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1) Johnson, A. (2017, March 28). Why Brexit is Best for Britain: The-Left Wing Case. The New York Times. Retrieved from https://nyti.ms/2otHm4o

In this op-ed the author presents arguments that 'Lexiteers' - left-wing supporters of Brexit - may have for supporting Brexit (e.g. to prevent the rise of far-right populists). This presents alternative explanations for support of Brexit, as opposed to conventional explanations which often invoke the role of disgruntled and 'left-behind' working-class citizens of Britain in Brexit.

2) Friedman, U. (2017, March 17). What if the 'Populist Wave' is just Political Fragmentation?. The Atlantic. Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/03/dutch-election-wilders-populism/519813/

This op-ed provides an alternative explanation for the rise of populism (whose proponents advocate for leaving the EU), and even suggests that the most significant trend in Europe is not the rise of populism, but the disintegration and fragmentation of political parties. According to the author, this disintegration and fragmentation is the main reason for the increased salience of populist parties.

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1) Sandholtz, W., & Sweet, A. S. (2012). Neo-Functionalism and Supranational Governance. Oxford Handbooks Online. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199546282.013.0002

This paper focuses on the evolution of neo-functionalism and its relevance today before ending off with a comparison with other integration theories.

2)Larsson, J. (2010). A Theoretical Understanding of the Treaty of Lisbon . Retrieved from http://lup.lub.lu.se/luur/download?func=downloadFile&recordOId=1652995&fileOId=1662489

This paper examines whether Liberal Intergovernmentalism or Neo-Functionalism  is more relevant in explaining the Treaty of Lisbon.

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1)Flockhart, T. (2011). ‘Me Tarzan – You Jane’: The EU and NATO and the Reversal of Roles. Perspectives on European Politics & Society, 263-282.

This article addresses the stereotypical conceptions of security in NATO and the EU: the former conceives of security in 'hard', practical and material terms while the latter in 'soft' terms, of norms and socialisation. The article challenges these assumptions and argues that the two organisations engage in both simultaneously.

2) Ojanen, H. (2006).The EU and Nato: Two Competing Models for a Common Defence Policy. Journal of Common Market Studies,  57-76.

Arguably, the most important policy drivers for European defence and security policies are the EU and NATO. Do both organisations compete with one another for primacy over this policy areas? While, conflicts inevitably happen and this article argues that both organisation may need to depend on one another to continue to be effective.

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1) Manners, I. (2006). Normative power Europe reconsidered: beyond the crossroads. Journal of European Public Policy, 13(2), 182-199. doi:10.1080/13501760500451600

This paper is relevant to one of the week's discussion points on normative power Europe. It presents arguments on why the EU cannot 'have-its-cake-and-eat-it-too' in militarising normative power (in other words, why militarisation will undermine normative power).

2) Bedrudin, B., & Maximilian, C. (2011). A Global Civilian Power? The Future Role of the European Union in International Politics. Icelandic Review Of Politics And Administration, Vol 7, Iss 1, Pp 97-116 (2011), (1), 97. doi:10.13177/irpa.a.2011.7.1.6

In this paper, Bedrudin and Maximilian concludes that the EU's international role in the next decade is best described as a global civilian power, while providing reasons why it can still be so despite the EU's increase in coercive abilities and military operations

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Chou, M. (2014). The evolution of the European Research Area as an idea in European Integration, in M.-H. Chou and Å. Gornitzka (eds.). Building the knowledge economy in Europe: new constellations in European research and higher education governance. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar: 27-50

Useful in analysing a concept as an idea. Probably the only research that approaches the ERA solely as an idea.

Chou, M. (2016). Mapping the terrains of the Europe of Knowledge: an analytical framework of ideas, institutions, instruments, and interests. European Journal of Higher Education, 6(3), 197-216. doi:10.1080/21568235.2016.1164610

Introduces the basic analytical frameworks in the social sciences.

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1)Robertson S. (2008). ‘Europe/Asia’ Regionalism, Higher Education and the Production of World Order. Policy  Futures in Education, 718-729.

ASEAN and EU has, over the years, collaborated over inter-regional higher education initiatives, to meet the needs of a 'global economy' for both regions. This articles addresses how higher education initiatives contextualised the inter-regional relationship.

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1) Fumasoli T. (2016).Enhancing the Europe of Knowledge: The Untapped Potential of Reforming Academic Careers. Council for European Studies (CES) Retrieved from http://www.europenowjournal.org/2016/11/30/enhancing-the-europe-of-knowledge/

This article show the impact of the Europe of Knowledge on academic careers.

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1) Powell, J. J. W., & Finger, C. (2013). The Bologna Process's Model of Mobility in Europe: The Relationship of its Spatial and Social Dimensions. European Educational Research Journal, 12(2), 270-285. doi:doi:10.2304/eerj.2013.12.2.270. Retrieved from https://doi-org.ezlibproxy1.ntu.edu.sg/10.2304/eerj.2013.12.2.270

An interesting article exploring the level of social equity present in cross-border educational exchanges of higher education students, wherein the model of the Bologna process applies. While analysis of policy instruments is not thorough, the article's focus on equity of higher education mobility in Europe vis-a-vis the Bologna process is one which is important, as it is ultimately a key part of the larger Europeanisation process.

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1, POLITICO, (2017). As US turns its back on refugees, Europe should step up. [online] Available at: http://www.politico.eu/article/as-us-turns-its-back-on-refugees-europe-should-step-up-migration-donald-trump/ [Accessed 8 Mar. 2017].

This article reflects over U.S. suspension of its refugee settlement programs. This gives EU an opportunity to take lead as the global humanitarian leader to organize refugee settlement for a coherent migration and asylum policy, with a legal route to decrease organized crimes. It is vital to maintain global stability where we cannot ignore 65 million refugees.

2, Kinzelbach, K. and Kozma, J. (2009). Portraying Normative Legitimacy: The EU in Need of Institutional Safeguards for Human Rights. Perspectives on European Politics and Society, 10(4), pp.603-620.

Since we reflected over the securitization approach, here is an article from a human rights perspective of EU policies. It emphasize EU’s objective to promote human rights and democratic values, which is hindered by the way the institutions structure developed.

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1) DʹAPPOLLONIA, A. (2008). Immigration, Security, and Integration in the European Union. In D’Appollonia A. & Reich S. (Eds.), Immigration, Integration, and Security: America and Europe in Comparative Perspective (pp. 203-228). University of Pittsburgh Press. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org.ezlibproxy1.ntu.edu.sg/stable/j.ctt5vkgr2.15

In this article, the author systematically critiques the social construction of immigration as a security issue and generally supports the notion that "more security creates more insecurity". She suggests integration policies as the way forward for EU instead.

2) Katwala, S., & Somerville, W. (2016). Engaging the Anxious Middle on Immigration Reform: Evidence from the UK Debate. Migration Policy Institute. Retrieved from http://www.migrationpolicy.org/sites/default/files/publications/TCM_Trust-UK-FINAL.pdf

As a case study, this report complements the assigned reading by Thielemann and Schade, by examining in further detail the role of public attitudes and opinion in the development of immigration policies.

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1)Ferreira, M. (2010). Risk Politicization Strategies in EU Migration and Asylum Policies. Journal of Gloal Analysis, 153-183.

An interesting analysis of migration and asylum policymaking from a sociological perspective.

2)Lopatin, E. (2013).  The Changing Position of the European Parliament on Irregular Migration and Asylum under Co-decision. Journal of Common Market Studies,740-755

After giving the EP co-decision authority on asylum and migration policies, how has voting patterns changed? This article examines this question.

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Delivet , P. (2014). The Free Movement of People in the European Union: principle, stakes and challenges. European Issues ,312, 02.

Article had essentially given a good overview of the topic of free movement of persons with some implications for the EU in the foreseeable future.

Baldoni, E. (2003). The Free Movement of Persons in the European Union: A Legal-historical Overview. PIONEUR – LEGAL-HISTORICAL OVERVIEW,2, 10.

This article goes into detail regarding the different agreements, treaties and articles that were responsible for the policy on freedom of movement within the EU.

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1) Jeremy, Richardson, (2006), Policy-making in the EU Interests, chapter 1, "Interests, ideas and garbage cans of
primeval soup". http://cw.routledge.com/textbooks/0415358140/pdf/european_union_chapter.pdf.
Last week we talked about the different approaches within the EU and later in the discussion we talked about the approach garbage can model and its function. This book chapter brings up that approach in the conclusion and it even talks about Policy communities, policy networks and issue networks.

2)  Sung-Won, Yoon, (2014), Rethinking the European Polity: Conceptual Approaches to European Integration, P, 53∼66,
http://gsis.korea.ac.kr/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/14-1-04_Sung-Won_Yoon.pdf.
This article rethinks the EU polity in various conceptual approaches. This article also The EU is now undergoing huge transformation. It may be rather early at this
stage to characterize the ongoing dynamism of European integration by referring to
particular theories and concepts

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Vale, R. (2011, January 17). Is 'Europeanization' a Useful Concept? Retrieved February 16, 2017, from http://www.e-ir.info/2011/01/17/is-%E2%80%98europeanization%E2%80%99-a-useful-concept/

This essay examines how different approaches of Europeanization complement each other in the EU policymaking process

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1) Greenwood, J. (2014). The European Commission’s Relations with Interest Organizations: Master of the Information Universe? In T. Blom & S. Vanhoonacker (Eds.), The Politics of Information: The Case of the European Union (pp. 111-126). London: Palgrave Macmillan UK. Retrieved from http://link.springer.com.ezlibproxy1.ntu.edu.sg/chapter/10.1057/9781137325419_8

This chapter provides a brief analysis on information exchange-related checks and balances in place, aimed at increasing the ability of the European Commission to insulate itself from special-interest capture – which affects legitimacy of policy-making and policy options.

2) Andrea, F. (2010). Democratic Participation? The Involvement of Citizens in Policy-making at the European Commission. Journal Of Contemporary European Research, Vol 6, Iss 3, Pp 335-352 (2010), (3), 335. Retrieved from http://www.jcer.net/index.php/jcer/article/view/314/229

This article examines the European Commission's efforts to include citizens in the policy-making process, to address one aspect of the EU's democracy deficit. It interestingly concludes that such efforts do not work out.

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Marks, S.. (2017). Juncker plans radical shake-up to save the EU from itself. Politico. Retrieved from http://www.politico.eu/article/juncker-plans-radical-shake-up-to-save-eus-reputation/
A recent article about the Commisions pushing back on the practice of comitology. Commision President Juncker wants EU members to stop passing the buck to the EU on controversial issues.

Rasmussen, M. K. (2015).  The Battle for Influence: The Politics of Business Lobbying in the European Parliament. Journal of Common Market Studies, 365-382.
To what extent do lobbying affect policymaking in the EU? This article examines the impact of business lobbying on the EP.

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Santino Lo Bianco (2016) Deliberating justice policy in the European Union:

a discursive perspective on day-to-day decision-making in European Union's criminal justice cooperation, European Politics and Society, 17:2, 150-165.
Page 11 onwards gives an illustration on how various actors (including Commission president) and structural factors can force an agreement despite initial resistance.

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Brack, N. (2015). The roles of Eurosceptic Members of the European Parliament and their implications for the EU. International Political Science Review , 337-350.
A discussion on the typologies of eurosceptic MEPs. It puts into perspective the roles of eurosceptic MEPs and the role of eurosceptic parties as the 'party in opposition'.

Curtin, D. (2014).  Challenging Executive Dominance in European Democracy. The Modern Law Review, 1-32.
How can the EP act as a more effective check and balance against the powerful Council and Commission? This paper attempts to address this deficit.

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1) Hix, S., & Høyland, B. (2013). Empowerment of the European Parliament. Annual Review Of Political Science, 16171-189. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-032311-110735
Gives an overview of the development of the powers of the European Parliament while analysing the weak electoral connection and its impact on legislative politics in the parliament.

2) Hobolt, S. B. (2015). The 2014 European Parliament Elections: Divided in Unity?. Journal Of Common Market Studies, 536-21. doi:10.1111/jcms.12264
This article analyses the factors why Eurosceptic parties "won" the latest European parliamentary elections.

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Week 05: The Institutions (II): Commission and Parliament

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Week 05: The Institutions (II): Commission and Parliament

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Ong Yu Haw
1) Hooghe, L. (2005). Several Roads Lead to International Norms, but Few Via International Socialization: A Case Study of the European Commission. International Organization, 59(4), 861-898. doi:10.1017/S0020818305050307
A Constructivist perspective on the socialisation of norms within the Commission.

2) Christiansen, T. (1997). Tensions of European governance: politicized bureaucracy and multiple accountability in the European Commission. Journal of European Public Policy, 4(1), 73-90. doi:10.1080/135017697344244
A neo-institutional perspective on how and why the EC is structured as it is, to balance between accountability to member states and their citizens, while maintaining its executive powers and functions. (Especially on the comparative diagrams on pages 75-76)

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1) Constantin, A. (2013). "Is the European Commission Too Powerful? Neofunctionalism and Intergovernmentalism Considered." Inquiries Journal/Student Pulse, 5(10). Retrieved from http://www.inquiriesjournal.com/a?id=773

Succinct piece on the evolving role of the European Commission

2) Häge, F. M. (2008). The engine of European integration? An empirical analysis of the legislative agenda-setting power of the European commission

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1) Fabbrini, Sergio. Intergovernmentalism and Its Limits: Assessing the European Union’s Answer to the Euro Crisis. Comparative Political Studies , Sep2013, Vol. 46 Issue 9, p1003-1029, 27p.
- The reading summarises the institutional structure of the EU post-Lisbon (especially the European Council and Council of Ministers) in an easily understood way. For those who don't have time, just read until page 8.

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1) Nye, J. S. (1990), Soft Power. Foreign Policy. 80, 153-171
An interesting view on how power has changed in international affairs in the post WWII world. Good to apply your own thinking into how this affects power dynamics in the European Union.

2) Follesdal, A. and Hix, S. (2006). Why There is a Democratic Deficit in the EU: A Response to Majone and Moravcsik. Journal of Common Market Studies. 44, 533-562

An interesting debate about what it is that constitutes a democracy, or democratic governance, and how this applies to the EU's institutions and its issue with a 'democratic deficit'

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Week 11: Theories of European integration 

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Week 11: Theories of European integration 

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Week 10: EU policies (III): External relations 

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Week 10: EU policies (III): External relations 

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Week 09: EU policies (II): Europe of Knowledge 

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Week 09: EU policies (II): Europe of Knowledge 

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Week 08: EU policies (I): Justice and Home Affairs 

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Week 08: EU policies (I): Justice and Home Affairs 

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Week 06: Policymaking in the European Union 

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Week 06: Policymaking in the European Union 

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Week 05: The institutions (II): Commission and Parliament 

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Week 05: The institutions (II): Commission and Parliament 

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Week 04: The institutions (I): European Council and Council of Ministers 

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Week 04: The institutions (I): European Council and Council of Ministers 