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What Americans Get Wrong About Race In America

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What Americans Get Wrong About Race In America

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This article shows America moving forward against racism. This article shows statistics that "prove" the inequality of yearly earnings on average between white families and black families, with the black families earning a little bit less. This a good step forward because it gives physical problems that can be improved within our society. Also this article shows how people can be sort of naive of some of the inequalities that are still within our society, they might be overlooked but they are there

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The growing economic divide between whites and blacks in the U.S. is far wider than most Americans realize, new research suggests.

Americans of both races show a "profound misperception of and unfounded optimism" about how far the country has come in eliminating racial economic inequality, according to study from Yale University published Monday in the Proceedings of the National Academy of the Sciences.

Wealthy white Americans were most likely to overestimate racial economic equality compared with both low-income white Americans and black Americans across all levels, the study showed.

For instance, for every $100 in wealth white families accumulate, Americans tend to think black families have built up about $80, when in reality it's closer to $5, based on analysis of the Current Population Survey from the Bureau of Labor Statistics in the study. That gap is as wide as it was 50 years ago, according to figures cited by the researchers.

Americans' blind spot on race and the economy may because people need to think they've earned their position in society fairly and on the merits, said Michael Kraus, a Yale assistant professor of organizational behavior and lead researcher on the study, in an interview.

"So, if you are at the top of distribution in society, status distribution -- and white Americans with money tend to be at the top -- you have a really strong, powerful, motivated interest in seeing society as determined fairly," Kraus said.

Wealthy whites also have fewer blacks in their social networks than other groups in the study, based on answers from participants. That means less experience to learn about the "magnitude of inequality based on race," Kraus said. "If you never have the chance to have any of those conversations, it's almost a lost opportunity. You can never learn about it and have those kinds of discussions that lead to understanding."

Less affluent white Americans are more likely to encounter a system, like education, health care or housing, that excludes them or is perceived as unfair.

"So beliefs about how wealth is distributed will be less likely to support this ideal that the American system is merit-based," Kraus said.

The study findings show people's perceptions are in stark contrast to recent research interpreting federal data. White households have a median net worth of about 13 times more than black households, a 2016 Pew Research Center analysis of federal data showed. An analysis by Northwestern University researchers also recently outlined "entrenched hiring bias" for blacks.

More broadly, little progress in closing racial pay gaps has been made since 2000, according to Economic Policy Institute. Black-white wage gaps are wider today than they were in 1979, an EPI study showed last year.

Education, often billed as the key to narrowing the racial economic gap, is no panacea, either. Research from the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis concluded that blacks with college degrees often find themselves in an alternate economic reality that leads to declining wealth over both the short and long-term.

It's no wonder another 2016 Pew study showed about four in 10 black Americans were doubtful the U.S. will ever achieve racial equality, compared with one in 10 whites.

For their study, the Yale researchers took four groups of white and black Americans from across the income spectrum and asked them to evaluate five economic indicators: hourly wages of college graduates, hourly wages of high school graduates, household wealth, household income and employer-provided health benefits.

Participants were asked to evaluate those factors in modern society. Then they were asked to guess the level of economic disadvantage for blacks when discrimination was legal in the U.S. When participants evaluated actual legal practices in the past, say before the Civil Rights Act of 1968, their evaluations were closer to reality today.

The study interviewed 1,377 people across four groups: two of white and black Americans earning more than $100,000 a year and those earning under $40,000 a year. A third studied whites only from the top and bottom, and a fourth group was looked at without consideration to income.

The perception that economic disparities have been dealt with after events like the August protests in Charlottesville,Virginia, feed the need to move on, rather than face, that Americans have a long way to go when it comes to economic equality, Kraus said.

Americans want to to believe that because "we dealt with it, we'll deal with the events in Charlottesville, Virginia, naturally, automatically," Kraus said. "And what this work suggests is we have psychological tendencies not to want to contend with race."

But brushing economic gaps under the rug won't make them go away. It may even exacerbate them. And that has bad implications for policy making.

"Before citizens and policymakers can fully understand and appreciate the potential societal consequence of such a stark racial divide in economic outcomes, individuals must first be aware of its existence," the study said.

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What Americans get wrong about race in the U.S.

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The growing economic divide between whites and blacks in the U.S. is far wider than most Americans realize, new research suggests. Americans of both races show a "profound misperception of and unfounded optimism" about how far the country has come in eliminating racial economic inequality, according to study from Yale University published Monday in the Proceedings of the National Academy of the Sciences.

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This article shows that society is moving forward, slowly, but it's moving forward. This article talks about the statistics between black people and white people, on subjects as equal opportunities, or whether they believe that lawmakers should be focusing on racial issues at the moment or on other things. Also this article seems to show society moving backwards in a way because people are dragging out issues from the civil rights movement of having equal rights, a subject that has already been addressed. Generally this article shows society moving backwards.

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On Monday, the Pew Research Center released a fascinating and expansive report on the state of race relations in America. It serves as a stark reminder that although events like this insane and historic presidential election, continuing terrorist attacks and global shocks like Brexit overtake news cycles, the issue of racial inequality is just as urgent as ever.

2015 was the year of Black Lives Matter. Discussion of police interactions with minority communities; institutions and interpersonal racism; and "safe spaces" dominated popular literature, film, television, talks shows and newspaper column inches. It seemed everyone, everywhere, was talking about race in some capacity.

Now, at least in the media, the heat around the subject has cooled. The media has moved on. There are new stories to chase. There are new awards to win.

But the issue of racial inequality - as a lived experience - remains unaltered, and many in fact believe that it's actually getting worse.

Racial inequality is not a trendy issue; it is an entrenched issue.

A year, or even two, of intense focus does not provide sufficient alteration of a condition in a country that has developed over centuries.

And so it is in this simmering wake of unfinished business that the Pew report lands.

It is the kind of report that demands more space that I can give it in a column, but please allow me to quote it here liberally, both the optimistic and pessimistic components of it, and to weigh in on it to the degree that I feel I must.

It is no surprise that whites and black would see racial issues and barriers to racial equality differently, or that differences would be manifest in the ideological divide between Democrats and Republicans.

What is more worrisome is how far apart whites and blacks are in their optimism about race relations improving. As the report puts it:

An overwhelming majority of blacks (88 percent) say the country needs to continue making changes for blacks to have equal rights with whites, but 43 percent are skeptical that such changes will ever occur. An additional 42 percent of blacks believe that the country will eventually make the changes needed for blacks to have equal rights with whites, and just 8 percent say the country has already made the necessary changes.

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A much lower share of whites (53 percent) say the country still has work to do for blacks to achieve equal rights with whites, and only 11 percent express doubt that these changes will come. Four in 10 whites believe the country will eventually make the changes needed for blacks to have equal rights, and about the same share (38 percent) say enough changes have already been made.

This gulf in optimism is incredibly troubling. What happens to a people when they stop believing, stop hoping, stop trusting that a concerted effort toward improvement will bear fruit?

Part of the problem here is that white and black people have such vastly divergent views about the lived black experience in America. According to the report:

By large margins, blacks are more likely than whites to say black people are treated less fairly in the workplace (a difference of 42 percentage points), when applying for a loan or mortgage (41 points), in dealing with the police (34 points), in the courts (32 points), in stores or restaurants (28 points), and when voting in elections (23 points). By a margin of at least 20 percentage points, blacks are also more likely than whites to say racial discrimination (70 percentversus 36 percent), lower quality schools (75 percent versus 53 percent) and lack of jobs (66 percent versus 45 percent) are major reasons that blacks may have a harder time getting ahead than whites.

These gaps are enormous. The question is whether or not these divergent beliefs are also intractable. If we can't come to an agreement on the basic facts of life, how on earth can we come to an agreement on the fundamentals of a united path forward?

We can't even agree on how much to talk about race relations, as the discussion itself becomes a political football for the two major parties in this country. According to the report:

About six in 10 (59 percent) white Republicans say too much attention is paid to race and racial issues these days, while only 21 percent of Democrats agree.

Finally, we continue to be deceived about the enormous and epidemic nature of often-invisible institutional racism, preferring instead to direct our ire at the more easily identified and vilified interpersonal racism. The report puts it this way:

On balance, the public thinks that when it comes to discrimination against black people in the U.S. today, discrimination that is based on the prejudice of individual people is a bigger problem than discrimination that is built into the nation's laws and institutions. This is the case among both blacks and whites, but while whites offer this opinion by a large margin (70 percent to 19 percent), blacks are more evenly divided (48 percent to 40 percent).

Although it may feel interminable, this election won't last forever. In November, America will make a choice.

But the choices that America has already made mean that the persistent question of race will still be with us, unresolved, waiting for yet another moment to explode. No amount of fatigue will change this. Only a true and earnest effort to address race relations fundamentally and honestly will provide the overdue and necessary fix.

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On Monday, the Pew Research Center released a fascinating and expansive report on the state of race relations in America. It serves as a stark reminder that although events like this insane and historic presidential election, continuing terrorist attacks and global shocks like Brexit overtake news cycles, the issue of racial inequality is just as urgent as ever.

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This article is an example of society moving backwards, it isn't moving forwards, because it doesn't demonstrate society trying to fix the problem of racism. Also in a sense it shows society moving sideways, because it shows society moving to different parts of racism. This article shows how new movements are starting in response to racism and to what is to believed to be the right thing, but none of which are actually moving in the direction of getting rid of racism.

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This article shows society in it's attempts to get rid of racism . It shows society moving forward, dealing with the problem of racism primarily with the Islamic people. Recognizing that racism isn't just to deal with colored people, and realizing that there are more races that are being affected by racism, show how far society is coming. This problem with "Islamophobia" seems to have always been here, but it has come more to the surface when 911 happened. This article provides ideas of how to deal with the problem, which shows society has started to deal with the problem.

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This video was about the use of the n-word in comedy, how it is used, and when it is used. This shows society moving forward because it shows how people are trying to create a new meaning for something that was once used as a hateful racist word towards the colored population. This is an okay way to move forward, the problem with using the word in this sort of way is people might take it the wrong way. The conflict of using this word arises when this word is being used around the older population, that knew the word from it's original meaning.

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Explore perspectives.
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Start your own conversation

Add a question or use one of the submitted questions to start a conversation with your social network. (Note: The n-word has not been filtered from submissions.)

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n-word; donte stallworth; neal brennan; dave chappelle show; nfl; national football leagues bans nword; nfl bans the nword; nigger; nigga; nigger vs nigga; kkk; ku klux klan; jay z; oprah;

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The n-word: An interactive project exploring a singular word

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After the National Football League made the controversial decision to ban the n-word on the field this year, a team of Washington Post journalists explored the history of the word, its evolution and its place in American vernacular today.

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This piece of writing shows society moving backwards, because this writer believes it to be a good thing to censor books like Huckleberry Finn because of their use of the "n-word" . In a way this is trying to erase societies history of where we have been concerning the issue of racism. If people don't hear what has happened throughout history, history is liable to repeat itself. If history repeats itself, then we aren't getting anywhere as a society.

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These videos show society moving forward in a way, because they talk about the present use and the future use of the word. Although some of the thinking involved with the subject suggests that society is moving backwards. These videos are an example of society moving forward because the use of the word is generally a problem, and the way to get rid of a problem is to face it, which seems to be what this collection of interviews is.

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Explore perspectives.
Select three to see a custom video.

Start your own conversation

Add a question or use one of the submitted questions to start a conversation with your social network. (Note: The n-word has not been filtered from submissions.)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.keywords[]
n-word; donte stallworth; neal brennan; dave chappelle show; nfl; national football leagues bans nword; nfl bans the nword; nigger; nigga; nigger vs nigga; kkk; ku klux klan; jay z; oprah;

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The n-word: An interactive project exploring a singular word

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After the National Football League made the controversial decision to ban the n-word on the field this year, a team of Washington Post journalists explored the history of the word, its evolution and its place in American vernacular today.

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This article shows how society hasn't changed and isn't changing on their racial problems against the Native Americans, it has just taken a different form. The views on the Native Americans have gone from them being dangerous and "savages" and stereotyped with long hair and a head dress. They are now stereotyped as drunks and people that have issues, that make people in a way look down on them. these problems weren't really created by them, the "white man" was who put them on these reservations on a land in which they were here first.

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FIRST GRADE / My hair was too short and my U.S. Government glasses were horn-rimmed, ugly, and all that first winter in school, the other Indian boys chased me from one corner of

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Too Many Americans Think Patriotism Means Racism and Xenophobia

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Too Many Americans Think Patriotism Means Racism and Xenophobia

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This points out the bad parts of how society can react when some type of devastating event such as 911 happens. This Article shows how society is moving sideways on racial issues, because even though society has mostly gotten over the racial views on the black population, they have moved on to the religions, primarily the Muslims. This article doesn't show that society is moving backwards or forwards because it doesn't show racism of less abundance,  nor does it show racism going back to segregation or to more of an extreme, slavery. It shows racism is still here in a different form with different things fueling the "fire".

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After the attacks of September 11, 2001, patriotism took on many masks and many faces. For some it meant planting flags in their front yards and cherishing the rights we enjoy in this country. For others it took on a flawed and dangerous form. Violence against South Asian, Muslim, Sikh, Hindu, and Arab Americans skyrocketed in the weeks and months after 9/11. New government policies painted our communities with suspicion and guilt. The notion that patriotism and racism are synonymous was used against us after 9/11, and the horror has lasted 16 years, flowing and ebbing under Presidents Bush and Obama. That notion has only increased in fury under the Trump administration.

I was in New York on 9/11, working downtown not too far from the attacks. In the days that followed I feared for my safety for the first time in my life: not from planes nose-diving from the sky, but from assaults on the subway or on the street. These fears were not misplaced. The first shots fired after the attacks were on September 15 in Mesa, Arizona, when Balbir Singh Sodhi, a Sikh gas station owner, was killed by Frank Silva Roque, a racist gunman who wanted to "go out and shoot some towel-heads." During his arrest Roque screamed, "I am a patriot! I stand for America all the way!" This is how he pledged allegiance to our flag.

Our communities experienced many ensuing acts of hate. In the first week after 9/11, 645 bias incidents nationwide were reported by media organizations. In the months that followed, our houses of worship were surveilled by the NYPD and other law-enforcement agencies, our rights were violated and our dignity stripped at airports, and our children were bullied in school and harassed on the Internet. Government policies such as the Patriot Act and the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System were implemented, the latter of which opened cases against 83,000 Muslims entering or living in the United States. The result of this vast ethnic profiling? Zero terrorism-related convictions.

Meanwhile, the body count in our communities has mounted. In 2012, a Sikh temple in Oak Creek, Wisconsin, was attacked by a gunman who killed six people and wounded four others before taking his own life. In 2015, three young Arab students in North Carolina were murdered in their homes by their white-supremacist neighbor. In 2016, a Lebanese-American man was shot and killed on his own porch by a racist neighbor who had a documented history of anti-Arab hate. Related Article

In 2017, our communities are facing hate violence at levels that rival the aftermath of 9/11. The Trump administration-which is now implementing policies that mirror his bigoted rhetoric on the campaign trail-continues to roll out anti-Muslim and anti-immigrant policies that embolden hate groups to attack our communities. President Trump has test-fired several versions of the "Muslim ban," rescinded Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, and strongly supported the RAISE Act that seeks to slash immigration by 50 percent in a decade, as well as implementing other destructive policies. Since the presidential election, South Asian Americans Leading Together has documented over 150 incidents of violence against those who identify or are perceived as Muslim, Sikh, Hindu, South Asian, Middle Eastern, or Arab American, already surpassing totals from the year leading up to the 2016 election. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, anti-Muslim hate groups grew by 197 percent in 2016, and, according to the FBI, anti-Muslim hate crimes increased by 67 percent in 2015.

In February two Indian-Americans were shot by a gunman screaming, "Get out of my country." Days later a Sikh man was shot on his driveway in Washington State by an assailant screaming, "Go back to your country." In August a Minnesota mosque was firebombed in what the governor rightly declared an "act of terrorism." In May, Jeremy Joseph Christian, a known white supremacist, harassed a Muslim passenger on a commuter train in Portland. When three men tried to intervene, Christian stabbed two of them to death. Reminiscent of Roque's racism in 2001, Christian proclaimed at his arraignment, "You call it terrorism; I call it patriotism!"

After these attacks, the president remains silent. His silence is a clear signal to the Roques and the Christians of the world that white supremacy and Islamophobia are not only admirable, they are patriotic.

Our communities know that the highest form of patriotism is dissent: We have lived it for 16 years. We've spoken out when we've seen injustice, and we've crowded airports to protest an unlawful "Muslim ban." We've stood united with those from all faiths, colors, and backgrounds, against racism and division in Charlottesville, Boston, Berkeley, and beyond. We've stared down ACT for America-the nation's largest anti-Muslim hate group-and forced them to cancel nationwide Islamophobic rallies originally scheduled for September 9.

The toxic patriotism that hate groups have practiced for 16 years has brought our diverse communities together, anchored in a patriotism of love, not fear. This September 11, I will remember that this is the true patriotism-working with our communities to protect each other, and in doing so, to form a more perfect union.

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Too Many Americans Think Patriotism Means Racism and Xenophobia

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After the attacks of September 11, 2001, patriotism took on many masks and many faces. For some it meant planting flags in their front yards and cherishing the rights we enjoy in this country. For others it took on a flawed and dangerous form.