with the aims of liberating all of Peru.

In 1824, an uprising in the royalist camp in Alto Peru (Modern Bolivia), would pave the way for the battles of Junin and Ayacucho. The Peruvian Army triumphed in the battle of Junin under the personal orders of Simon Bolivar, and in the battle of Ayacucho under command of General Antonio José de Sucre. The war would not end until the last royalist holdouts surrendered the Real Felipe Fortress in 1826.

Political dependence on Spain had been severed, but Peru was still economically dependent on Europe. Despite the separation from Spain, the plunder of lands from indigenous people was exacerbated in this new republican era. Indigenous domestic servants were treated inhumanely well into the 20th century. During the birth of the republic, the indigenous people obtained open citizenship in Peru, 27 August 1861.

After the war of independence, conflicts of interests that faced different sectors of the Criollo society and the particular ambitions of individual caudillos, made the organization of the country excessively difficult. Only three civilians: Manuel Pardo, Nicolás de Piérola and Francisco García Calderón would accede to the presidency in the first seventy-five years of independent life. In 1837, the Peru-Bolivian Confederation was created but it was dissolved two years later due to a combined military intervention of Peruvian patriots.

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Peruvian War of Independence - Wikipedia

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The Peruvian War of Independence was composed of a series of military conflicts in Peru beginning with viceroy Abascal military reconquest in 1811 in the battle of Guaqui, continuing with the definitive defeat of the Spanish Army in 1824 in the battle of Ayacucho, and culminating in 1826 with the Siege of Callao.

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Friedrich Ebert, (born February 4, 1871, Heidelberg, Germany—died February 28, 1925, Berlin), leader of the Social Democratic movement in Germany and a moderate socialist, who was a leader in bringing about the constitution of the Weimar Republic, which attempted to unite Germany after its defeat in World War I. He was president of the Weimar Republic from 1919 to 1925.

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Friedrich Ebert, (born February 4, 1871, Heidelberg, Germany-died February 28, 1925, Berlin), leader of the Social Democratic movement in Germany and a moderate socialist, who was a leader in bringing about the constitution of the Weimar Republic, which attempted to unite Germany after its defeat in World War I. He was president of the Weimar Republic from 1919 to 1925.

Ebert was the son of a master tailor. He learned the saddler's trade and traveled through Germany as a journeyman saddler. He soon became a Social Democrat and trade unionist, representing so-called revisionist-gradualist, liberal-"trade-union" socialism, without, however, displaying a deep interest in the ideological struggles of Marxism. His attention was always directed toward practical improvement in the living conditions of the German working class and, above all, its social and moral betterment.

In 1905 Ebert became secretary general of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD). The party had steadily increased in membership and electoral support and had accumulated physical assets and property. He updated party administration, introducing typewriters and filing systems that the party had lacked until that time due to its fear of house searches.

Ebert succeeded August Bebel as party chairman in 1913. Under his leadership, the SPD gained increasing influence in German national politics. It was Ebert, in particular, who on August 3, 1914, prevailed upon German Social Democrats to support the war appropriations. The action of the German SPD did not differ from that of the other socialist parties of Europe, in which nationalist feelings remained stronger than internationalist convictions. To its own detriment, Ebert's party gave the "Fatherland" its unconditional support without requiring that Germany adopt a genuine peace policy. In consequence, it lacked the power to force the government to adopt a policy through which Germany might have escaped the crushing defeat that was to destroy the empire and also eventually Ebert's postwar policy.

Ebert could not hold the entire party to his course for long. In March 1917 a left-wing faction left the party to become the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD), strenuously rejecting war appropriations and Germany's war policy. Another group split from the SPD to form the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). The leftists who had withdrawn from the SPD sought a social revolution, while Ebert and his party wanted to establish a German parliamentary democracy. Even in the midst of the war, the Catholic Centre Party, the Democratic Party (previously the Progressive Party), and the Social Democrats had formed the so-called Black-Red-Gold (Weimar) coalition, named after the colours of the flag of the liberal revolution of 1848.

With Ebert's active cooperation, a new government, headed by Maximilian, the Prince of Baden, and supported by the three parties of the Black-Red-Gold coalition, was organized in October 1918 through a sweeping constitutional reform that in essential respects foreshadowed the Weimar Constitution. Because Ebert was convinced that Germany did not need a revolution to achieve parliamentary democratic reform, he did everything he could to prevent such a revolution from occurring. "I hate the revolution like sin," he later said to Chancellor Maximilian. But the revolution of November 1918 was not made by Germans to bring about the advent of the republic, democracy, or even socialism. For nearly all Germans, the revolution had only one aim: peace. Rightly or wrongly, the German people believed that Emperor William II (Kaiser Wilhelm II) would not secure peace for Germany.

The revolution, winning its race with peace, came three days before the armistice. It triumphed in Berlin on November 9, and on the same day Maximilian, acting on his own authority, asked Ebert to replace him as chancellor. Ebert, who still hoped to establish a regency for the emperor, actually held office as chancellor for one day. On November 10 he yielded to the fait accompli of the revolution and set up an entirely socialist government, with representatives from the SPD and USPD. Calling itself the Council of People's Representatives, the government derived its authority from the Workers and Soldiers Council, which claimed to speak for Germany and the German Republic but in truth had been elected rather arbitrarily by the factories and regiments of Berlin alone. Ebert was determined to place the power of the Council of People's Representatives and the Workers and Soldiers Council in the hands of a freely elected German parliament as soon as possible. He wished to see a moderate coalition government rather than a socialist regime in power.

The elections of January 1919 gave the Black-Red-Gold coalition a majority of 85 percent. The republic's first government, under Ebert's fellow party member Philipp Scheidemann, was based on this tripartite coalition, and the new German constitution, the Weimar Constitution, so called after the town in which it was drawn up, was the work of the coalition. By the votes of the three parties forming the coalition, Ebert was elected the first president of the republic.

Ebert and Hugo Preuss, a professor of constitutional law whom he had charged with the task of drafting the constitution, wished to alter the organic structure of the Reich. But the old German states (the Länder, or territories) successfully resisted the "unitary state" ( Einheitsstaat) of Ebert and Preuss. Prussia in particular continued to exist as a state. The groups and forces that had until then been the pillars of the old Germany also remained intact, for the first years of the Weimar Republic were taken up by the bloody civil war which the government, under Ebert's presidency, waged against the leftist socialists and communists, who had been Ebert's former comrades. The republic exhausted itself in the civil war against communism and lacked the strength to carry out the basic changes in the Reich that might have placed the republic on a lasting foundation. The workers did not want to make an armed defense of the democratic republic. So Ebert and his friend Gustav Noske, the defense minister, had recourse to volunteer groups, the Freikorps, which were principally composed of officers of the old army, and suppressed the communist uprising out of hatred of communism rather than love of the republic. The old officer corps formed the backbone of the Reichswehr, the republic's army. Together with the officer class and the old officialdom, the Junkers -the landed gentry east of the Elbe River-with their great estates and influence in social and political life, also survived the revolution.

With the elections to the republic's first parliament on June 6, 1920, the Black-Red-Gold coalition lost its majority and was never to regain it. The Social Democratic Party thereby lost its commanding position in the Reich, and the political constellation on which Ebert's leadership had been based dissolved. The electoral defeat was a direct result of the Treaty of Versailles. At that time many Germans, including Ebert, were convinced that the peace of Versailles aimed at the destruction of Germany. The resulting loss of confidence in the Black-Red-Gold coalition was the deathblow of the Weimar Republic, although in fact the country's strength and stability had remained untouched.

Nevertheless, the first consequence of the Treaty of Versailles was the Kapp Putsch, a coup d'état against the republic by radical nationalists, a part of the Reichswehr, and the Freikorps, which were to be disbanded under the provisions of the peace treaty. The coup of March 13, 1920, led by Wolfgang Kapp, a provincial bureaucrat who planned a restoration of the monarchy, collapsed after a few days, but Ebert's dream of a reconciliation between the army and the Social Democrats was shattered.

Soon thereafter, the government was confronted by a near-fatal crisis. In January 1923 Germany was declared in default of coal deliveries under the reparations provisions of the Treaty of Versailles, prompting France to settle the reparations question decisively by occupying the Ruhr territory. Ebert, as did nearly all Germans at that time, supported national resistance and the general strike in the Ruhr, which was directed toward ending foreign military control. But Germany suffered as a result of the strike, in which eventually millions became idle. Inflation assumed staggering proportions, and the country experienced its most severe social and political crisis. Adolf Hitler nearly succeeded in seizing power in Bavaria. Chancellor Wilhelm Cuno, an independent, appointed on the eve of the Ruhr struggle as a man whom Ebert particularly trusted, was helpless in the face of the crisis. Gustav Stresemann, of the right-of-centre People's Party, succeeded Cuno and brought the crisis under control. Ebert initially appointed him only with hesitation and treated him with reserve but finally gave him his full support. He bitterly rebuked his own party when, protesting Stresemann's move to a more rightist position, it dropped out of the governing coalition and thus brought about the chancellor's resignation in November 1923. In point of fact, Ebert's party had thereby eliminated itself from active participation in German national politics for many years to come.

The unity of the Reich was preserved. Inflation was ended through monetary reform, and a means for resolving the reparations question was partially resolved in an American proposal providing for their reduction. The evacuation of the Ruhr district was in sight. Yet much of the German right persisted in its defamation of Friedrich Ebert. The judgment of a German court, which ruled that Ebert had committed high treason, at least in the legal sense, during the war by his support of a munition workers' strike, contributed to his early death.

Ebert's writings, speeches, and notes may be found in Friedrich Ebert: Schriften, Aufzeichnungen, Reden, with previously unpublished material from his estate, compiled by Friedrick Ebert, Jr., with a brief biography by Paul Kampffmeyer, 2 vol. (1926).

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Friedrich Ebert | German Social Democrat & Weimar Republic President

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Friedrich Ebert, leader of the Social Democratic movement in Germany and a moderate socialist, who was a leader in bringing about the constitution of the Weimar Republic, which attempted to unite Germany after its defeat in World War I. He was president of the Weimar Republic from 1919 to 1925.

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Latin America was firmly under the control of Spain and Portugal. The revolutionary zeal that had recently created the United States and had taken off Louis XVI's head in France arrived in South America, and a racially diverse group of people who felt more South American than European took over.

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Latin American Revolutions: Crash Course World History #31

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Impressionism

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Realism

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Garibaldi, outmaneuvered by the experienced realist Cavour, yielded his territories to Cavour in the name of Italian unification. In 1861, Italy was declared a united nation-state under the Sardinian king Victor Immanuel II.

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Summary

The movement to unite Italy into one cultural and political entity was known as the Risorgimento (literally, "resurgence"). Giuseppe Mazzini and his leading pupil, Giuseppe Garibaldi, failed in their attempt to create an Italy united by democracy. Garibaldi, supported by his legion of Red Shirts-- mostly young Italian democrats who used the 1848 revolutions as a opportunity for democratic uprising--failed in the face of the resurgence of conservative power in Europe. However, it was the aristocratic politician named Camillo di Cavour who finally, using the tools of realpolitik, united Italy under the crown of Sardinia.

"Realpolitik" is the notion that politics must be conducted in terms of the realistic assessment of power and the self-interest of individual nation-states (and the pursuit of those interests by any means, often ruthless and violent ones) and Cavour used it superbly. In 1855, as prime minister of Sardinia, he involved the kingdom on the British and French side of the Crimean War, using the peace conference to give international publicity to the cause of Italian unification. In 1858, he formed an alliance with France, one that included a pledge of military support if necessary, against Austria, Italy's major obstacle to unification. After a planned provocation of Vienna, Austria declared war against Sardinia in 1859 and was easily defeated by the French army. The peace, signed in November 1959 in Zurich, Switzerland, joined Lombardy, a formerly Austrian province, with Sardinia. In return, France received Savoy and Nice from Italy--a small price to pay for paving the way to unification.

Inspired by Cavour's success against Austria, revolutionary assemblies in the central Italian provinces of Tuscany, Parma, Modena, and Romagna voted in favor of unification with Sardinia in the summer of 1859. In the spring of 1860, Garibaldi came out of his self-imposed exile to lead a latter day Red Shirt army, known as the Thousand, in southern Italy. By the end of the year, Garibaldi had liberated Sicily and Naples, which together made up the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Cavour, however, worried that Garibaldi, a democrat, was replacing Sardinia, a constitutional monarchy, as the unifier of Italy. To put an end to Garibaldi's offensive, Cavour ordered Sardinian troops into the Papal States and the Kingdom of Naples. After securing important victories in these regions, Cavour organized plebiscites, or popular votes, to annex Naples to Sardinia. Garibaldi, outmaneuvered by the experienced realist Cavour, yielded his territories to Cavour in the name of Italian unification. In 1861, Italy was declared a united nation-state under the Sardinian king Victor Immanuel II.

Reapolitik continued to work for the new Italian nation. When Prussia defeated Austria in a war in 1866, Italy struck a deal with Berlin, forcing Vienna to turn over Venetia. In addition, when France lost a war to Prussia in 1870, Victor Immanuel II took over Rome when French troops left. The entire boot of Italy was united under one crown.

Why did Cavour succeed and Garibaldi fail? Was it really only a matter of speed? If Garibaldi had started his crusade earlier and had time to conquer the Papal State before Cavour sent his troops to do so, would Cavour have been forced to give up his territory in the name of a united Italy? Doubtful. But is speed really the only issue? That, too, is doubtful. It seems that of the two, Cavour alone understood the relationship between national and international events, and was thus able to manipulate foreign policy for his own ends. Garibaldi, a democrat, a warrior, and an anti-Catholic, was without question on the road to conflict with the monarchies of Europe. Cavour, with the added credibility of representing a monarch, blended perfectly with the political situation in Europe at the time.

Cavour was a realist who practice realistic politics. He allied with France when necessary and with France's key enemy, Prussia, was necessary. By keeping the goal in mind, Cavour used international power to achieve his domestic goals. Garibaldi was forced to use his own grassroots strength, empowered by young Italian democrats interested in an idealistic future for their nation. In that manner, it is quite doubtful that Garibaldi would have ever been able to gain the upper hand in Italy, relative to Cavour.

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The movement to unite Italy into one cultural and political entity was known as the Risorgimento (literally, "resurgence"). Giuseppe Mazzini and his leading pupil, Giuseppe Garibaldi, failed in their attempt to create an Italy united by democracy.

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Romanicism

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The focus is on liberal revolutionaries, like Mazzini and Garibaldi, and their conservative opponents like Victor Emmanuel II and Cavour. The episode covers the many revolutions in Italy across the 19th  century and the wars with the Austrian Empire with Napoleon III of France and Prussia. All of this led to a sudden explosion of Piedmont-Sardinian territory in the years 1859-1861 which ended with the proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy. Finally, Venice and Rome would be added to the kingdom, making Italy (almost) what it is today.

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Ten Minute History - The Unification of Italy (Short Documentary)

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On September 7, 1822, Prince Dom Pedro declared Brazil's independence from Portugal, founding the Empire of Brazil, which led to a two-year war of independence.

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Over time, the Portuguese realized that some European countries, especially France, were also sending excursions to Brazil to extract brazilwood, and the Portuguese crown decided to send large missions to take possession of the land by setting up hereditary captaincies, which were largely a failure.

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The Summary was in 1848, Europe experienced a wave of revolutions. In the video, I was learning about what the people wanted from the revolutions, who was involved, and how many of those goals were accomplished. There were revolutions in the Austrian Empire, Hungary, Italy, the German States, and the region formerly known as Poland.

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Revolutions of 1848: Crash Course European History #26

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Impressionism