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2.9 Explain how the experience of women in Irish society changed during the twentieth century
2.10 Examine how one sporting, cultural or social movement impacted on Irish life

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3.7 Appreciate change in the field of the arts and science, with particular reference to the significance of the Renaissance
3.11 Explore the contribution of technological developments and innovation to historical change

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2.4 Examine the rise and impact of nationalism and unionism in  Ireland, including key events between 1911 and 1923.
2.8 Describe the impact of war on the lives of Irish people, referring to either World War One or World War Two.

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3.9 Examine life in one fascist or one communist country in the twentieth century
3.10 Explore the significance of genocide, including the causes, course and consequences of the Holocaust

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3.6 Explore life and death in medieval times
3.14 Illustrate patterns of change across different time periods in a chosen theme relating to life and society (such as, Crime and punishment; Food and drink; Work and leisure; Fashion and appearance or Health and medicine)

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3.4: Discuss the general causes and course of World War One or World War Two and the immediate and long-term impact of the war on people and nations
3.12 Evaluate the role of a movement or organisation, such as the European Union or United Nations in promoting international cooperation, justice and human rights

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2.3 Explore how the physical force tradition impacted on Irish politics, with particular reference to a pre-twentieth century example of a rebellion.
1.7 Develop historical judgements based on evidence about personalities, issues and events in the past, showing awareness of historical significance.

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Group task: Choose a topic within your allocated Learning Outcomes.
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Topic: Irish Civil War

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Individual task: Add materials to the Padlet that you could use as prompts/stimulus to enhance student talk in the classroom. For example articles, photographs, links to a repository, videos etc.
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Sentenced to death: the Civil War executions

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In 1922, the National Army, with the permission of the Dáil, began executing captured anti-Treaty forces without trial. It was a policy that saw the new state abandon the rule of law, as Seán Enright explains

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created.
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The Civil War which raged on this island from 1922-1923 was a dreadful human tragedy for so many Irish families. It left many damaging legacies, which for succeeding generations remained taboo, leaving the wounds of the war between former comrades open for decades.

In these centenary years, we are challenged to display courage and honesty as we seek to speak the fullness of the experience of the period, and in recognising that no single side had the monopoly of either atrocity or virtue.

The Civil War, though short, was bloody. It cost the lives of many, some well-known public figures, others lesser-known but not forgotten. Both sides to the conflict carried out brutal acts: anti-Treaty forces killed a TD and several other pro-Treaty politicians, and burned many homes of senators and Free State supporters, while the government executed anti-Treaty prisoners, officially and unofficially. At least 81 were officially executed in several jails and barracks, including seven in the Curragh on December 19th, 1922, all young men in their teens and 20s. Precise figures for the dead and wounded are contested, but recent research suggests a death toll of 1,500-2,000.

We must recognise the atrocities of the Civil War for what they were, on both sides: cruel, vicious and at times informed by vengeance

We must recognise the atrocities of the Civil War for what they were, on both sides: cruel, vicious and at times informed by vengeance. We should also recognise that there were elements within the different forces who were simply out of control. Some civilian losses were inflicted in a way that had little to do with republicanism or any emancipatory version of nationalism. The cover of the war was used by some for the settling of vendettas based on land, hunger and greed. It must also be acknowledged that in some cases the opportunity was taken for a sectarian identification of targets.

Emigration and poverty

The aftermath of the 1920s saw many other lives so damaged that recovery was impossible, leading to forced emigration or poverty at home.

This is painful for many of us to remember. The Civil War divided my own father's family, all of whom served in the War of Independence in Co Clare and Co Cork. My uncle Peter, with whom I would spend a significant amount of my childhood, went on to serve in the National Army from 1922 to 1925 at Renmore Barracks.

My father, John, would meanwhile spend most of the year 1923 as an internee in what was known to the prisoners as Tintown, in the Curragh camp. The diaries of Joseph Campbell offer revealing vignettes of what life was like for those in the camps, providing vivid notes of personal conversations and imaginative reflections on the psychological effects of incarceration.

As with most civil wars, the internecine conflict left a bitter legacy. The violence that was unleashed in the Civil War (and in the wider independence struggle) established violence, in all its manifestations, as an acceptable means of control and coercion within the state. Violence was also an inherited legacy of empire. Given how Ireland and its leaders had experienced the iron fist of empire as a tool in statehood and state management, violence and the infliction of humiliation would become an unsurprising feature of the State and its institutions. It was unleashed in various forms, particularly as it impacted on women, minorities and those from the poorest social classes, with varying gradations of violence and exclusion affecting people from all backgrounds.

The pension files record my father's long and exhausting battle for a small pension, which was eventually granted in 1956, eight years before his death and almost 22 years after his first application, in 1935.

While these events may be hard for us to remember, it is crucial we realise that any amnesia will not help us. Our concern for the truth must not, however, collapse into shallow point-scoring. Comparing atrocities is futile and amoral. An act of commemoration requires more.

Given how Ireland and its leaders had experienced the iron fist of empire as a tool in statehood and state management, violence and the infliction of humiliation would become an unsurprising feature of the State and its institutions

We have the opportunity to develop a clearer understanding of what factually occurred and the different versions of context. We need to acknowledge that different, informed perspectives on the same events can and do exist. The acceptance of this fact can release us from the pressure of finding, or subscribing to, any singular, unifying narrative of the past.

Through the Machnamh 100 series, I have sought to provide a forum for such discussions. Each of the seminars is available on the RTÉ Player, with the fifth of the six seminars available from May 26th, while a book bringing together the contents of the first three seminars is also now available.

I would urge such discussions to take place across the country, in our communities, schools and universities. Over the last decade we have seen a flourishing in local history groups as well as the publication of excellent pieces of scholarship which have made up many gaps. We now see surfaced accounts of women's role in all of the different events in 1916 and long before. We also have access to the various records which we can view and consider.

Ethical remembering is about putting ourselves in the shoes of the other and allowing for the existence of different narratives, narratives which we can put alongside one another to give a full picture of all that happened. We have an opportunity to look at our history in its fullness, its sorrow and its lost possibilities that might be recovered, an opportunity to learn of the lived experiences of those previously neglected and even excluded - the "history from below".

We have in the past experienced lost opportunities for reconciliation from our violent struggle for independence and what followed it, but we now have an opportunity to seek true, lasting reconciliation and to build a bright, emancipatory future for all of us, with our diverse histories and memories respectfully taken into account. In doing so, we may work together towards that to which we all might be united - sharing ideas of sustaining our planet, of delivering a new symmetry of ecology and society, a shared future that offers hope and capacity rather than a ransacking of old hatreds and bitterness.

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Michael D Higgins: An opportunity for ethical remembering

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The Civil War which raged on this island from 1922-1923 was a dreadful human tragedy for so many Irish families. It left many damaging legacies, which for succeeding generations remained taboo, leaving the wounds of the war between former comrades open for decades.

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Individual task: Based on the materials, choose one talk strategy from the Resource Booklet or a strategy you have used before that you think will enhance student talk. Add your choice to the Padlet.
Group task: Discuss your ideas.
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Watch from 45 minutes

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Group task: Based on the resources that you have collated, create an enquiry question that will be the focus of student talk in your class.

Look for common concepts.

Do the questions elicit critical thinking?

Choose one question or create a new one.

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Emmet Dalton felt the cause that had inspired him to fight in the British Army was the right one, and that the Easter Rising never had any hope of success as a military operation.

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On hearing of the outbreak of a rebellion in Dublin in 1916 Emmet Dalton says that he and his fellow soldiers, "Were surpised, annoyed and we thought that it was madness."

Emmet Dalton was in Kilworth Camp, Cork, when he heard about the uprising in Dublin. Cathal O'Shannon asks him what were his feelings on hearing the news.

Emmet Dalton says that he had no sympathy for the Irish rebels. He felt the cause that had inspired him to fight in the British Army was the right one, and that the Easter Rising never had any hope of success as a military operation.

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On hearing of the outbreak of a rebellion in Dublin in 1916 Emmet Dalton says that he and his fellow soldiers, "Were surpised, annoyed and we thought that it was madness." Emmet Dalton was in Kilworth Camp, Cork, when he heard about the uprising in Dublin.

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Emmet Dalton outlines his reasons for joining up and describes the initial reaction of his father to seeing his son in a British Army uniform.

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Emmet Dalton outlines his reasons for joining up and describes the initial reaction of his father to seeing his son in a British Army uniform.

Emmet Dalton talks about how he came to join the 7th Royal Dublin Fusiliers. Cathal O'Shannon asks Dalton did he feel he was joining to fight for Britain, Ireland or little Belgium? Dalton replies, "For all three but primarily I felt I was fighting for Ireland."

Emmet Dalton was only seventeen and felt a sense of adventure in joing up. He also describes the reaction of his father when he arrived home wearing a British Army uniform.

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Emmet Dalton outlines his reasons for joining up and describes the initial reaction of his father to seeing his son in a British Army uniform. Emmet Dalton talks about how he came to join the 7th Royal Dublin Fusiliers. Cathal O'Shannon asks Dalton did he feel he was joining to fight for Britain, Ireland or little Belgium?

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created. (5 minutes)

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created. (5 minutes)

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Irish Civil War war memorial sites in Ireland

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Listing of memorial sites for Irish Civil War in Ireland

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Dáil Éireann debate - Friday, 17 Nov 1922

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MILITARY EXECUTIONS. Dáil Éireann debate - Friday, 17 Nov 1922

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Dáil Éireann debate - Tuesday, 28 Nov 1922

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DAIL IN COMMITTEE. - ARMY. Dáil Éireann debate - Tuesday, 28 Nov 1922

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Civil War Executions

Included in the M ilitary Service Pensions Collection are files relating to seventy-two (72) individuals executed during the Civil War as a result of their service with the anti-Treaty forces. Files for a further two individuals - Michael Grealy (to the listing below . These executions have been excluded as the Military Service Registration Board (MSRB) judged, that at the time of the events leading to and at the time of their execution, neither were engaged in active service nor were they members of one of the organisations covered by the legislation. DP1835) and Luke Burke ( DP903) - who were also executed during the period are not included

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Included in the M ilitary Service Pensions Collection are files relating to seventy-two (72) individuals executed during the Civil War as a result of their service with the anti-Treaty forces. Files for a further two individuals - Michael Grealy (to the listing below .

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Emmet Dalton and WWI

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An American in the Irish Civil War
Researched, complied & edited by Rodney G. Dalton

The birth of the Irish Free State coincided with the Irish Civil War, a conflict between two forces who supported and opposed the Anglo-Irish Treaty. At that time, two factions emerged in Ireland, with the pro treaty forces led by the interim Prime Minister and de facto commander of the rebel forces, Michael Collins, and the 'irregulars', the anti treaty forces led by Eamon De Valera. The first task the Irish Free State faced was to win the Civil War, and in doing this, they recruited a large military and slowly gained the upper hand in the conflict. 75% of the people voted the pro treaty government into power (at the time, known as the pro treaty Sinn Fein). Historians have criticized the argument that the nation wanted a Free State government, pointing out that the voters were left with the choice of war with the British Empire or peace. The Irish people were war-weary and voted for an end to conflict, not an endorsement of the Irish Free State; de Valera ignored those popular wishes and launched a poorly organized civil war that had little popular support and less military success. Michael Collins, the effective head of the new government, built an army from the pro-treaty remnants of the IRA, plus new recruits; and he was funded and supplied by the British government. Collins was ambushed and killed by anti-treaty elements near his home in August, 1922, a move that shocked the country. Even without Collins' leadership, the Irish army speedily destroyed the insurgency.
Major General Emmett Dalton
Considering that Emmet Dalton was a Secretary to the Senate, played such a prominent role in the IRA during the Anglo-Irish War, commanded the artillery that attacked the Four Courts, broke the back of the 'Minister Republic' and was with Collins when he was killed at Bal na Blth it is astonishing that so little information about his life seems to have survived. His name crops up again and again in accounts of Ireland's revolution, yet a casual search of the internet turns up very little. He left no published memoirs and except for a series of interviews for RTE, no biography of Emmet Dalton has yet been written.

Born in the USA on Friday 4 March 1898, James Emmet Dalton grew up at 8 Upper St Columbus Road, Drumcondra, a solidly middle-class Catholic suburb of Dublin, and was educated by the Christian Brothers at their school in North Richmond Street. The OConnell School still survives and has an extensive museum commemorating its former students; however, neither Dalton nor Brendan Finucane - the youngest wing commander in the RAF during World War II - receives a mention.

Dalton's father was a third-generation Irish-American Republican who had returned to Ireland in 1900 and his family's political activism probably explains why Emmet joined the Dublin Volunteers at their inaugural meeting in 1913, at the tender age of 15, and was actively involved in smuggling arms by the time he was 16. His younger brother Charlie also joined, and went on to become a member of Collins' inner circle.

Much to the chagrin of his father, in 1915 Dalton answered Redmond's call to arms, joining the British Army as a temporary 2nd lieutenant in the 7th Service (Dublin Pals) Battalion, Royal Dublin Fusiliers (RDF) at 17. By 1916, he was attached to the 9th Battalion, RDF, 48th Infantry Brigade, 16th Irish Division under Major-General W.R. Hickie. Most of the officers and men in this Division were Redmondite Home-Rulers and, like Dalton, were horrified by the news of the Easter Rising.

It was while serving with the 9th 'Dubs' that Dalton befriended an old acquaintance of his father, Lieutenant Tom Kettle MP, the 36-year-old Nationalist MP, for East Tyrone and Professor of Economics at University College Dublin. It was Kettle who had famously declared that Irishmen should fight not for England, but for small nations, a sentiment that Dalton seemed to fully endorse. Kettle hoped that, with the wisdom which is sown in tears and blood, this tragedy of Europe [World War I] may be and must be the prologue to the two reconciliations of which all statesmen have dreamed, the reconciliation of Protestant Ulster with Ireland, and the reconciliation of Ireland with Great Britain.

By the summer of 1916, the 16th Irish Division was fully embroiled in the bloody battle of the Somme. On 9 September, RDF attacked the Germans near the village of Ginchy, and Kettle, then acting as OC of B Company, was shot and killed within sight of Dalton. The fighting around Ginchy was bloody and along with Kettle, over 4,314 Irishmen became casualties; 1,167 of them were never to see Ireland again. It was also a battle where heroism went hand in hand with sacrifice. Dalton was among those recognized for their courage and was awarded the Military Cross.

For the rest of his life, Dalton was known as Ginchy. According to his Military Cross citation, he led forward to their final objective companies which had lost their officers. Later, whilst consolidating his position, he found himself with one sergeant, confronted by 21 of the enemy, including an officer, who surrendered when he attacked them. Later that year, King George V presented him with his medal at Buckingham Palace. In many respects, it was typical of the courage he demonstrated throughout this military career, and such was his pride in the award, that on occasion, he even wore the ribbon on his NA uniform. By 1917 Dalton had returned to his old battalion, 7 RDF, 30th Brigade, 10th Irish Division in Palestine, where he first commanded a rifle company, and then became OC of a sniping school. By 1918, what was left of the 7th RDF and redeployed to the Western Front. Speculation that he once served on the staff of Sir Henry Wilson is unfounded, as is the unsubstantiated innuendo that he was a British spy and shot Collins.

Like thousands of other Irish soldiers, he returned to Ireland after the war. While Dalton was away at the wars, his brother Charlie was an active Volunteer who became a member of Collins' Squad, his hand-picked team of guerrilla-fighters, and was one of the participants in the Bloody Sunday killing of 21 November 1920. Some say that Charlie used the German pistol his brother had given him as a souvenir, but this is unclear.

It was probably inevitable, given Charlie's connections and his military experience, that Emmett Dalton rejoined the Volunteers on leaving the army. As a disillusioned Redmondite, he probably felt that after the 19I8 General Election, the IRA best-represented the will of the Irish people. He had fought for Ireland during World War I and once said that he had no difficulty fighting for Ireland with the British or fighting for Ireland against the British.

Regardless of his personal beliefs, Dalton developed a close friendship with Collins and in an interview screened by RTE on the day he died in 1978 said, I loved him. I use no other word. I loved him as a man loves another man, with pure love.

When Sean MacEoin was captured in March 1921, it was Dalton who led the attempt to rescue him from Mount Joy Gaol. Dressed in his old uniform and leading members of Collins' Squad, he had devised a plan that was typically daring and involved a stolen armored car, British Army uniforms and a lot of luck. Dalton and Joe Leonard, dressed as British officers, managed to bluff their way into the Governor's office on the pretence of moving MacEoin to another prison, before they were rumbled and shooting broke out near the prison gate. Although the rescue attempt failed, Dalton managed to extract his raiding party intact.

After fighting at Rochestown and Douglas, Cork fell to Dalton on the 9th, making a Saorstat victory almost inevitable. In fact, Dalton complained bitterly that the war could have been brought to a close in September 1922, if troops had also attacked overland from Dublin at the same time.

On 12 August, the now Major-General Dalton was appointeed General Officer Commanding, Southern Command. He announced that it was his avowed aim to restore normality to the city and helped establish a temporary police force until the Garda arrived on 16 September. In late August, Collins was in Co. Cork, ostensibly on an inspection tour but also attempting to make contact with leading Republicans to end the war. According to Coogan's biography of Collins, Dalton had been central to this peace process and acted as an intermediary.

When Collins was warned that it was not safe for him to drive around the county, he told local NA commander Joe Sweeney that, whatever happens, my fellow countrymen won't kill me. When the IRA ambushed Collins' convoy on 22 August, Dalton had shouted, Drive like hell, but Collins contradicted him. Dalton attributed Collins' death to his lack of combat experience: if Mick had ever been in a scrap he would have learned to stay down.

To this day no one really knows what happened at Bal na Blth, but it was obvious that Collins' death affected Dalton. When he returned from his honeymoon in September 1922, his heart was no longer in the fight. He objected to the execution of captured Irregulars and resigned his commission in December to work briefly as the Secretary to the Senate. In a military career that had spanned eight years, he had become a retired major-general at 24 on a pension of 117 per annum.

Despite being an accomplished soldier, Dalton had always been interested in the cinema, and by the late 1920s was working as a film producer who gained some trans-Atlantic success. In the late 1950s, he helped establish the Irish Ardmore Studios, where the films The Blue Max, The Spy who Came in from the Cold and The Lion in Winter were filmed.

After 1922, Dalton never held a military appointment again, even though Lord Mountbatten offered him the command of an Irish special operations unit in World War II. Dalton declined, preferring to follow the sport of kings - horseracing - and produce his movies. On his 80th birthday, 4 March 1978, Emmet Dalton died in Dublin, barely commemorated by the State he did so much to create.
Misc. Photos

An armored car like the one in Michael Collins convoy

The day Michael Collins was buried - Major General Emmett Dalton second from right

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An American in the Irish Civil War Researched, complied & edited by Rodney G. Dalton The birth of the Irish Free State coincided with the Irish Civil War, a conflict between two forces who supported and opposed the Anglo-Irish Treaty.

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Vice President Mike Pence, Mrs Nancy Pence-Fritsch and Leo Varadkar, An Taoiseach are shown the service records of Pence's grandfather, Richard Michael Cawley, who served with distinction in the Irish Defence Forces during the Civil War, at Farmleigh House on September 3, 2019 in Dublin, Ireland.

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A shell exploding at the Four Courts building in Dublin during the Irish Civil War, June - July 1922. IRA members inside the building were being bombarded by Irish Army Free State troops.

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Individual task: Explore the materials your group created and choose a strategy to enhance student talk in your classroom. (5 minutes)

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1. Socratic Circle
2.Talk Moves
3. Socratic Circle
4. Walking Debate
5. Talk Moves
6. Jigsaw
Group vote: Socratic Circle

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1. Executions without trial, was the Free State any better than an Ireland under British rule?

2. Is ethical remembering possible?

3. Was the execution of Erskine Childers justified?

4. Why are the men of the Civil War largely forgotten in comparison to the men of 1916?

5. Were the Civil War executions war crimes?

6. How do we choose who to commemorate?

Group vote: Why are the men of the Civil War largely forgotten in comparison to the men of 1916?