# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The US teen birth rate (births per 1,000 females aged 15 to 19 years) has been declining since 1991. Teen birth rates continued to decline from 17.4 per 1,000 females in 2018 to 16.7 per 1,000 females in 2019. This is another record low for US teens and a decrease of 4% from 2018. 1,2 Birth rates fell 7% for females aged 15 to 17 years and 4% for females aged 18 to 19 years. ²

Although reasons for the declines are not totally clear, evidence suggests these declines are due to more teens abstaining from sexual activity, and more teens who are sexually active using birth control than in previous years. 3, 4

Still, the US teen birth rate is substantially higher than in other western industrialized nations, 5 and racial/ethnic and geographic disparities in teen birth rates persist. 1,2

Disparities in Teen Birth Rates

Teen birth rates declined from 2018 to 2019 for several racial groups and for Hispanics. 1,2 Among 15- to 19-year-olds, teen birth rates decreased:

5.2% for Hispanic females.

5.8% for non-Hispanic White females.

1.9% for non-Hispanic Black females.

Rates for non-Hispanic American Indian/Alaska Natives (AI/AN), non-Hispanic Asians, and non-Hispanic Native Hawaiian, and other Pacific Islander teenagers were unchanged.

In 2019, the birth rates for Hispanic teens (25.3) and non-Hispanic Black teens (25.8) were more than two times higher than the rate for non-Hispanic White teens (11.4). The birth rate of American Indian/Alaska Native teens (29.2) was highest among all race/ethnicities. 1

Birth Rates for Females Aged 15 to 19 Years, by Race and Hispanic Origin of Mother: United States, 2018 and 2019

Data source: Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, Driscoll AK. Births: final data for 2019. Natl Vital Stat Rep. 2021;70(2):1-50.

Geographic differences in teen birth rates persist, both within and across states. Although among states with low overall teen birth rates, some counties have high teen birth rates. ⁶

Social determinants of health, such as low education and low income levels of a teen's family, may contribute to high teen birth rates. ⁷ Teens in certain settings are at higher risk of teen pregnancy and birth than other groups. For example, young women living in foster care are more than twice as likely to become pregnant than young women not in foster care. ⁸

To improve the life opportunities of adolescents facing significant health disparities and to have the greatest effect on overall US teen birth rates, CDC uses data to inform and direct interventions and resources to areas with the greatest need.

The Importance of Prevention

Teen pregnancy and childbearing are associated with increased social and economic costs through immediate and long-term effects on teen parents and their children.

Pregnancy and birth are significant contributors to high school dropout rates among girls. Only about 50% of teen mothers receive a high school diploma by 22 years of age, whereas approximately 90% of women who do not give birth during adolescence graduate from high school.¹⁰

The children of teenage mothers are more likely to have lower school achievement and to drop out of high school, have more health problems, be incarcerated at some time during adolescence, give birth as a teenager, and face unemployment as a young adult.¹¹

On a positive note, between 1991 and 2015, the teen birth rate dropped 64%, which resulted in $4.4 billion in public savings in 2015 alone.¹²

Evidence-based teen pregnancy prevention programs have been identified by the US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) Teen Pregnancy Prevention Evidence Review, which used a systematic process for reviewing evaluation studies against a rigorous standard. The Evidence Review covers a variety of diverse programs, including sexuality education programs, youth development programs, abstinence education programs, clinic-based programs, and programs specifically designed for diverse populations and settings. In addition to evidence-based prevention programs, teens need access to youth-friendly reproductive health services and support from parents and other trusted adults, who can play an important role in helping teens make healthy choices about relationships, sex, and birth control. Efforts at the community level that address social and economic factors associated with teen pregnancy also play a critical role in addressing racial/ethnic and geographical disparities observed in teen births in the United States.

References

1. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, Driscoll AK. Births: final data for 2019. Natl Vital Stat Rep. 2021;70(2):1-50.

2. Martin JA, Hamilton BE, Osterman MJK, Driscoll AK. Births: final data for 2018. Natl Vital Stat Rep. 2019;68(13):1-47.

3. Santelli J, Lindberg L, Finer L, Singh S. Explaining recent declines in adolescent pregnancy in the United States: the contribution of abstinence and improved contraceptive use. Am J Public Health. 2007;97(1):150-6.

4. Lindberg LD, Santelli JS, Desai S. Understanding the decline in adolescent fertility in the United States, 2007-2012. J Adolesc Health. 2016:1-7.

5. Sedgh G, Finer LB, Bankole A, Eilers MA, Singh S. Adolescent pregnancy, birth, and abortion rates across countries: levels and recent trends. J Adolesc Health. 2015;56(2):223-30.

6. Romero L, Pazol K, Warner L, et al. Reduced disparities in birth rates among teens aged 15 to 19 Years-United States, 2006-2007 and 2013-2014. MMWR Morbid and Mortal Wkly Rep. 2016;65(16):409-414.

7. Penman-Aguilar A, Carter M, Snead M, Kourtis A. Socioeconomic disadvantage as a social determinant of teen childbearing in the US Public Health Rep. 2013;128(suppl 1):5-22.

8. Boonstra HD. Teen pregnancy among women in foster care: a primer. Guttmacher Policy Review. 2011; 14(2).

9. National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, Counting It Up: The Public Costs of Teen Childbearing 2013. Accessed March 31, 2016.

10. Perper K, Peterson K, Manlove J. Diploma Attainment Among Teen Mothers. Child Trends, Fact Sheet Publication #2010-01: Washington, DC: Child Trends; 2010.

11. Hoffman SD. Kids Having Kids: Economic Costs and Social Consequences of Teen Pregnancy. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press; 2008.

12. Power to Decide. Progress Pays Off. Accessed January 10, 2019.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Teen pregnancy and childbearing bring substantial social and economic costs through immediate and long-term impacts on teen parents and their children.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
How to Write an Argumentative Essay | Advance Writing

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Q: I often see fathers and their daughters alternate between screaming matches and silent standoffs. How can I help them communicate through their respective developmental transitions?

A: Bridging the gap between fathers and daughters is one of the great challenges for family therapists. The most familiar dynamic we see is estrangement: fathers and daughters orbiting in separate worlds, each invisible to the other. Even "close" fathers and daughters-in enmeshed relationships-can feel this estrangement, rooted in the fear that being authentic will result in disapproval.

Our culture reinforces this estrangement by encouraging fathers to be all-knowing, strong, and in charge. This can make matters worse for fathers who are uncomfortable with emotions, and even more so when it comes to their daughters' transition into womanhood. Daughters grapple with a mixed message: be strong, independent, and confident, but don't lose your femininity. This can limit a daughter's sense of freedom to assert herself with her father, especially when there's conflict or disagreement. Fathers and daughters still entertain a familiar vision of daughters as "Daddy's Little Girl," reinforcing a father's need to protect and a daughter's need to be protected.

This estrangement dynamic often intensifies when mothers, partners, siblings-and even therapists-intervene with suggestions, criticism, or prescriptions. While intended to help, these efforts can drive fathers and daughters further apart, encouraging mistrust and robbing them of opportunities to negotiate impasses.

Casey, an 18-year-old in her first year of college, is struggling with anorexia and cutting. She and her father are caught in a vicious cycle of control: he attempts to manage her by reminding her to take her antidepressant medication and criticizing her for bingeing. She responds by lashing out-either inwardly, by becoming silent and closing herself off, or outwardly, by screaming at him to leave her alone. Shaking his head disapprovingly, he makes sarcastic comments and storms off in frustration.

Casey's mother, Elizabeth, uncomfortable with their interactions and frequently asked to intervene by Casey ("Mom, you explain it to him"), criticizes Bill's awkward efforts to engage Casey: "You're not listening to her." Bill snaps back, "You're always taking her side!" This escalating battle ends with Casey and Bill feeling estranged and Bill and Elizabeth more overtly at odds. Caught in the middle, Casey doesn't learn to express herself directly with her father or to use her mother constructively as a resource in her relationship with him.

Principle #1: Work with the Entire Family

The following are the approaches that I've developed and used through the years that have proven to be effective in many situations like this.

Principle #2: Set Up Direct Father-Daughter Interactions

A common pitfall for therapists is to work exclusively with the father-daughter dyad, leaving out the mother/partner and siblings. Isolating the father and daughter from the rest of the family risks creating a narrow focus on their relationship as the problem, rather than seeing it as embedded in the family structure. To counter the pull toward such fragmentation, therapists should work with the family as a whole and in different configurations, as needed, to disrupt old patterns and collaboratively create new, healthy interactions.

Creating in-session enactments between fathers and daughters provides therapists opportunities to track patterns of thought and behavior that maintain their disengagement. In the vignette below, the therapist creates an enactment that illustrates the symptomatic triangle: Casey begins to talk with her father about a problem she has with him. He cuts her off. She gets exasperated and rolls her eyes in Elizabeth's direction, recruiting her mother to rescue her. Elizabeth accepts the invitation and jumps in to mediate, creating more conflict between her and her husband. The therapist, to get a clear picture of the family dynamic, encourages the interaction to play out.

(Bill looks away. Casey then lowers her head.)

Therapist: How about you and your dad talking to each other about the argument you had last weekend?

Casey: I don't really know what to say. You just do the same thing over and over.

Therapist: Bill, can you help Casey elaborate more concretely what she had difficulty with?

Bill: Fine. What did I do wrong?

Casey: (Looking to her mother) He's making that face again!

Bill: (Exasperated) What face? Why can't you just talk to me?

Casey: (Turning to therapist) You see? I can't talk to him. This never happens with Mom.

Bill: (Looking at Elizabeth and then at therapist) So it's all me? It's all my fault?

Casey: Dad! No, that's not what I'm saying. You always turn my words around.

Principle #3: Create Boundaries to Open New Pathways

Elizabeth: (Turning to therapist) May I say something?

Therapist: Sure, go ahead.

(Therapist walks over to Elizabeth and with a mischievous smile, asks her to turn her chair away from her husband and daughter. Elizabeth laughs, joining into the playful spirit, and moves her chair.)
(Therapist invites Casey and her father to talk. Their conversation is awkward, but they talk to each other without Elizabeth's interrupting.)

Elizabeth: (To her husband) You do the same thing to me. Let me just tell you what she's trying to say.

Principle #4: Channel the Daughter's Voice

To encourage new communication patterns between fathers and daughters, therapists must establish clear boundaries between mothers and daughters. In Casey's family, this means challenging Elizabeth to avoid taking sides in the struggle between Casey and Bill. To do this, the therapist first gains Elizabeth's trust by demonstrating that he understands why she feels driven to mediate conflict between them.

Therapist: (Turning back to Elizabeth) I imagine you'd appreciate seeing your husband and daughter find a new way to get through their conflicts without your being their translator. Am I right?

Elizabeth: (Smiling) Absolutely.

Therapist: (To Casey) Do you think if you open up to your father, and your mom turns around, you can still stay focused on your dad?

During this exchange, Casey describes her struggles. Bill listens, attempts a few times to resolve her issues, but stays in the conversation. The therapist observes that Casey has opened up to her father, and they've conversed without either one giving up on the other, withdrawing, or turning away.

Temporarily blocking the mother-daughter relationship gives the atrophied father-daughter relationship a chance to develop. Here, Bill and Casey have the room to look at each other, both literally and figuratively, and begin a new type of conversation that's just between the two of them. This also allows Elizabeth the opportunity to practice being present without being central.

Many adolescent and young adult women feel torn between trying to gain their father's approval and resenting him for being emotionally unavailable and/or trying to control them. To gain access to their father, they hide the parts of themselves they think he'd disapprove of. This bind can manifest itself in violence, like suicide attempts or cutting, or through becoming invisible to themselves and others.

Therapists can break this bind by working directly with daughters to generate alternate ways of expressing themselves. One way to do this is by cultivating a cotherapy relationship with daughters, seeking their help in restructuring the family and fostering a climate that inspires more open and respectful communication. Bolstered by a therapist's regard for their feelings and views, daughters will be likelier to risk speaking up in a more mature and purposeful voice.

Principle #5: Encourage the Father's Expression of Vulnerability

Therapist: (Turning to Casey) Do you want to talk with your dad about what you've been dealing with at college?

Casey: I don't really want to talk about it. I will, but I don't want to.

Therapist: It's your choice. (Turning to Bill) Are you interested in knowing what Casey has been contending with?

Bill: Absolutely.

Therapist: Casey, it's your choice, but it's an opportunity to share yourself.

Casey: I know.

By clarifying that it's Casey's choice what she shares with her father, the therapist demonstrates his respect for her, while signaling to Bill that getting to know Casey isn't something he's entitled to or can simply command, but something that needs to be thoughtfully cultivated between them.

In our culture, fathers are often trained to muffle their feelings. It's commonly perceived that being a "good" father means being directive, sure of oneself, managerial, and protective; it doesn't allow for the freedom to be vulnerable, uncertain, or to express love directly. Below, the therapist helps Bill experiment with new, more direct styles of relating to Casey.

As Elizabeth watches the mutually respectful conversation opening between Bill and her daughter, she becomes less vigilant and more inclined to trust their capacity to reach each other without her intervention. Bill begins to loosen his grip, admitting that he doesn't know how to help. This is a significant step, and the therapist encourages it by reinforcing the message: be more interested in what your daughter is telling you than in imposing what you think would be helpful.

Casey: (Crying) I probably failed science, I'm not taking my meds, and I'm gaining weight. I just feel like shit.

Bill: Failing science isn't the end of the world. Do you understand how much pressure you put on yourself?

Casey: (Sobbing) That's not the point.

Therapist: Casey, could you stay in the conversation with your dad and help him understand more about what you need from him?

Casey: (To father) You're not listening to me. You listen, but then dismiss it immediately.

Therapist: Okay, help him out. Keep talking to him. Don't sell him, or yourself, short. Help him understand what you want from him in this very moment.

Casey: (Crying) I want you to listen to me. Just listen.

Bill: What can I do to help? (Turning to therapist) I just want to hold her.

Therapist: Is that what she needs?

Bill: I don't know.

Therapist: Ask her.

Bill: Would you like a hug right now?

This is the start of a significant shift in their interaction. Bill restrains his impulse to dictate and respects her expression of her feelings and needs. Though still tentative, Casey remains open and engaged with him and begins to use her voice to express herself.

These conversations are conflict-ridden, filled with outpourings of pain and discomfort for all family members. It's important that the therapist not be deterred by the intensity of emotional expression, but be encouraged by the family's ability to tolerate the growing complexity of their relationship. In such moments, the therapist's recognition of the potential for new possibilities is pivotal to encouraging trust between fathers and daughters.

***

This blog is excerpted from "From Estrangement to Engagement," by Cara Brendler. The full version is available in the November/December 2011 issue, Who's Afraid of Couples Therapy: Stretching Your Comfort Zone.

Read more FREE articles like this on Parenting.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
By Cara Brendler - Bridging the gap between fathers and daughters is one of the great challenges for family therapists. The most familiar dynamic we see is estrangement: fathers and daughters orbiting in separate worlds, each invisible to the other.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Abuse can come in many forms, and anyone—from children to older adults—can experience it. Learn more about the types, causes, and signs.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
CBC needs you

Do you have information on an unsolved case involving missing or murdered indigenous women or girls?

Contact us by email at
mmiw@cbc.ca
or contact us anonymously via
SecureDrop

UPDATE: In March 2018, it was announced that the Supreme Court would review the order for a new trial in the case of Bradely Barton, who was accused in the death of Cindy Gladue.

In June 2017, the Alberta Court of Appeal overturned the acquittal of Ontario truck driver Bradley Barton in the death of Cindy Gladue and ordered a new trial.

The appeal court decision said there were flaws in the way the jury was instructed to consider sexual assault offences and the laws relating to consent.

Barton's lawyer appealed that decision, saying the Appeal Court's ruling is flawed. In March 2018, it was announced that the Supreme Court of Canada will review the order for a new trial.

In 2015, after the verdict in the original trial, rallies from St. John's to Victoria took place.

A written statement by Gladue's mother was read out by one of the organizers of an Edmonton rally.

It began: "My daughter, Cindy Ivy Gladue, was born on July 23, 1974 in Athabasca, Alta. Cindy was my only child for five years until my son, Kevin was born. Cindy got jealous because she now had a brother. She wasn't the baby anymore."

Gladue's body was found in an Edmonton hotel room on June 22, 2011. The Cree mother of three daughters had bled to death in the bathtub from an 11 centimetre wound to her vagina.

Surveillance video from the hotel shows Gladue and Barton leaving his hotel room. The next night, she returned to his room, where she was later found dead.

She was the oldest of four siblings, and the family lived in Cold Lake, Alta. until they moved to Edmonton.

Gladue was happy to live close to her mother's parents, and her grandmother called her Shandy. She was close to her extended family, but her heart was broken when her grandmother died when Gladue was 16.

Later in life, Gladue loved Facebook, chatting to her friends, cooking and watching cooking shows.

The statement at the Edmonton rally said Gladue's mother stepped in to help her raise her children because Gladue was doing it on her own.

Her life started to change when she met the wrong crowd, but Gladue remained an optimist despite the ups and downs.

According to her mom, Gladue often said, "Life goes on. What can you do anyways?"

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Cindy Gladue, 36, was a mother of three children. On June 22, 2011, she was found dead in an Edmonton hotel room. She had bled to death from an 11 centimetre wound to her vagina. On March 18, 2015 a jury found Bradley Barton not guilty of first-degree murder.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Define Onkwehonwe. for the purpose of this Law shall mean a person:

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture , the average family of four spent $569-$1298 on food at home in February 2020. But these estimates don't include the high cost of eating out - a reality for most American families.

The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) reported that the average American household spent $3,459 on dining out in 2018. This amount was roughly 44% of the total household expenditure for food.

Between the cost of cooking at home and grabbing a bite to eat on the go, the costs can quickly eat away at your budget. But your eating habits could be costing you more than just your bank account.

Here's some straightforward dietary information, along with some tips for how to find healthy options for less.

Healthy vs unhealthy eating habits

While there's some debate about the details of a healthy diet - like low carb diets versus high protein diets - most people can agree that healthy eating begins with making better choices.

The 2015-2020 Dietary Guidelines recommends the following components of healthy eating:

A variety of vegetables and fruits.

Whole grains.

Fat-free or low-fat dairy (e.g. milk, yogurt, and cheese).

A variety of proteins (e.g. seafood, lean meats, eggs, and legumes).

It also recommends limiting saturated fats and trans fats, added sugars and sodium. All of which are common hidden components of the food and beverages that line our grocery store shelves.

Why do we choose unhealthy alternatives?

Unhealthy choices usually come down to three main factors: less money, less time and more taste.

Unhealthy food choices tend to be cheaper. A comprehensive review of 27 studies in 10 countries found that unhealthy food is about $1.50 cheaper per day than healthy food. If you're feeding a large family, it may cost less to simply buy from the dollar menu or purchase cheap premade frozen dinners.

Unhealthy food is more convenient. It's easier to pop something in the microwave or make a quick stop at the drive-thru. Many people are juggling multiple jobs and children, which leaves little time for grocery shopping or countless hours prepping and cooking meals each week.

Unhealthy food tastes better. This isn't always the case. But many processed foods instantly satisfy cravings for salty or sugary snacks. Think about it. Most people don't sit around craving healthy carrots when crunchy, salty chips are available.

But long-term, unhealthy eating choices can catch up with you. Both financially and physically.

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) , 40% of U.S. adults are obese, which can put them at a higher risk for conditions like heart disease and type 2 diabetes.

Tips for eating healthy on a budget

To combat using cost as an excuse not to eat healthy, here are some simple tips that won't break the bank.

Start by making a commitment to cook at home instead of making last-minute trips to the drive-thru line. Then, sit down and figure out what a realistic food budget should be for your family. It may be easier to think of your food budget in terms of each pay period instead of as a monthly category.

Plan your meals for the week. Create a shopping list based on your healthy meal plan. Sticking to a list will prevent you from mindlessly grabbing unhealthy alternatives, like fried freezer food. Don't forget to check online and grocery mobile apps for coupons ahead of time to save extra money.

Buy frozen fruits and vegetables. Frozen produce retains almost all of its nutritional value. Plus, it can help reduce food waste by giving you more time to eat it. Most fresh produce only has a shelf life of a few days, but frozen produce can extend that window for up to one year. Saving you money over time.

Cut up your own fruits and vegetables. Although pre-cut produce can be more convenient, it can also be a lot more expensive. For example, a 16 oz package of pre-cut pineapple chunks costs around $4. Whereas, a whole pineapple only costs $2.

Buy in bulk. Stores like Costco and Sam's Club have quality food staples that can be purchased in large quantities for less. Consider buying your meats in bulk and freezing portions until you're ready to consume them.

Read the labels. There are many hidden ingredients in our food. Just because a label on the front of a product markets it as healthy, doesn't mean it truly is. Start by looking at the first three ingredients listed on the label. These will represent the bulk of what you'll be consuming. Try to choose items that have whole foods included at the beginning of the list. And avoid ones that have refined grains, sugars or hydrogenated oils as their main ingredients.

Skip organic. Organic foods will quickly run up your grocery bill. If your budget is tight, opt for conventionally farmed fruits and vegetables. Keep in mind that products labeled as "contains organic ingredients" doesn't automatically mean it's a healthier alternative.

Cook large batches and store portions. Embrace the art of having leftovers. Save money by making large portions of healthy meals and eating leftovers for your next meal or freezing them for meals later down the road.

Eating healthy isn't limited to just dining at home. You can find healthy options at many restaurants by looking up their menu ahead of time or asking the staff for nutrition information. Just remember to budget dining out into your overall food budget, so you can keep costs to a minimum.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Cost of Healthy Eating vs Unhealthy Eating - The Plutus Foundation

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
According to the U.S. Department of Agriculture , the average family of four spent $569-$1298 on food at home in February 2020. But these estimates don't include the high cost of eating out - a reality for most American families. The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) reported that the average American household spent $3,459 on dining out in 2018.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
In recent years, the world has made remarkable strides advancing development. Yet hundreds of millions of people still live in extreme poverty. Children are disproportionately affected. Despite comprising one third of the global population, they represent half of those struggling to survive on less than $2.15 a day. An estimated 333 million children live in extreme poverty.

Children who grow up impoverished often lack the food, sanitation, shelter, health care and education they need to survive and thrive. Across the world, about 1 billion children are "multidimensionally" poor, meaning they lack necessities as basic as nutritious food or clean water.

The consequences are grave. Worldwide, the poorest children are twice as likely to die in childhood than their wealthier peers. For those growing up through humanitarian emergencies, the risks of deprivation and exclusion surge. Compounding crises - from the impacts of climate-related disasters, conflicts and COVID-19 - have stalled progress for the most vulnerable children. Even in the world's richest countries, one in seven children still live in poverty.

No matter where they are, children who grow up impoverished suffer from poor living standards, develop fewer skills for the workforce, and earn lower wages as adults. But only a limited number of Governments have set the elimination of child poverty as a national priority.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Children are more likely to live in poverty than adults. They're also more vulnerable to its effects.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
"Racial Profiling" refers to the discriminatory practice by law enforcement officials of targeting individuals for suspicion of crime based on the individual's race, ethnicity, religion or national origin. Criminal profiling, generally, as practiced by police, is the reliance on a group of characteristics they believe to be associated with crime. Examples of racial profiling are the use of race to determine which drivers to stop for minor traffic violations (commonly referred to as "driving while black or brown"), or the use of race to determine which pedestrians to search for illegal contraband.

Another example of racial profiling is the targeting, ongoing since the September 11th attacks, of Arabs, Muslims and South Asians for detention on minor immigrant violations in the absence of any connection to the attacks on the World Trade Center or the Pentagon.

Law enforcement agent includes a person acting in a policing capacity for public or private purposes. This includes security guards at department stores, airport security agents, police officers, or, more recently, airline pilots who have ordered passengers to disembark from flights, because the passengers' ethnicity aroused the pilots' suspicions. Members of each of these occupations have been accused of racial profiling.

Racial profiling does not refer to the act of a law enforcement agent pursuing a suspect in which the specific description of the suspect includes race or ethnicity in combination with other identifying factors.

Defining racial profiling as relying "solely" on the basis of race, ethnicity, national origin or religion can be problematic. This definition found in some state racial profiling laws is unacceptable, because it fails to include when police act on the basis of race, ethnicity, national origin or religion in combination with an alleged violation of all law. Under the "solely" definition, an officer who targeted Latino drivers who were speeding would not be racial profiling because the drivers were not stopped "solely" because of their race but also because they were speeding. This would eliminate the vast majority of racial profiling now occurring.

Any definition of racial profiling must include, in addition to racially or ethnically discriminatory acts, discriminatory omissions on the part of law enforcement as well. For example, during the eras of lynching in the South in the 19th and early 20th centuries and the civil rights movement in the 1950's and 1960's, southern sheriffs sat idly by while racists like the Ku Klux Klan terrorized African Americans. At times, the sheriffs would even release black suspects to the lynch mobs. A recent example would be the complaint by an African American man in Maryland, who after moving into a white community, was attacked and subjected to property damage. Local police failed to respond to his repeated complaints until they arrested him for shooting his gun into the air, trying to disperse a hostile mob outside his home.

Many racial profiling victims walk away with traffic tickets, but too often for others the outcome of racial profiling is death.

Pennsylvania (Brentwood) - On October 12, 1995, Jonny Gammage, a 31 year-old African American male, was killed after being pulled over while driving the Jaguar of his cousin, Pittsburgh Steelers football player Ray Seals, in a predominately white community. Although police claimed that Gammage initiated the struggle, a tow truck driver said he saw one officer start the fight and the others join in kicking, hitting and clubbing Gammage while he lay on the pavement. Three officers were tried for involuntary manslaughter: John Vojtas was acquitted; Lt. Milton Mulholland and Michael Albert had their charges dismissed after two mistrials. Gammage's family settled a wrongful death civil rights lawsuit against the five officers involved and their police departments for $1.5 million.

New York (Bronx-New York City) - On February 4, 1999, Amadou Diallo, an unarmed 22 year-old immigrant from New Guinea, West Africa, was shot and killed in the narrow vestibule of the apartment building where he lived. Four white officers, Sean Carroll, Kenneth Boss, Edward McMellon and Richard Murphy fired 41 bullets, hitting Diallo 19 times. All four were members of the New York City Police Department's Street Crimes Unit, which, under the slogan, "We Own the Night," used aggressive "stop and frisk" tactics against African Americans at a rate double that group's population percentage. A report on the unit by the state attorney general found that blacks were stopped at a rate 10 times that of whites, and that 35 percent of those stops lacked reasonable suspicion to detain or had reports insufficiently filled out to make a determination. Thousands attended Diallo's funeral. Demonstrations were held almost daily, along with the arrests of over 1,200 people in planned civil disobedience. In a trial that was moved out of the community where Diallo lived and to Albany in upstate New York, the four officers who killed Diallo were acquitted of all charges.

Ohio (Cincinnati) - On April 7, 2001, in the early morning hours, Timothy Thomas, a 19 year-old African-American, was shot to death by police officer John Roach. Thomas had 14 outstanding misdemeanor warrants, mostly traffic violations, including failure to wear a seat belt. According to a city councilman, he was running away, holding up his baggy pants, and scaled a fence, landing in a driveway where Roach was approaching and shot Thomas. He became the fifth black male in the city to die at the hands of police in a five-month period and the fifteenth since 1995. Two nights of protests left broken windows at City Hall and fires around the city. Witnesses reported that following Thomas' funeral, six city SWAT team officers shot pellet-filled bags into a peaceful crowd. Two people hit by the pellets filed lawsuits. Under community and city council pressure, both the public safety director and city manager resigned. Officer Roach was indicted on charges of negligent homicide, and obstructing official business, resulting from differences in his version of events.

Roach was acquitted in a bench trial characterized by the judge's (a former prosecutor) open admiration for Roach, and blaming Timothy Thomas for "making" Roach kill him.

A community coalition, the Cincinnati Black United Front and the ACLU of Ohio filed suit against the city and the Fraternal Order of Police, citing a pattern and practice of discrimination by police, including issuing the type of traffic citations Thomas received to African Americans at twice their population percentage. In April 2002 the case was settled, under terms including the establishment of a civilian complaint review board and the activation of the reporting of collected traffic stop data that had been enacted by city ordinance in 2001. The Department of Justice also intervened and settled with the city, including revision and review of use of force policy.

It is significant to note that research confirms the existence of bias in decisions to shoot. A series of University of California/University of Chicago studies recreated the experience of a police officer confronted with a potentially dangerous suspect, and found that:

participants fired on an armed target more quickly when the target was African American than when White, and decided not to shoot an unarmed target more quickly when the target was White than when African American;

participants failed to shoot an armed target more often when that target was White than when the target was African American. If the target was unarmed, participants mistakenly shot the target more often when African American than when White;

shooting bias was greater among participants who held a strong cultural stereotype of African Americans as aggressive, violent and dangerous, and among participants who reported more contact with African Americans. shooting bias was greater among participants who held a strong cultural stereotype of African Americans as aggressive, violent and dangerous, and among participants who reported more contact with African Americans1.

The stories above and hundreds of others present a compelling argument that not only does racial profiling exists, but it is widespread, and has had a destructive effect on the lives of communities of color, and attitudes toward police.

Asians, who, according to the U.S. census, number 10 million, or 4 percent of the population, have been victims of racial profiling as well. Wen Ho Lee, a Taiwanese American was targeted and suspected of espionage on the basis of his race. Memos by high-ranking FBI and Department of Energy officials acknowledged that Lee was singled out because he was Chinese, and eight similarly situated non-Chinese were not prosecuted. 2

In Seattle, Washington in July 2001 a group of 14 Asian American youth were stopped by police for jaywalking, claiming that they were kept against the wall for about an hour. The Seattle Times reported that one officer told them he had visited their country while in the army, and asked them repeatedly whether they spoke English. The paper also reported that U.S. Representative David Wu (D-Oregon) was detained entering the headquarters of the Department of Energy, and repeatedly.

In 2001, the Asian Freedom Project of Wisconsin issued a report that found the racial profiling of Hmong communities there, and included the testimony of adults, as well as boys and girls.

The Garden Grove (CA) Police Department settled a "gang" database racial profiling lawsuit by a group of young Asian Americans who said their civil rights were violated when officers photographed them as suspected gang members based merely on their ethnicity and clothing.

Indigenous people ( Native Americans) call it "DWI," with a new twist: "Driving While Indian." According to the National American Indian Housing Council, there are 2.4 million Indians (including Eskimos and Aleuts) in the U.S. Indians complain about stops and searches by local police and sheriffs on roads leading to and from reservations.

In South Dakota, widespread reports of racial profiling led to hearings before the state legislature, where Indians testified about their being stopped and searched not only based on race but also on religious articles hanging from rearview mirrors, and regional license plates that identified them as living on reservations.

In June 2002 scores of Indians in the state's Bennett County complained to Department of Justice attorneys, alleging racial profiling at the hands of sheriffs there, including vehicular stops in the absence of reasonable suspicion, the administration of breathalyzer tests without reasonable suspicion, warrantless searches of homes and vehicles, and demanding to see drivers licenses and vehicle registrations while inside bars.

Although "Driving While Black/Brown" traffic stops and searches are the form of racial profiling that has received the most media attention, profiling takes place off the roadways as well. Black and Latino pedestrians are regularly stopped and frisked without reasonable cause.

In New York City, the December 1999 report of the New York City Police Departments pedestrian "stop and frisk" practices by the state attorney general provided glaring evidence of racial profiling in the nation's largest city. Blacks comprise 25.6 percent of the City's population, yet 50.6 percent of all persons "stopped" during the period were black. Hispanics comprise 23.7 percent of the City's population yet, 33.0 percent of all "stops" were of Hispanics. By contrast, whites are 43.4 percent of the City's population, but accounted for only 12.9 percent of all stops. Blacks comprise 62.7 percent of all persons "stopped" by the NYPD's Street Crime Unit ("SCU").

In precincts in which blacks and Hispanics each represented less than 10 percent of the total population, individuals identified as belonging to these racial groups nevertheless accounted for more than half of the total "stops" during the covered period. Blacks accounted for 30 percent of all persons "stopped" in these precincts; Hispanics accounted for 23.4 percent of all persons "stopped."

Finally, precincts where minorities constitute the majority of the overall population tended to see more "stop & frisk" activity than precincts where whites constitute a majority of the population: Of the ten precincts showing the highest rate of "stop and frisk" activity (measured by "stops" per 1,000 residents), in only one (the 10 th Precinct) was the majority of the population white. In seven other precincts, blacks and Hispanics constituted the majority of the population. The remaining two precincts were business districts in Manhattan and Brooklyn in which the daytime racial breakdown of persons within the precinct is unknown.

In roughly half of the police precincts in New York City, the majority of the population living in the precinct is white. However, of these 36 majority-white precincts, only 13 were in the top half of precincts showing most "stops" during the period.

In Orange County California, a database containing the names and photographs of reputed gang members appeared to racially profile. 3 Latinos, Asians and African Americans were more than 90 percent of the 20,221 men and women in the Gang Reporting Evaluation and Tracking system, but made up less than half of Orange County's population. The disparity attracted the notice of the California Advisory Committee of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights as well as the ACLU. We asked the county district attorney's office to establish a civilian oversight board to monitor what we saw as problems with the list.

Youth of color have been victims of racially-motivated bicycling stops, " In April, 2001, the ACLU joined a suit against Eastpointe, Michigan , representing 21 young African-American men who were stopped by the police while riding their bikes there. The ACLU argued that the bicyclists were stopped in this predominantly white suburb of Detroit because of their race and not because they were doing anything wrong. In a 1996 memorandum to the Eastpointe City Manager, the former police chief stated that he instructed his officers to investigate any black youths riding through Eastpointe subdivisions. Police searched many of young men and, in some cases, seized and later sold their bicycles. Police logs and reports in Eastpointe have identified over 100 incidents between 1995 and 1998 in which African-American youth were detained.

A throwback to the grainy '60's black and white television news footage of vicious police dogs attacking peaceful black civil rights protesters is the continued discriminatory use of canine units by police. These dogs, lethal weapons capable of biting at 2000 pounds pressure per square inch, and their handlers have been implicated in a vicious form of racial profiling that has led to legal action:

California (Los Angeles)- The ACLU of Southern California compiled reports on the hundreds of mostly blacks and Latinos who were bitten by Los Angeles Police Department dogs from 1990-1992, charging that the dogs trained to "attack and maul," were routinely sent out in non-violent situations. In 1997, California state highway patrol canine units stopped almost 34,000 vehicles. Only 2 percent were carrying drugs.

Maryland (Prince Georges County) - The Washington Post reported that in May 2001 federal prosecutors charged a county police officer with releasing her police dog on an unarmed Mexican immigrant as part of a pattern of using and threatening the use of the dog on people of color. Despite being the subject of four lawsuits, twice being guilty of making false statements to a supervisor, and five prior instances of releasing the dog on suspects who weren't resisting, and being flagged by a departmental "early warning" system, the officer remained undisciplined in any substantive way. In 1999 the Post reported that thirteen police dog excessive force suits had been filed in Prince Georges circuit and federal courts, in addition to five others that ended in judgement for plaintiffs or settlement. Of the total, ten alleged repeated bites of suspects once under police control, or while cuffed or on the ground.

South Dakota (Wagner)- While not involving the use of physical canine force, the issue reached a new low when school officials and police led a large German shepherd drug dog through classrooms in suspicionless drug searches of Yankton Sioux K-12 students, some as young as six years old. In July 2002, the ACLU filed suit in federal court.

Washington (Seattle) -In 1992 the ACLU alleged that police dog handlers used excessive force on suspects. Dogs were trained to attack and bite suspects regardless of their actions, even against alleged shoplifters, gasoline siphoners and jaywalkers. They also reported that in that year, 40 percent of police dog attacks were against African Americans, and that 91 people had received police dog bite injuries requiring hospitalization.

The following states appear to require independent reasonable suspicion for dog searches: Alaska, 4 Illinois, 5 Minnesota, 6 New Hampshire, New York, 8 Pennsylvania, 9 and Washington. 10

The targeting of shoppers/business patrons of color for suspicion of shoplifting by private security and other employees has disproportionately affected both working and prominent African-American women. TV talk show host Oprah Winfrey said she was refused buzz-in entry to a store even after seeing white women admitted and making a second attempt. After calling from a pay phone and being assured the store was in fact open, a third try failed as well (New York City) . U.S, Congresswoman Maxine Waters said she was followed around a store and required to show her key at a hotel, unlike whites who entered before her ( New York City) . Professional basketball player and Olympic medalist Sheryl Swoopes was kept waiting to be seated for almost an hour at a restaurant, while whites who arrived after her were seated before her (Houston, Texas).

Pauline Hampton and her niece, both African-Americans, were shopping at the Dillard Department Store in Overland Park, Kansas , a suburb of Kansas City, with their children. After making several purchases, they went to the cosmetics counter to redeem a coupon. A white security guard accused Hampton of shoplifting, took her shopping bag, and, without consent, searched it, emptying the bag onto the counter. After finding the receipt for the items, he shoved the goods and the empty bag back to her. When she complained about his actions, the guard ordered them to leave, and threatened to call the police and have them forcibly removed. Hampton eventually called her husband to the scene and the situation escalated. They sued, and were awarded a $1.2 million judgement; the U.S. Supreme Court declined to hear Dillard's appeal.

The store chain, based in Arkansas has also faced dozens of racial profiling lawsuits, claiming harassment and false arrest, in other states including Arkansas, Iowa, and Texas. Evidence produced in one case showed that although 16 percent of its shoppers were African American, 87 percent of the false arrest claims were made by them. In Texas, Dillard settled and paid money to the family of an African American customer who died at a store after being beaten and hog-tied while being detained, and has also settled discrimination suits by employees in Kansas and Missouri.

Other companies sued for racial profiling include Eddie Bauer, Avis Rent A Car, Denny's Restaurant, The Children's Place, and Holiday Spa.

Worksite Racial Profiling

The Immigration and Naturalization Service has had a history of disproportionately targeting ethnic groups of color for undocumented labor violations. Like all law enforcement, INS agents must have sufficient evidence of wrong doing to establish probable cause or reasonable suspicion to arrest or detain. They may not carry out their duties in a racially or ethnically discriminatory manner. While ethnicity or nationality are obviously critical elements in immigration violations by themselves, without additional facts there is insufficient basis for law enforcement action.

The New York Times reviewed files of INS raids released as part of the settlement of a garment workers union selective enforcement suit against the agency in New York City. The settlement included a summary that Latinos were 96 percent of the 2,907 people arrested in the 187 worksite raids carried out by the INS in the district, fat greater than their representation in the city's legal or illegal population. This occurred even where the INS acknowledged that half the workers were not Latino but Asian, including undocumented immigrants.

And while some raids were based on informant information, 80 percent were initiated by agents who cited as primary evidence subjects' appearance or language without evidence of wrongdoing. Included were skin color, speaking Spanish or English with a Spanish accent, appearing to be of South or Central American descent and wearing clothing "not typical of North Americans." Such characterizations in major American cities are common to born and naturalized citizens alike.

Undocumented workers were discovered and arrested in all but a few of the reviewed raids, but nearly everyone arrested was Latino.

Suits have also been filed in Arkansas, California, Louisiana, and Ohio claiming racial profiling by the INS. A federal court in Ohio found violations of the rights of Latinos by that states highway patrol's practice of stopping Latino drivers to question them about their immigration status, including officers even confiscated the green cards of legal migrant workers claiming they were counterfeit. In California, federal courts have found Fourth Amendment violations of Latinos in the stopping of Latinos on the basis of appearance and foreign sounding names.

The Supreme Court has held that INS agents working near the Mexican border may use Spanish ethnicity as a basis for detaining a person, but that it may not be the only basis.

A related issue is the targeting by police, first reported by the ACLU in Florida, of Latinos waiting on public sidewalks for labor employers to appear and select them for work, under the offense of being "visual clutter."

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
"Racial Profiling" refers to the discriminatory practice by law enforcement officials of targeting individuals for suspicion of crime based on the individual's race, ethnicity, religion or national origin. Criminal profiling, generally, as practiced by police, is the reliance on a group of characteristics they believe to be associated with crime.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Lessons people of color have taught me that changed my life-and could change yours too.

This article was originally published by Everyday Feminism. It has been edited for YES! Magazine. If you checked out the Jose Antonio Vargas documentary about White people, aptly titled White People, you'll know that many White people struggle to discuss race (not that some of you needed a documentary to confirm this fact). Throw "White Privilege" into the discussion, and the awkwardness-and defensiveness-can multiply astronomically. What is White Privilege? The reality that a White person's whiteness has come-and continues to come-with an array of benefits and advantages not shared by many people of color. It doesn't mean that I, as a White person, don't work hard (I do) or that I haven't suffered (well, I have known struggle), but simply that I receive help, often unacknowledged assistance, because I am White.

Or, as Ta-Nehisi Coates writes, I "believe [I am] White." I've yet to get a DNA test, which led to a surprising result for a White supremacist who thought himself 100% White. Perhaps most indicative of the power and prevalence of White Privilege is that, though people of color have been fighting racism since its invention, those who are most associated with White Privilege education tend to be White people: Tim Wise, Robin DiAngelo, Paul Gorski, and, of course, Peggy McIntosh, author of the 1989 article, "White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack." And I understand why Peggy McIntosh's "Knapsack" article continues to fill anti-racist syllabuses 26 years later. Her list of privileges makes the concept readable and digestible-heck, the success of Everyday Feminism is largely because of this listing format. For example: "I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group" or "If my day, week, or year is going badly, I need not ask of each negative episode or situation whether it has racial overtones." Taken together, McIntosh's list reveals a privilege she never explicitly states: the privilege to feel normal. But how odd is it that White people are the ones who so often disproportionately get the credit for educating about White privilege? Think of it this way: Because I have always had full use of my legs, I'd be the last person you'd turn to to learn about life in a wheelchair. In fact, navigating a tour of the state capital with a student in a wheelchair for 30 minutes taught me more about life in a wheelchair than my previous 30+ years had taught me. Yet, when it comes to White Privilege, White people somehow become the authority. While I have indeed learned important lessons from prominent White anti-racist educators (like the above ability-privilege analogy that I pulled from Tim Wise), here are lessons people of color have taught me that have changed my life-and they could change yours as well.

1. I Have the Privilege of Having a Positive Relationship with the Police, Generally

Sure, the police who patrolled the affluent neighborhoods of my youth were an inconvenience to a few keggers, and I maintain that a traffic violation from the late 90s was unfair, but I grew up thinking of the police officers as a source of safety if I were ever in danger; I certainly never viewed them as the source of danger. In 1999, Amadou Diallo-and the 41 bullets that police officers in plainclothes discharged at this unarmed Black man with no criminal record-taught me that not all share this privilege. Diallo was for me what Michael Brown has been to some White people. Too many Black and brown people are not safe with the police. Not even if you are child, a lesson Tamir Rice and Dajerria Becton taught me. Not even if you are seeking medical help, a lesson Jonathan Ferrell taught me. Not even if you call the police for help with your mentally ill son, a lesson Paul Castaway's mother taught me. Not even if your back is turned, a lesson Rekia Boyd and Walter Scott taught me. Not even if you tell the police you "can't breathe," a lesson Eric Garner taught me. Not even if you have your hands up, a lesson Antonio Zambrano-Montes and Michael Brown (according to sixteen witnesses) taught me. Not even if you are "safe" in custody, a lesson Tanisha Anderson, Natasha McKenna, Freddie Gray, and Sandra Bland taught me. Not even if you plead for help while in custody, a lesson Sarah Lee Circle Bear taught me. These are just a fraction of my teachers, those whose names reached the media, which too often neglect reporting police killings of women of color and Indigenous people. Of course, I might not have learned any of these lessons if not for the efforts of Alicia Garza, Patrisse Cullors, and Opal Tometi, the founders of the Black Lives Matter movement, a movement that is changing White perceptions of racist policing, not to mention our entire political landscape.

2. I Have the Privilege of Being Favored by School Authorities

Kiera Wilmot and Ahmed Mohamed, both of whom were arrested for bringing science projects to school while Black or brown, helped teach me this lesson. Recently, one Black 12-year-old was suspended for intimidating a White girl through his staring-staring that took place during a staring contest. Huh? Studies confirm such mistreatment of Black and brown students. In one, White students who reported that they committed 40 crimes in a year were "as likely to be imprisoned as black and Hispanic students who reported committing just five offenses." In my hometown of Seattle, Black middle school students are nearly four times as likely to be suspended as White students, a reality that has attracted an investigation by the federal government. One federal study found similar disparities start as early has preschool. Preschool. As a parent of a White 4-year-old, I can't fathom how such heavy-handed practices would ever help my child (who recently smacked my face because he didn't want me to leave his room at bedtime). But because we're White, I'm unlikely to ever receive the call from school officials that Tunette Powell recounts in her article, " My son has been suspended five times. He's 3."

3. I Have the Privilege of Attending Segregated Schools of Affluence

That's true, even if I'm White and poor, a demographic rarely forced to live in " concentrated poverty." If you are Black and poor, however, you are nearly 19 times more likely to live in concentrated poverty than poor White Americans. When I was growing up, Brown v. The Board of Education was more than history; it was a value. Civil Rights icon Thurgood Marshall taught me this lesson. And research shows that both people of color and White people benefit from integrated schools. Even though we "ended" segregation in 1954, segregation is the norm in 2015; integration has long ago been forced from the table of education reform. Using fear tactics and coded language, White people continue to be the barrier to any attempt at integration, a fact that This American Life reminded us of last summer with its must-listen, two-part series " The Problem We All Live With." In Seattle, it was a White parent, unhappy she couldn't get her daughter into a nearby (recently renovated) high school, who shut down a district's efforts to integrate its public schools-which, not ironically, many White families had already fled because of previous integration efforts. Even in " progressive" Seattle, people of color can't even find a safe yoga class for people of color without a White person crying discrimination.

4. I Have the Privilege of Learning about My Race in School

In response to White politicians' outrageous shutting down of Tucson Unified School District's Mexican American Studies program- a program that dramatically reduced educational disparities for Latinx students- a movement to increase ethnic studies is growing, winning victories in districts that are predominately of Color, such as Los Angeles Unified and most recently Oakland Unified. Until White America joins the fight, the lesson that educator and activist Jose Del Barrio teaches below will continue to hold true:

Unfortunately, in too many schools and districts, ethnic studies is not even an elective.

5. I Have the Privilege of Finding Children's Books that Overwhelmingly Represent My Race

And the whitewashing of curriculum extends into bookstores (less so into libraries) where I live. And it's not because I'm a bad shopper (though I am). In a New York Times op-ed, Walter Dean Myers taught me that "of 3,200 children's books published in 2013, just 93 were about Black people." And that doesn't mean the remaining 3,107 are filled with people of color of various races. In 2013, only 8 percent of children's books were written by or about people of color. On my many trips to Seattle bookstores, I find the few such stories that do exist tell the stories of Civil Rights icons and trailblazers, such as Jackie Robinson and Rosa Parks. And while these stories are important and inspirational, I have not yet been ready to teach my 4-year-old that people of color have been normally oppressed; I just want him to view the faces of people of color as normal. Fortunately, the #WeNeedDiverseBooks campaign we can join has emerged to take on this privilege, which is actually a curse if we want our children to interact with others based on reality, not stereotypes.

6. I Have the Privilege of Soaking in Media Blatantly Biased Toward My Race

Everyday Feminism writer Maisha Z. Johnson deepened my understanding of this bias that rears its unwelcome, White-loving head, for example, in pictures that humanize White killers while simultaneously dehumanizing victims of Color:

Two sets of pictures, one with and one without mugshots- for the same crime, covered by the same reporter (on the same day) -further illustrate this bias:

And these biases are besides a media that, according to Vanity Fair, continue to be overwhelmingly whitewashed (not to mentioned malewashed, straightwashed, and youthwashed). If you are still not convinced, check out actor Dylan Marron's website, Every Single Word, through which the Venezuelan American has edited mainstream movies so that only the characters of color speak. Even the two-hour-and-19 minute-movie, Noah -set in a region filled with Brown people-is reduced to just eleven seconds. More proof is just one Google image search away. Google "beauty" and count the people of color. Here's what my search found (and notice the glaring lack of Idris Elba images):

And if the media are not blatantly biased, remember that they are covering a blatantly biased country, one that views the epidemic of heroin, used overwhelmingly by White people, as a "health problem" instead of a "crime problem." Apparently, the addictions of White people merit a " gentler war on drugs," not the three-strikes laws and mandatory minimums that have devastated Black and brown communities.

7. I Have the Privilege of Escaping Violent Stereotypes Associated with My Race

Given that, throughout this country's history, White people have been responsible for unspeakable atrocities against people of color-genocide, forced migrations, lynchings-what a set up that violent stereotypes attach to people of color and not to White males like me. Or the three White males recently charged with plotting to bomb " black churches and synagogues as part of a race and hate war."

Or these two, pictured above, who were arrested for threatening the lives of Black students at the University of Missouri, students who had dared to protest rampant racism on campus.

The Huffington Post's Julia Craven recently taught me that, since September 11, White supremacists (who tend to be White) have perpetuated more terrorism in the United States than any foreign threat. The Southern Poverty Law Center connects nearly 100 killings to a single White supremacist website, Stormfront (whose users also tend to be White). And though I share a similar skin color as these violent White people, I move about free from violent stereotypes-and I haven't even brought up all the famous White serial killers! Meanwhile, Homeland Security misdirects its resources on the surveillance of the Black Lives Matter activists who dare to protest rampant racism in our country.

8. I Have the Privilege of Playing the Colorblind Card, Wiping the Slate Clean of Centuries of Racism

Another set up that benefits White people. And I don't mean to sound judgmental. If we have espoused colorblindness, it's because we have been taught to do so. However, countless students of color have taught me a different lesson: Race is a fundamental part of their identities and deserves to be acknowledged and appreciated. Yes, race is a social construction based on physical differences that, genetically speaking, make as much sense as classifying people by fingerprint pattern and blood type. Nevertheless, White people have been using the invention of race, through policy and legislation , to systematically benefit White people from as early as the colonial era. And when overt racism (finally) became socially unacceptable-after, of course, vast inequality had become deeply entrenched in every aspect of political, social, and economic life-we switched to colorblindness, making it virtually impossible to address this societal inequality. It also makes it very difficult for White people to examine their implicit biases, like the ones that associate lighter skin with intelligence. Or the ones that prescribe less pain medication for Black and Latinx children than White children in "severe" pain. Or the ones that prefer White-sounding names when it comes to school discipline, job applications, and government inquiries. And, of course, who pays the heaviest price? Again, what a setup, one that clearly benefits White people, though it does lead to some hypocrisy:

9. I Have the Privilege of Being Insulated from the Daily Toll of Racism

Then I watched Color of Fear, and Victor Lee Lewis taught me a new reality (as did Lee Mun Wah, who made the film). And while it's not the job of people of color to educate White people on racism, it's no longer difficult to find useful resources that teach about the toll Victor Lee Lewis powerfully describes above.

10. I Have the Privilege of Living Ignorant of the Dire State of Racism Today

Shaun King, a prominent voice of the Black Lives Matter movement, set me straight on November 10, 2015.

We are living during a "Civil Rights Movement." Will you spend it enjoying the privilege to ignore the movement- or will you join it?

Inspiration in Your Inbox

Sign up to receive email updates from YES!

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
10 Examples That Prove White Privilege Exists in Every Aspect Imaginable - YES! Magazine

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Lessons people of color have taught me that changed my life-and could change yours too.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
When Gerald Stanley went on trial for the murder of Colten Boushie in 2018, it captured the nation's attention. Stanley had fatally shot Boushie, a 22-year-old Cree man, in the back of the head, and his subsequent acquittal by a jury that included no visible Indigenous people sparked questions about racism in Canada's legal system.

In nîpawistamâsowin: We Will Stand Up, a documentary from CBC Docs POV, filmmaker Tasha Hubbard follows Boushie's family as they fight for justice following the trial. But Boushie's story is only one of many similar stories.

"This acquittal sends the message that it's open season on indigenous people," says Eleanore Sunchild, the Boushie family's lawyer.

"I think what's important [to know] about the Colten Boushie case is how common this actually is," says professor Robert Innes, head of Indigenous studies at the University of Saskatchewan. "I think for many Indigenous people, this wasn't a shock.

"A lot of people were very disappointed, very angry, but not really shocked by the way in which Colten Boushie was presented in the case - the way he became the person on trial. All of that is what Indigenous people are used to."

Here are a few examples of cases that, like Boushie's, spurred Indigenous and other communities across the nation to speak out and seek justice.

Jon Styres

The death of Jon Styres, an Indigenous man from Ohsweken, Ont., bears striking similarities to the death of Colten Boushie. On Feb. 4, 2016, in Binbrook, Ont., Peter Khill heard 29-year-old Jon Styres breaking into his truck. Instead of calling the authorities, Khill grabbed his shotgun and confronted Styres as he was leaning into the passenger side of the truck.

Khill said that he shouted for Styres to raise his hands and thought he was holding a gun. He fired twice, hitting Styres in the shoulder and chest. In court, Khill claimed that he was acting in self-defence and following his military training.

Styres was not carrying a gun that evening, and at the trial, experts testified that from the angle of the shots, they believed Styres was still facing into the truck when he was shot. Khill was found not guilty.

Pamela George

Pamela George was a 28-year-old single mother from the Sakimay reserve, east of Regina. Struggling with poverty, George sometimes relied on sex work to support her two children. In 1995, Steven Kummerfield picked her up with his friend, Alex Ternowetsky, hidden in the trunk of his vehicle.

Kummerfield and Ternowetsky took George to the outskirts of Regina where they raped and beat her, leaving her in a ditch. While the pair testified that George was alive when they left the scene, their friends reported that they had bragged about beating her to death. Kummerfield and Ternowetsky were charged with first-degree murder, but drawing on a defence that the victim was a sex worker, they were only convicted of manslaughter - to the outrage of Indigenous communities and women's groups.

The men were sentenced to six and a half years in prison. It was this case that inspired Connie Walker, host of the Missing & Murdered podcast, to become a reporter.

Cindy Gladue

In 2011, 36-year-old mother of three Cindy Gladue was found in an Edmonton motel room after having bled to death in a bathtub. The man who reported her body, Bradley Barton, was charged with first-degree murder.

During his trial, Barton's defence was that he had hired Gladue for sex work and that the wound to her vaginal wall had occurred during rough but consensual sex. His eventual acquittal sparked outrage across Canada following the courtroom proceedings. Gladue had been referred to as a "native" or "prostitute," rather than by her name, many times during the hearing; her preserved vaginal tissue was controversially exhibited to the jury; and the judge had failed to hold a "rape-shield" hearing.

Canada's rape-shield law bars admitting evidence about a victim's sexual activity that could suggest they were more likely to have consented or that they are less worthy of being believed. Judges can hold hearings to determine if past sexual history is relevant in certain cases, but this must be done in a separate hearing in the jury's absence.

This law is what led the Supreme Court of Canada to order a new manslaughter trial for Barton in May 2019.

Leo LaChance

Leo LaChance was a trapper from Big River First Nation in Saskatchewan. On Jan. 28, 1991, LaChance hitchhiked to Prince Albert to sell pelts, but when he arrived, his regular fur trader had closed. Instead, he went to a nearby pawn shop owned by Carney Milton Nerland.

Nerland ended up firing an assault rifle at the floor, hitting LaChance in the back. LaChance collapsed in the street and died the next day, and Nerland was charged with manslaughter.

It was later revealed that Nerland was involved with white supremacist groups. He pleaded guilty and was sentenced to four years in prison - another sentence that outraged the Indigenous community and led to a public inquiry into whether racism played a role in LaChance's death.

Nerland was released early and entered into witness protection, reportedly for acting as an informant for the RCMP.

A young girl's sexual assault

In September 2001, a 12-year-old Saulteaux Cree girl left her home after a fight with her mother. She then met three men on the steps of a bar, and they offered her a ride in their pickup truck.

According to the victim's testimony, after telling the men she was 14 years old, she was given alcohol until she was stumbling and eventually blacked out. When she came to, she says she found the three men taking turns sexually abusing her. She was then left, bleeding and unconscious, at the farmhouse of one of her friends.

Two years later, those three men would be acquitted of sexual assault charges, claiming they took reasonable steps to determine the girl was over the age of consent, which was 14 at the time, and that she had initiated the sexual contact.

Both the Saskatchewan Coalition Against Racism and the Saskatchewan Action Committee for the Status of Women spoke out about the court process and reportedly said they were ashamed of the justice system.

Neil Stonechild

In November 1990, 17-year-old Neil Stonechild was the alleged victim of an old Saskatoon police practice referred to as "starlight tours," in which police officers would pick up intoxicated individuals, drive them to the outskirts of the city and drop them off in the middle of winter to sober them up. Stonechild is one of at least three Indigenous men who are believed to have frozen to death as a result of this practice.

After another Indigenous man named Darrell Night reported that two Saskatoon police officers had abandoned him on the outskirts of town in 2000 without any warm clothing, and the officers were convicted of unlawful confinement, an inquiry was opened into Stonechild's death. In 2004, a final report declared the initial police investigation into Stonechild's death was "superficial and totally inadequate."

This report led to two officers being fired and another forced into retirement. The police chief was also fired, and an Indigenous woman was appointed to head the city police commission.

Watch nîpawistamâsowin: We Will Stand Up on CBC Docs POV.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The death of Colten Boushie was not an isolated incident

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
'I think what's important [to know] about the Colten Boushie case is how common this actually is,' says professor

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
This page is brought to you by the OWL at Purdue University. When printing this page, you must include the entire legal notice.

Copyright ©1995-2018 by The Writing Lab & The OWL at Purdue and Purdue University. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, reproduced, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed without permission. Use of this site constitutes acceptance of our terms and conditions of fair use.

Summary:
This resource provides tips for creating a thesis statement and examples of different types of thesis statements.

Tips for Writing Your Thesis Statement

1. Determine what kind of paper you are writing:

An analytical paper breaks down an issue or an idea into its component parts, evaluates the issue or idea, and presents this breakdown and evaluation to the audience.

An expository (explanatory) paper explains something to the audience.

An argumentative paper makes a claim about a topic and justifies this claim with specific evidence. The claim could be an opinion, a policy proposal, an evaluation, a cause-and-effect statement, or an interpretation. The goal of the argumentative paper is to convince the audience that the claim is true based on the evidence provided.

If you are writing a text that does not fall under these three categories (e.g., a narrative), a thesis statement somewhere in the first paragraph could still be helpful to your reader.

2. Your thesis statement should be specific-it should cover only what you will discuss in your paper and should be supported with specific evidence.

3. The thesis statement usually appears at the end of the first paragraph of a paper.

4. Your topic may change as you write, so you may need to revise your thesis statement to reflect exactly what you have discussed in the paper.

Thesis Statement Examples

Example of an analytical thesis statement:

An analysis of the college admission process reveals one challenge facing counselors: accepting students with high test scores or students with strong extracurricular backgrounds.

The paper that follows should:

Explain the analysis of the college admission process

Explain the challenge facing admissions counselors

Example of an expository (explanatory) thesis statement:

The life of the typical college student is characterized by time spent studying, attending class, and socializing with peers.

The paper that follows should:

Explain how students spend their time studying, attending class, and socializing with peers

Example of an argumentative thesis statement:

High school graduates should be required to take a year off to pursue community service projects before entering college in order to increase their maturity and global awareness.

The paper that follows should:

Present an argument and give evidence to support the claim that students should pursue community projects before entering college

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Creating a Thesis Statement, Thesis Statement Tips - Purdue OWL® - Purdue University

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
This page is brought to you by the OWL at Purdue University. When printing this page, you must include the entire legal notice. Copyright ©1995-2018 by The Writing Lab & The OWL at Purdue and Purdue University. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, reproduced, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed without permission.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Pauline Johnson is best known for her poetry celebrating her Indigenous heritage.

Early Life and Education

Pauline Johnson was born on the Six Nations Reserve near the Grand River at Chiefswood. It was a villa near Tuscarora (also known as Middleport), located southeast of Brantford in what is now Ontario. Chiefswood served as the family home to Johnson and her three siblings - Eliza Helen, Allen Wawanosh and Henry Beverly - from 1856 to 1884. It was close to the Anglican mission where her father, George H.M. Johnson, worked. He was an interpreter and cultural negotiator between the Mohawk, the British and the Government of Canada.

Johnson suffered poor health as a child. She did not attend day school at the reserve like other Indigenous children of the time. Instead, she received an Anglican education from her mother, family members and non-Indigenous governesses. When she was 14, she began attending Brantford Central Collegiate. She graduated in 1877.

Family and Cultural Background

Pauline Johnson's life was heavily influenced by her mixed-race identity. Her Mohawk name, Tekahionwake ("double wampum"), speaks to this. She was Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) and British. Her father was of Mohawk and European descent. Her mother, Emily Susanna Howells, was born in England. She immigrated to the United States with her family as a small child. Originally from Bristol, the Howells were known for their interest in the literary arts. Emily met George while visiting her sister on a mission to Mohawk territory. At the time, George was an interpreter for the Anglican mission. The couple married in 1853. George became chief of the Six Nations soon after. He was also appointed as a Crown interpreter for the Six Nations.

Johnson's parents' mixed-raced marriage was initially stigmatized. But Johnson and her family still enjoyed a privileged position in society, mainly because of her father's social status as a cultural go-between. Her parents hosted notable dignitaries, intellectuals and artists. Johnson lived in an age of institutional racism. But she was taught to appreciate and respect her Mohawk ancestry. She understood Kanyen'kéha, the Mohawk language, and was told many stories by her paternal grandfather, Chief John Smoke Johnson. His dramatic talents inspired Johnson's work as a poet. She and her siblings inherited some of the family's traditional Mohawk cultural artifacts when their father passed away in 1884. Johnson used many of these items in her performances, including wampum belts and masks.

Chiefswood National Historic Site, Ontario, 2008. Chiefswood was the home of Canadian poet E. Pauline Johnson.

Writing and Poetry

Pauline Johnson began writing poetry in her mid-teens. Her upbringing influenced her insights on life, love and the human condition. She was best known for her portrayals of Indigenous culture - particularly women and children. Her talent for the literary arts grew to be multifaceted. She enjoyed great success during her lifetime. She published prolifically in newspapers and magazines in the early years of her career. This makes it difficult to know the entirely of her life's work. Literary scholars and feminist historians continue to research and write about her.

In 1884, Johnson had her work published in the New York magazine Gems of Poetry. She published another three poems in the magazine before 1885, and eight more in the Toronto-based newspaper Week. Johnson soon began to recite her poetry and stories for audiences. She mixed representations of Indigeneity and Anglo-Canadianisms. In 1895, at the height of her success as a performer, she released a collection of poetry, The White Wampum. This was followed by Canadian Born (1903) and Flint and Feather (1912). In 1911, Johnson published Legends of Vancouver, a series of tales and short stories told to her by Joe Capilano, a Squamish chief. Two books of short stories, The Shagganappi and The Moccasin Maker, were published after her death in 1913.

Speaking Tours

Pauline Johnson was in her early 20s when her father died in 1884. She moved to Brantford, Ontario, with her ageing mother and sister and pursued a career in spoken-word performances. In a society with rigid gender roles for women, Johnson and her widowed mother were vulnerable to poverty. Johnson used the money she made publishing and touring to support herself and her family.

Sometime after 1884, Johnson embarked on a series of speaking tours in Canada, the United States and England. These continued until 1909. Her recitations of patriotic poems made her popular among audiences. ( See also Patriotic Songs.) After she found success performing her own poetry, she worked Indigenous items in her show. She would start her performance in traditional Mohawk dress, then change into Victorian clothing. This helped to propel her success and notoriety among audiences.

Literary Influences

Much of Pauline Johnson's writing and performance style reflected early expressions of English Canadian nationalism during an intense period of state formation following Confederation. It has been suggested that Johnson was one of the first Canadian poets to write passionately about camping and living in the wilderness. Some of her poems were included in W.D. Lighthall's anthology Songs of the Great Dominion (1889). It was one of the first collections to include poetry by both French-Canadian and Indigenous authors. Johnson was also loosely associated with the Confederation Poets in the 1880s. Their literary style linked a love of the natural environment to the essence of being Canadian.

Johnson's mixed-race parentage and her feminine identity also influenced the tone of her writing and poetry. She lived during an intense period of restrictive legal policies and state regulation of Indigenous peoples by the federal government. ( See also: Indian Act; Reserves; Residential Schools.) Her dual allegiances to her heritage represent the complexities of her personal and political experiences. As a racialized and unmarried woman, her position in society was precarious. In some ways, her status as a single and childless woman nurtured the possibility of her professional career in the literary arts. But it also contributed to the poverty she suffered. This was despite her rise as a well-known Canadian poet and performer. It also happened amid calls by the women's movement to expand respectable roles for women.

Cover of the 1895 edition of White Wampum by E. Pauline Johnson.

Literary Criticism

Some historians have argued that Johnson's choice to commercialize her Indigenous ancestry helped her to survive the poverty that accompanied her status as a racialized and unmarried woman in White society. Johnson spoke of herself as an Indian, but some critics have challenged this identity. They note that her adult life was spent away from Mohawk culture. She was somewhat removed from Indigenous people. Additionally, her poetry and performances were produced to suit the tastes of White audiences, who were inclined to hold antiquated and racist misconceptions about Indigenous peoples. Her work indicated that she was influenced by an attachment to her Anglo-Canadian roots. Johnson's performance themes drew heavily on the tropes of the "Indian Princess" and "noble savage," as they are now recognized by Indigenous peoples, scholars, post-colonial theorists and literary critics.

Johnson often romanticized interactions between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people. But she also wrote critically about the stereotypes and circumstances faced by Indigenous peoples during this period. She drew connections between racism, poverty and violence. For example, in "A Red Girl's Reasoning," she effectively humanized Indigenous peoples in a climate where mainstream views supported the ignorant claims of scientific racism ( see Eugenics in Canada), which created offensive and false categorizations of non-White people in the service of colonization. Johnson was also critical of the impact of Christianity on Indigenous ways of life. She moved diplomatically between distaste for the hard hand of church teachings to a subtler expression of respect for religious authority.

Legacy

Pauline Johnson spent the last years of her life in Vancouver. She died there on 7 March 1913, three days shy of her 53rd birthday. A monument in Stanley Park commemorates her work and legacy. She is also listed as a Person of National Historic Significance in Canada. Her childhood home, Chiefswood, is a National Historic Site and public museum. In 2016, the federal government announced that Johnson was one of 12 iconic Canadian women in consideration to appear on a new banknote. (That honour ultimately went to Viola Desmond. See also Women on Canadian Banknotes.)

Johnson made important contributions to Indigenous and Canadian oral and written culture. She has been celebrated widely since the end of the 20th century. As an unmarried Indigenous woman, and a successful poet and entertainer, Johnson fought against prejudicial ideas of race and gender at the time. Her work was well received by critics and popular audiences during her lifetime. It was largely forgotten in the decades after her death. By the latter half of the 20th century, and with the centennial of her birth in 1961, there was renewed interest in her work. Pauline Johnson continues to be recognized as a talented literary figure.

See also: Vancouver Feature: Pauline Johnson Names Lost Lagoon; The Canadians: Pauline Johnson.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Pauline Johnson is best known for her poetry celebrating her Indigenous heritage. Pauline Johnson was born on the Six Nations Reserve near the Grand River at Chiefswood. It was a villa near Tuscarora (also known as Middleport), located southeast of Brantford in what is now Ontario.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Overview

Alcohol use disorder is a pattern of alcohol use that involves problems controlling your drinking, being preoccupied with alcohol or continuing to use alcohol even when it causes problems. This disorder also involves having to drink more to get the same effect or having withdrawal symptoms when you rapidly decrease or stop drinking. Alcohol use disorder includes a level of drinking that's sometimes called alcoholism.

Unhealthy alcohol use includes any alcohol use that puts your health or safety at risk or causes other alcohol-related problems. It also includes binge drinking - a pattern of drinking where a male has five or more drinks within two hours or a female has at least four drinks within two hours. Binge drinking causes significant health and safety risks.

If your pattern of drinking results in repeated significant distress and problems functioning in your daily life, you likely have alcohol use disorder. It can range from mild to severe. However, even a mild disorder can escalate and lead to serious problems, so early treatment is important.

Symptoms

Alcohol use disorder can be mild, moderate or severe, based on the number of symptoms you experience. Signs and symptoms may include:

Being unable to limit the amount of alcohol you drink

Wanting to cut down on how much you drink or making unsuccessful attempts to do so

Spending a lot of time drinking, getting alcohol or recovering from alcohol use

Feeling a strong craving or urge to drink alcohol

Failing to fulfill major obligations at work, school or home due to repeated alcohol use

Continuing to drink alcohol even though you know it's causing physical, social, work or relationship problems

Giving up or reducing social and work activities and hobbies to use alcohol

Using alcohol in situations where it's not safe, such as when driving or swimming

Developing a tolerance to alcohol so you need more to feel its effect or you have a reduced effect from the same amount

Experiencing withdrawal symptoms - such as nausea, sweating and shaking - when you don't drink, or drinking to avoid these symptoms

Alcohol use disorder can include periods of being drunk (alcohol intoxication) and symptoms of withdrawal.

Alcohol intoxication results as the amount of alcohol in your bloodstream increases. The higher the blood alcohol concentration is, the more likely you are to have bad effects. Alcohol intoxication causes behavior problems and mental changes. These may include inappropriate behavior, unstable moods, poor judgment, slurred speech, problems with attention or memory, and poor coordination. You can also have periods called "blackouts," where you don't remember events. Very high blood alcohol levels can lead to coma, permanent brain damage or even death.

Alcohol withdrawal can occur when alcohol use has been heavy and prolonged and is then stopped or greatly reduced. It can occur within several hours to 4 to 5 days later. Signs and symptoms include sweating, rapid heartbeat, hand tremors, problems sleeping, nausea and vomiting, hallucinations, restlessness and agitation, anxiety, and occasionally seizures. Symptoms can be severe enough to impair your ability to function at work or in social situations.

What is considered 1 drink?

The National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism defines one standard drink as any one of these:

12 ounces (355 milliliters) of regular beer (about 5% alcohol)

8 to 9 ounces (237 to 266 milliliters) of malt liquor (about 7% alcohol)

5 ounces (148 milliliters) of wine (about 12% alcohol)

1.5 ounces (44 milliliters) of hard liquor or distilled spirits (about 40% alcohol)

When to see a doctor

If you feel that you sometimes drink too much alcohol, or your drinking is causing problems, or if your family is concerned about your drinking, talk with your health care provider. Other ways to get help include talking with a mental health professional or seeking help from a support group such as Alcoholics Anonymous or a similar type of self-help group.

Because denial is common, you may feel like you don't have a problem with drinking. You might not recognize how much you drink or how many problems in your life are related to alcohol use. Listen to relatives, friends or co-workers when they ask you to examine your drinking habits or to seek help. Consider talking with someone who has had a problem with drinking but has stopped.

If your loved one needs help

Many people with alcohol use disorder hesitate to get treatment because they don't recognize that they have a problem. An intervention from loved ones can help some people recognize and accept that they need professional help. If you're concerned about someone who drinks too much, ask a professional experienced in alcohol treatment for advice on how to approach that person.

Causes

Genetic, psychological, social and environmental factors can impact how drinking alcohol affects your body and behavior. Theories suggest that for certain people drinking has a different and stronger impact that can lead to alcohol use disorder.

Over time, drinking too much alcohol may change the normal function of the areas of your brain associated with the experience of pleasure, judgment and the ability to exercise control over your behavior. This may result in craving alcohol to try to restore good feelings or reduce negative ones.

Risk factors

Alcohol use may begin in the teens, but alcohol use disorder occurs more frequently in the 20s and 30s, though it can start at any age.

Risk factors for alcohol use disorder include:

Steady drinking over time. Drinking too much on a regular basis for an extended period or binge drinking on a regular basis can lead to alcohol-related problems or alcohol use disorder.

Starting at an early age. People who begin drinking - especially binge drinking - at an early age are at a higher risk of alcohol use disorder.

Family history. The risk of alcohol use disorder is higher for people who have a parent or other close relative who has problems with alcohol. This may be influenced by genetic factors.

Depression and other mental health problems. It's common for people with a mental health disorder such as anxiety, depression, schizophrenia or bipolar disorder to have problems with alcohol or other substances.

History of trauma. People with a history of emotional trauma or other trauma are at increased risk of alcohol use disorder.

Having bariatric surgery. Some research studies indicate that having bariatric surgery may increase the risk of developing alcohol use disorder or of relapsing after recovering from alcohol use disorder.

Social and cultural factors. Having friends or a close partner who drinks regularly could increase your risk of alcohol use disorder. The glamorous way that drinking is sometimes portrayed in the media also may send the message that it's OK to drink too much. For young people, the influence of parents, peers and other role models can impact risk.

Complications

Alcohol depresses your central nervous system. In some people, the initial reaction may feel like an increase in energy. But as you continue to drink, you become drowsy and have less control over your actions.

Too much alcohol affects your speech, muscle coordination and vital centers of your brain. A heavy drinking binge may even cause a life-threatening coma or death. This is of particular concern when you're taking certain medications that also depress the brain's function.

Impact on your safety

Excessive drinking can reduce your judgment skills and lower inhibitions, leading to poor choices and dangerous situations or behaviors, including:

Motor vehicle accidents and other types of accidental injury, such as drowning

Relationship problems

Poor performance at work or school

Increased likelihood of committing violent crimes or being the victim of a crime

Legal problems or problems with employment or finances

Problems with other substance use

Engaging in risky, unprotected sex, or experiencing sexual abuse or date rape

Increased risk of attempted or completed suicide

Impact on your health

Drinking too much alcohol on a single occasion or over time can cause health problems, including:

Liver disease. Heavy drinking can cause increased fat in the liver (hepatic steatosis) and inflammation of the liver (alcoholic hepatitis). Over time, heavy drinking can cause irreversible destruction and scarring of liver tissue (cirrhosis).

Digestive problems. Heavy drinking can result in inflammation of the stomach lining (gastritis), as well as stomach and esophageal ulcers. It can also interfere with your body's ability to get enough B vitamins and other nutrients. Heavy drinking can damage your pancreas or lead to inflammation of the pancreas (pancreatitis).

Heart problems. Excessive drinking can lead to high blood pressure and increases your risk of an enlarged heart, heart failure or stroke. Even a single binge can cause serious irregular heartbeats (arrhythmia) called atrial fibrillation.

Diabetes complications. Alcohol interferes with the release of glucose from your liver and can increase the risk of low blood sugar (hypoglycemia). This is dangerous if you have diabetes and are already taking insulin or some other diabetes medications to lower your blood sugar level.

Issues with sexual function and periods. Heavy drinking can cause men to have difficulty maintaining an erection (erectile dysfunction). In women, heavy drinking can interrupt menstrual periods.

Eye problems. Over time, heavy drinking can cause involuntary rapid eye movement (nystagmus) as well as weakness and paralysis of your eye muscles due to a deficiency of vitamin B-1 (thiamin). A thiamin deficiency can result in other brain changes, such as irreversible dementia, if not promptly treated.

Birth defects. Alcohol use during pregnancy may cause miscarriage. It may also cause fetal alcohol spectrum disorders (FASDs). FASDs can cause a child to be born with physical and developmental problems that last a lifetime.

Bone damage. Alcohol may interfere with making new bone. Bone loss can lead to thinning bones (osteoporosis) and an increased risk of fractures. Alcohol can also damage bone marrow, which makes blood cells. This can cause a low platelet count, which may result in bruising and bleeding.

Neurological complications. Excessive drinking can affect your nervous system, causing numbness and pain in your hands and feet, disordered thinking, dementia, and short-term memory loss.

Weakened immune system. Excessive alcohol use can make it harder for your body to resist disease, increasing your risk of various illnesses, especially pneumonia.

Increased risk of cancer. Long-term, excessive alcohol use has been linked to a higher risk of many cancers, including mouth, throat, liver, esophagus, colon and breast cancers. Even moderate drinking can increase the risk of breast cancer.

Medication and alcohol interactions. Some medications interact with alcohol, increasing its toxic effects. Drinking while taking these medications can either increase or decrease their effectiveness, or make them dangerous.

Prevention

Early intervention can prevent alcohol-related problems in teens. If you have a teenager, be alert to signs and symptoms that may indicate a problem with alcohol:

Loss of interest in activities and hobbies and in personal appearance

Red eyes, slurred speech, problems with coordination and memory lapses

Difficulties or changes in relationships with friends, such as joining a new crowd

Declining grades and problems in school

Frequent mood changes and defensive behavior

You can help prevent teenage alcohol use:

Set a good example with your own alcohol use.

Talk openly with your child, spend quality time together and become actively involved in your child's life.

Let your child know what behavior you expect - and what the consequences will be for not following the rules.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Alcohol use disorder - Symptoms and causes

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Unhealthy alcohol use ranges from mild to severe, including alcoholism and binge drinking, putting health and safety at risk. Early treatment is important.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Proficient students understand that summarizing, identifying what is most important and restating the text (or other media) in your own words, is an important tool for college success.

After all, if you really know a subject, you will be able to summarize it. If you cannot summarize a subject, even if you have memorized all the facts about it, you can be absolutely sure that you have not learned it. And, if you truly learn the subject, you will still be able to summarize it months or years from now.

Proficient students may monitor their understanding of a text by summarizing as they read. They understand that if they can write a one- or two-sentence summary of each paragraph after reading it, then that is a good sign that they have correctly understood it. If they can not summarize the main idea of the paragraph, they know that comprehension has broken down and they need to use fix-up strategies to repair understanding.

Summary Writing Format

When writing a summary, remember that it should be in the form of a paragraph.

A summary begins with an introductory sentence that states the text's title, author and main point of the text as you see it.

A summary is written in your own words.

A summary contains only the ideas of the original text. Do not insert any of your own opinions, interpretations, deductions or comments into a summary.

Identify in order the significant sub-claims the author uses to defend the main point.

Copy word-for-word three separate passages from the essay that you think support and/or defend the main point of the essay as you see it.

Cite each passage by first signaling the work and the author, put "quotation marks" around the passage you chose, and put the number of the paragraph where the passages can be found immediately after the passage.

Using source material from the essay is important. Why? Because defending claims with source material is what you will be asked to do when writing papers for your college professors.

Write a last sentence that "wraps" up your summary; often a simple rephrasing of the main point.

Example Summary Writing Format

In the essay Santa Ana, author Joan Didion's main point is ( state main point). According to Didion "... passage 1..." (para.3). Didion also writes "... passage 2..." (para.8). Finally, she states "... passage 3 ..." (para. 12) Write a last sentence that "wraps" up your summary; often a simple rephrasing of the main point.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Proficient students understand that summarizing, identifying what is most important and restating the text (or other media) in your own words, is an important tool for college success. After all, if you really know a subject, you will be able to summarize it.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
By Erin Hanson (2009), with updates and revisions by Daniel P. Gamez & Alexa Manuel (September 2020). The original version of this article has been archived, but may be accessed here. To cite this article, we have recommendations at the bottom of the page. Note on terminology: There is constant debate and reflection on the use of specific terms as umbrella categories to designate multiple Aboriginal, Indigenous, or Native peoples. For the most recent version of this article, we have decided to follow the terms Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit, or alternatively Indigenous Peoples, in the plural, following the guidelines of the U.N. Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the most widely accepted international instrument today. The term Indigenous Peoples can also be found in UBC's Indigenous Peoples Language Guidelines.
In this section:

What Were Residential Schools?

The term residential schools refers to an extensive school system set up by the Canadian government and administered by churches that had the nominal objective of educating Indigenous children but also the more damaging and equally explicit objectives of indoctrinating them into Euro-Canadian and Christian ways of living and assimilating them into mainstream white Canadian society. The residential school system officially operated from the 1880s into the closing decades of the 20th century. The system forcibly separated children from their families for extended periods of time and forbade them to acknowledge their Indigenous heritage and culture or to speak their own languages. Children were severely punished if these, among other, strict rules were broken. Former students of residential schools have spoken of horrendous abuse at the hands of residential school staff: physical, sexual, emotional, and psychological. Residential schools provided Indigenous students with inappropriate education, often only up to lower grades, that focused mainly on prayer and manual labour in agriculture, light industry such as woodworking, and domestic work such as laundry work and sewing.

Residential schools systematically undermined Indigenous, First Nations, Métis and Inuit cultures across Canada and disrupted families for generations, severing the ties through which Indigenous culture is taught and sustained, and contributing to a general loss of language and culture. Because they were removed from their families, many students grew up without experiencing a nurturing family life and without the knowledge and skills to raise their own families. The devastating effects of the residential schools are far-reaching and continue to have a significant impact on Indigenous communities. The residential school system is widely considered a form of genocide because of the purposeful attempt from the government and church to eradicate all aspects of Indigenous cultures and lifeworlds.

From the 1990s onward, the government and the churches involved-Anglican, Presbyterian, United, and Roman Catholic-began to acknowledge their responsibility for an education scheme that was specifically designed to "kill the Indian in the child." On June 11, 2008, the Canadian government issued a formal apology in Parliament for the damage done by the residential school system. In spite of this and other apologies, however, the effects remain.

What led to the residential schools?

The early origins of residential schools in Canada are found in the implementation of the mission system in the 1600s. The churches and European settlers brought with them the assumption that their own civilization was the pinnacle of human achievement. They interpreted the socio-cultural differences between themselves and Indigenous Peoples as "proof" that Canada's first inhabitants were ignorant, savage, and-like children-in need of guidance. They felt the need to "civilize" Indigenous Peoples. Education-a federal responsibility-became the primary means to this end.

Canadian Prime Minister John A. Macdonald commissioned journalist and politician Nicholas Flood Davin to study industrial schools for Indigenous children in the United States. Davin's recommendation to follow the U.S. example of "aggressive civilization" led to public funding for the residential school system. "If anything is to be done with the Indian, we must catch him very young. The children must be kept constantly within the circle of civilized conditions," Davin wrote in his 1879 Report on Industrial Schools for Indians and Half-Breeds (Davin's report can be read here.)

In the 1880s, in conjunction with other federal assimilation policies, the government began to establish residential schools across Canada. Authorities would frequently take children to schools far from their home communities, part of a strategy to alienate them from their families and familiar surroundings. In 1920, under the Indian Act, it became mandatory for every Indigenous child to attend a residential school and illegal for them to attend any other educational institution.

Living conditions at the residential schools

The purpose of the residential schools was to eliminate all aspects of Indigenous culture. Students had their hair cut short, they were dressed in uniforms, they were often given numbers, and their days were strictly regimented by timetables. Boys and girls were kept separate, and even siblings rarely interacted, further weakening family ties. Chief Bobby Joseph of the Indian Residential School Survivors Society recalls that he had no idea how to interact with girls and never even got to know his own sister "beyond a mere wave in the dining room." ¹ In addition, students were strictly forbidden to speak their languages-even though many children knew no other-or to practise Indigenous customs or traditions. Violations of these rules were severely punished.

Residential school students did not receive the same education as the general population in the public school system, and the schools were sorely underfunded. Teachings focused primarily on practical skills. Girls were primed for domestic service and taught to do laundry, sew, cook, and clean. Boys were taught carpentry, tinsmithing, and farming. Many students attended class part-time and worked for the school the rest of the time: girls did the housekeeping; boys, general maintenance and agriculture. This work, which was involuntary and unpaid, was presented as practical training for the students, but many of the residential schools could not run without it. With so little time spent in class, most students had only reached grade five by the time they were 18. At this point, students were sent away. Many were discouraged from pursuing further education.

Abuse at the schools was widespread: emotional and psychological abuse was constant, physical abuse was metred out as punishment, and sexual abuse was also common. Survivors recall being beaten and strapped; some students were shackled to their beds; some had needles shoved in their tongues for speaking their native languages. These abuses, along with overcrowding, poor sanitation, and severely inadequate food and health care, resulted in a shockingly high death toll. In 1907, government medical inspector P.H. Bryce reported that 24 percent of previously healthy Indigenous children across Canada were dying in residential schools. This figure does not include children who died at home, where they were frequently sent when critically ill. Bryce reported that anywhere from 47 percent (on the Peigan Reserve in Alberta) to 75 percent (from File Hills Boarding School in Saskatchewan) of students discharged from residential schools died shortly after returning home.

The extent to which the Department of Indian Affairs and church officials knew of these abuses has been debated by some. However, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP) and John Milloy, among others, concluded that church and state officials were fully aware of the abuses and tragedies at the schools. Some inspectors and officials at the time expressed alarm at the horrifying death rates, yet those who spoke out and called for reform were generally met with silence and lack of support. The Department of Indian Affairs would promise to improve the schools, but the deplorable conditions persisted.

Some former students have positive memories of their time at residential schools, and certainly some might have been treated with kindness by the priests and nuns who ran the schools as best they could given the circumstances. But even these "good" experiences occurred within a system aimed at destroying Indigenous cultures and assimilating Indigenous students.

The Shift Away from Residential Schools

"Sister Marie Baptiste had a supply of sticks as long and thick as pool cues. When she heard me speak my language, she'd lift up her hands and bring the stick down on me. I've still got bumps and scars on my hands. I have to wear special gloves because the cold weather really hurts my hands. I tried very hard not to cry when I was being beaten and I can still just turn off my feelings.... And I'm lucky. Many of the men my age, they either didn't make it, committed suicide or died violent deaths, or alcohol got them. And it wasn't just my generation. My grandmother, who's in her late nineties, to this day it's too painful for her to talk about what happened to her at the school."

- Musqueam Nation former chief George Guerin,
Kuper Island school
Stolen from our Embrace, p 62

Church and state officials of the 19th century believed that Indigenous societies were disappearing and that the only hope for Indigenous people was to convert to Christianity, do away with their cultures, and become "civilized" British subjects-in short, assimilate them. By the 1950s, the same officials were doubting the viability of such project. The devastating effects of the residential schools and the needs and life experiences of Indigenous students were becoming more widely recognized. ² The government also acknowledged that removing children from their families was severely detrimental to the health of the individuals and the communities affected. In 1951, with the amendments to the Indian Act, the half-day work/school system was progressively abandoned, conceding power to the provinces to apprehend children, and transitioning from the school system to a 'child welfare system'. This time is referred to as the 'Sixties Scoop' because of the systematic removal of Indigenous children from their families without consent from their parents or authorities.

In the 1960s the drastic overrepresentation of Indigenous children in the welfare system consolidated, and authorities would constantly place Indigenous children with white middle-class families in an attempt to acculturate them. This practice, as well as the overrepresentation of Indigenous children in 'child welfare systems' continues today. In 1969, the Department of Indian Affairs took exclusive control of the system, marking an end to church involvement in residential schooling. Yet the schools remained underfunded and abuse continued, and many teachers and workers continued to lack proper credentials to carry out their responsibilities. ³

In the meantime, the government decided to phase out segregation and began incorporating Indigenous students into public schools. Although these changes saw students reaching higher levels of education, problems persisted. Many Indigenous students struggled in their adjustment to public school and to a Eurocentric system where Indigenous knowledges were excluded, fostering discrimination by their non-Indigenous peers. Post-secondary education was strongly discouraged for Indigenous students because those who wanted to attend university would have been enfranchised.

The process to phase out the residential school system and other assimilation tactics was slow and not without reversals. The residential school system in Canada lasted officially for almost 150 years, and its impacts continue on to this day. As mentioned above, the system's closure gave way to the 'Sixties Scoop,' during which thousands of Indigenous children were abducted by social services and removed from their families. The 'Scoop' spanned roughly the two decades it took to phase out the residential schools, but child apprehensions from Indigenous families continue to occur in disproportionate numbers today. In part, this is the legacy of compromised families and communities left by the residential schools.

Starting in 1969, residential schools in Canada began to decline in numbers. In 1970, the Department of Indian Affairs calculated fifty-six remaining schools, excluding the Northwest Territories. By 1980, the same institution reported sixteen, and one decade later, eleven. In 1996, Gordon Reserve Indian Residential School in Saskatchewan, the last of its kind, was closed and demolished. By 1999, the Department of Indian Affairs registered no remaining residential schools in operation. ⁴

Ongoing Impacts

"So why is it important to understand the history of genocide in Canada? Because it's not history. Today's racist government laws, policies and actions have proven to be just as deadly for Indigenous peoples as the genocidal acts of the past."

-Pamela Palmater, Mi'kmaq lawyer, professor, activist, and politician
(National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (Canada) et al. 2019, 53).

The residential school system is viewed by much of the Canadian public as part of a distant past, disassociated from today's events. In many ways, this is a misconception. The last residential school did not close its doors until 1996, and many of the leaders, teachers, parents, and grandparents of today's Indigenous communities are residential school Survivors. Although residential schools have closed, their effects remain ongoing for both Survivors and their descendants who now share in the intergenerational effects of transmitted personal trauma and loss of language, culture, traditional teachings, and mental/spiritual wellbeing.

According to the Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba, several generations of Indigenous Peoples were denied the development of parenting skills not only through their removal from communities and families but also from the severe lack of attention paid to the issue by school officials. ⁵ In addition, children were taught that their traditional ways were inferior, including their languages and cultures. The residential schools were operational through several generations of Indigenous Peoples so the process of healing from these damages will also take several generations -a process that has already begun, but has not been easy nor has it been simple.

The historic, intergenerational, and collective oppression of Indigenous Peoples continues to this day in the form of land disputes, over-incarceration, lack of housing, child apprehension, systemic poverty, marginalization and violence against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA peoples, and other critical issues which neither began nor ended with residential schools. Generations of oppressive government policies attempted to strip Indigenous Peoples of their identities not only through residential schools but also through other policies including but not limited to: the implementation and subsequent changes to the Indian Act; the mass removal of Indigenous children from their families into the child welfare system known as the Sixties Scoop; and legislations allowing forced sterilizations of Indigenous Peoples in certain provinces, a practice that has continued to be reported by Indigenous women in Canada as recently as 2018; and currently, through the modern child welfare systems which continue to disproportionately apprehend Indigenous children into foster care in what Raven Sinclair has called the Millennium Scoop. ⁶

In 2019, BC ended its practice of "birth alerts" in child welfare cases, which allowed child welfare agencies and hospitals to flag mothers deemed "high risk" without their consent -a practice which disproportionately targeted Indigenous mothers and was found to be "racist and discriminatory" and a "gross violation of the rights of the child, the mother, and the community". ⁷ One of the findings of the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls Report (MMIWG) asserts that the Canadian State "has used child welfare laws and agencies as a tool to oppress, displace, disrupt, and destroy Indigenous families, communities, and Nations. It is a tool in the genocide of Indigenous Peoples." ⁸ Child welfare laws and agencies, like the residential schools, effectively aided in the removal of Indigenous children from their families and continue to aid in the genocide of Indigenous Peoples.

Survivors Demand Justice
"...the Government of Canada now recognizes that it was wrong to forcibly remove children from their homes and we apologize for having done this. We now recognize that it was wrong to separate children from rich and vibrant cultures and traditions that it created a void in many lives and communities, and we apologize for having done this".

I have just one last thing to say. To all of the leaders of the Liberals, the Bloc and NDP, thank you, as well, for your words because now it is about our responsibilities today, the decisions that we make today and how they will affect seven generations from now.

My ancestors did the same seven generations ago and they tried hard to fight against you because they knew what was happening. They knew what was coming, but we have had so much impact from colonization and that is what we are dealing with today.

Women have taken the brunt of it all.

Thank you for the opportunity to be here at this moment in time to talk about those realities that we are dealing with today.

What is it that this government is going to do in the future to help our people? Because we are dealing with major human rights violations that have occurred to many generations: my language, my culture and my spirituality. I know that I want to transfer those to my children and my grandchildren, and their children, and so on.

What is going to be provided? That is my question. I know that is the question from all of us. That is what we would like to continue to work on, in partnership.

Nia:wen. Thank you.

-Beverley Jacobs, President, Native Women's Association of Canada, June 11, 2008

Read the full transcript and watch the video here.

The residential schools heavily contributed to educational, social, financial and health disparities between Indigenous Peoples and the rest of Canada, and these impacts have been intergenerational. ⁹ Despite the efforts of the residential school system and those who created and maintained it, Indigenous Peoples largely escaped complete assimilation and continue to work to regain what was lost, while also seeking justice for years of wrongdoing; including from the Canadian government, the churches, and the individuals responsible for specific cases of abuse.

It was not until the late 1980s that the Canadian legal system began to respond to allegations of abuse brought forward by Survivors, with fewer than fifty convictions coming out of more than 38,000 claims of sexual and physical abuse submitted to the independent adjudication process. ¹⁰ Notable cases include 1988's Mowatt v. Clarke, in which eight former students of St. George's Indian Residential School in Lytton, B.C., sued a priest, the government, and the Anglican Church of Canada; both the Anglican Church and the government admitted fault and agreed to a settlement. In 1995, twenty-seven Survivors from the Alberni Indian Residential School filed charges of sexual abuse against Arthur Plintwhile also holding Canada and the United Church vicariously liable. In addition to convicting Plint, the court held the federal government and the United Church responsible for the wrongs committed.
The Indian Residential School Survivors Society was formed in 1994 by the First Nations Summit in British Columbia and was officially incorporated in 2002 to provide support for survivors and communities in the province throughout the healing process and to educate the broader public. The Survivors Society provides crisis counselling, referrals, and healing initiatives, as well as acting as a resource for information, research, training, and workshops. It was clear that a similar organization was needed at the national level, and in 2005, the National Residential School Survivors Society was incorporated.
Meanwhile, the Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples had been interviewing individuals from Indigenous communities and nations across Canada about their experiences. The commission's report, published in 1996, brought unprecedented attention to the residential school system-many non-Indigenous Canadians did not know about this chapter in Canadian history. In 1998, based on the commission's recommendations and considering the court cases, the Canadian government publicly apologized to former students for the physical and sexual abuse they suffered in the residential schools. The Aboriginal Healing Foundation was established as a $350 million government plan to aid communities affected by the residential schools. However, some Indigenous people felt the government apology did not go far enough, since it addressed only the effects of physical and sexual abuse and not other damages caused by the residential school system.
Books & Articles Canada. Royal Commission on Indigenous Peoples. Report of the Royal Commission on Indigenous Peoples, Volume 1: Looking Forward, Looking Back. Chapter 10, "Residential Schools." Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1996.
The St. George and Alberni lawsuits set a precedent for future cases, proving that the churches and the government of Canada could be sued as an entity. As the number of cases grew, a National Class Action was filed in 2002 for compensation for all former Indian Residential school Survivors and family members in Canada. In 2005, Canada and nearly 80,000 Survivors reached the Indian Residential School Settlement Agreement in which Canada committed to individual compensation for Survivors, additional funding for the Aboriginal Healing Foundation, and the creation of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

In September 2007, while the Settlement Agreement was being put into action, the Canadian government made a motion to issue a formal apology. The motion passed unanimously. On June 11, 2008, the House of Commons gathered in a solemn ceremony to publicly apologize for the government's involvement in the residential school system and to acknowledge the widespread impact this system has had among Indigenous Peoples. You can read the official statement and responses to it by Indigenous organizations here (scroll down to " Choose a topic" and select " Apology to former students of Indian Residential Schools"). The apology was broadcast live across Canada (watch it here). Former Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper issued a 'statement of apology to former students of Indian Residential Schools ', noting that

Echoing Stephen Harper, former Chief Justice of Ontario Warren Winkler also observed that the residential school system removed children

"from their families and communities to serve the purpose of carrying out a "concerted campaign to obliterate" the "habits and associations" of "Indigenous languages, traditions and beliefs," in order to accomplish "a radical re-socialization" aimed at instilling the children instead with the values of Euro-centric civilization"( Library and Archives Canada, RG10, volume 6113, le 351-10, part 1). ¹¹

The federal government's apology was met with a range of responses. Some felt that it marked a new era of positive federal government-Indigenous relations based on mutual respect, while many others felt that the apology was merely symbolic and doubted that it would change the government's relationship with Indigenous Peoples. Although apologies and acknowledgements made by governments and churches are important steps forward in reconciliation, Indigenous leaders have argued that such gestures are not enough without supportive action . Communities and residential school survivor societies are undertaking healing initiatives and providing opportunities for survivors to talk about their experiences and move forward to create a positive future for themselves, their families, and their communities.

Recommended resources

Erasmus, George. Notes on A History of the Indian Residential School System in Canada

Fournier, Suzanne and Ernie Crey. Stolen from our Embrace: The Abduction of First Nations Children and the Restoration of Indigenous Communities. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1997.

Haig-Brown, Celia. Resistance and Renewal: Surviving the Indian Residential School. Vancouver: Arsenal Pulp Press, 1998. First published by Tillicum Library, 1988.

Manitoba. Public Inquiry into the Administration and Indigenous People. "Indigenous Women." Vol. 1, chap. 13, in Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba. Winnipeg: Public Inquiry into the Administration and Indigenous People, 1999.
Websites Apologies and Reconciliation
This chapter of the Indigenous Justice Inquiry of Manitoba's report on Indigenous people in the justice system examines how the residential school system has contributed to the abuse and discrimination that many Indigenous women face regularly.

Miller, J. R. Shingwauk's Vision. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1996.

Widely regarded as one of the most comprehensive, key texts on the residential school system, in Shingwauk's Vision Miller has included the perspectives of government and church officials, school staff, and students to create a rich history of the residential school system from its original inception to its phasing out. Cree scholar Winona Wheeler calls Shingwauk's Vision "the most thorough and comprehensive study of Indian residential schools in Canada to date and most noted for its good use of a wide range of Indigenous life histories and personal reminisces" (Wheeler, "Social Relations of Indigenous Oral Histories," in Walking a Tightrope: Indigenous Peoples and their Representations, 2005. 193)

Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council, Indian Residential Schools: The Nuu-Chah-Nulth Experience. Nuu-chah-nulth Tribal Council, 1996.

Roberts, John. First Nations, Inuit, and Métis Peoples: Exploring their Past, Present, and Future. Toronto: Emond Montgomery, 2006.

Secwepemc Cultural Education Society, Behind Closed Doors: Stories from the Kamloops Indian Residential School. Penticton: Secwepemc Cultural Education Society & Theytus, 2000.

Endnotes

[1] Milloy, John S. A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School System, 1879 to 1986.University of Manitoba Press, 1999. 91-2; Fournier and Crey, Stolen from Our Embrace. Vancouver: Douglas & McIntyre, 1997. 49.

[2] Royal Commission on Indigenous Peoples, Volume 1: Looking Forward, Looking Back. Chapter 10, "1.2 Changing Policies." Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1996. 344-353.

[3] Milloy, John S. A National Crime: The Canadian Government and the Residential School System, 1879 to 1986. University of Manitoba Press, 1999. Xvii, 91-2.

[4] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. 2015. Canada's Residential Schools: The History, Part 2 1939 to 2000. The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Vol. 1. 2 vols. Montreal; Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press. 103.

[5] Report of the Aboriginal Justice Inquiry of Manitoba. 1999. The Justice System and Aboriginal People. Ch. 14 ( http://www.ajic.mb.ca/volumel/chapter14.html)

[6] National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (Canada), Marion Buller, Michèle Audette, Brian Eyolfson, and Qajaq Robinson. 2019. Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. 104; Longman, Nickita. 2018. "Examining the Sixties Scoop and Beyond." Discourse Magazine, 2018.

[7] National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (Canada), 355.

[8] National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (Canada), 355.

[9] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. 2015. Canada's Residential Schools: The Legacy: The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Volume 5. Montréal: McGill-Queen's University Press. 3.

[10] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. 2015. Canada's Residential Schools: The Legacy: The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, Volume 5. Montréal: McGill-Queen's University Press. 7.

[11] Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. 2015. Canada's Residential Schools: The History, Part 2 1939 to 2000. The Final Report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. Vol. 1. 2 vols. Montreal; Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press. 574.

To Cite This Article

MLA:
Hanson, Eric, et al."The Residential School System." Indigenous Foundations. First Nations and Indigenous Studies UBC, 2020. Website. [Date accessed].

Chicago:
Hanson, Eric, Daniel P. Games, and Alexa Manuel. "The Residential School System". Indigenous Foundations. https://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/residential-school-system-2020/. (accessed Month, day, year).

APA:
Hanson, E., Gamez, D., & Manuel, A. (2020, September). The Residential School System. Indigenous Foundations. https://indigenousfoundations.arts.ubc.ca/residential-school-system-2020/

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
By Erin Hanson (2009), with updates and revisions by Daniel P. Gamez & Alexa Manuel (September 2020). The original version of this article has been archived, but may be accessed here. To cite this article, we have recommendations at the bottom of the page.