# data[].attributes.headline
As you read this article, take note of the different sources being used as evidence.

# data[].attributes.subject
As you read this article, take note of the different sources being used as evidence.

# data[].attributes.body
Click the plus sign to add a note to the column. Your note should describe at least 2-3 types of sources being used as evidence.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
As a pediatrician who has devoted a career of more than five decades to promoting children's optimal health, development, and well-being, I am excited that U.S. Rep. DeLauro's bold, relentless, and persistent push for expansion of the child tax credit is finally receiving the bipartisan attention that it deserves. The prestigious National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine concluded that the expansion of the credit could reduce childhood poverty by half, leading to better outcomes.

While much attention and debate will focus on the proposal's fiscal analysis and implications, the National Academies' report also references a more nuanced strategy that, if undertaken, will make a great difference in advancing children's well-being. Strengthening families to ensure the best outcomes for children, especially those living in poverty, demands that we bring to scale and impact efforts across multiple sectors including family support (e.g., home visiting), early care and education (high quality child care and preschool), housing (i.e., stability and security), workforce development, and mental health supports (e.g., addiction prevention and treatment), to name just a few.

The key to this approach is to engage all sectors and their services in a comprehensive, integrated systems approach, characterized by "all sectors in" and "cross-sector collaboration." While this may seem opaque and daunting, it is actually the approach taken by most developed nations and being increasingly employed by our federal agencies in their child- and family-oriented initiatives. Examples include, but are not limited to, the Maternal and Child Health Bureau's Early Child Comprehensive Systems initiative and the U.S. Department of Education's Promise Neighborhoods effort.

Similarly, many states are now in the process of engaging multiple agencies across diverse sectors in developing comprehensive, integrated approaches to promoting all children's optimal health, development, and well-being. Through our work in the Help Me Grow National Center, we are privileged to currently support 30 states in their efforts to ensure that all children, especially those most vulnerable due to such adverse social and environmental factors as poverty, have access to developmental promotion, early detection, referral and linkage to community-based programs and services. Such integration of efforts does not significantly increase costs and has both demonstrable benefits for families and their children, as well as cost savings and returns on investments. In Connecticut, the Office of Health Strategy's State Innovation Model for health care transformation recognizes the imperative of cross-sector engagement in the development of Health Enhancement Communities as critical supports for children and their families.

We have the skills, knowledge, and even resources to strengthen families and advance the heavy lifting of children out of poverty by promoting their optimal health, development, and well-being. The real question is, do we have the will?
Paul H. Dworkin, MD, is Executive Vice President for Community Child Health at Connecticut Children's and is also the Founding Director of the Help Me Grow National Center.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Both child tax credit and context are critical to lifting children out of poverty

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
As a pediatrician who has devoted a career of more than five decades to promoting children's optimal health, development, and well-being, I am excited that U.S. Rep. DeLauro's bold, relentless, and persistent push for expansion of the child tax credit is finally receiving the bipartisan attention that it deserves.

# data[].attributes.headline
As you read this article, take note of the different sources being used as evidence.

# data[].attributes.subject
As you read this article, take note of the different sources being used as evidence.

# data[].attributes.body
Click the plus sign to add a note to the column. Your note should describe at least 2-3 types of sources being used as evidence.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The COVID-19 pandemic has brought renewed attention to a pre-existing and severe affordable rental housing crisis throughout the U.S. and here in Connecticut. Prior to the pandemic, there was no state in this country where a full-time minimum wage job was sufficient to affordably rent a one- bedroom apartment. Here in Connecticut, nearly two full-time jobs were needed.

Today, after 11 months of pandemic related economic recession, renters are increasingly falling behind on rent. Furthermore, this affordable housing crisis has undoubtedly contributed to America's COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting that adequate and affordable housing is critical to the health of our communities.

This session of the Connecticut General Assembly includes multiple bills to address this housing crisis. One of them, Senate Bill 487, seeks to expand the jurisdiction of housing authorities to build affordable housing in "higher opportunity" areas within a 15 mile radius. The bill recognizes that public housing (federally subsidized housing operated by local housing authorities) is an important tool to address the affordable housing crisis and to expand housing choices for low-income renters.

In addition to providing affordable housing, a growing body of research, including our own, indicates that such public housing may also have important health benefits.

By setting rent at 30% of a tenant's income, both public housing and other rental subsidies such as tenant-based rental vouchers, can provide affordable housing that is not available in the private market. Indeed, data from the Urban Institute point to federally funded rental assistance as the only source of affordable housing available to extremely low-income renters in many U.S. counties. As a result, this resource is in high demand and short supply. Waiting lists average two years nationally and 27 months here in Connecticut.

In New Haven, these lists contain more than 10,000 individuals and are often closed to new applicants. In our recent interviews with some of these applicants, many describe rental assistance as a sort of golden ticket. And those who ultimately secure this coveted resource often describe significant health benefits.

With more affordable rents, they can redirect scarce resources to other health-related expenses. With access to stable housing, they can establish healthy routines and prioritize health-related goals. Many describe a significant reduction in stress. One participant describes receiving rental assistance as akin to having a truck lifted off of him.

While both public housing and rental vouchers can provide these health benefits, an emerging body of evidence suggests that health benefits are larger for public housing residents than voucher recipients. For instance, adults who live in public housing are less likely to report that they are in poor health or experience psychological distress than those waiting to enter public housing. Likewise, children who live in public housing experience fewer mental health symptoms and are less likely to visit the emergency room for an asthma attack than those waiting to enter. Similar health benefits are not seen for those receiving rental vouchers, even though vouchers may provide recipients with more housing and neighborhood choice.

One reason for this increased benefit of public housing may be the added stability that it affords. Public housing is particularly effective at reducing housing cost burden and preventing eviction, and public housing residents on average have longer tenancy that voucher holders. The community level stability that public housing supports can create a foundation for health promoting social support networks. Indeed, research finds that public housing residents report greater access to local social ties than their voucher assisted counterparts.

To be sure, public housing isn't perfect. After decades of underfunding, much of the nation's public housing stock is in desperate need of resources to facilitate upgrades and maintenance. However, it is important to note that the conditions in public housing are often superior to those that tenants can access in the private market and tenants' organizations within public housing developments can provide residents with unique opportunities to collectively advocate for their housing needs.

Additionally, public housing is often criticized for its role in furthering racial and economic segregation. Indeed, public housing developments are disproportionately located in higher poverty urban areas. Perhaps for these reasons, attempts to address housing segregation have emphasized an expansion of voucher-based assistance that can provide access to opportunity areas and tenant choice.

However, public housing can also be a tool to address these age-old, noxious and health harming patterns of residential segregation. Public housing can anchor affordable housing in gentrifying urban areas and suburban communities that would otherwise be difficult for low-income tenants to access. But, efforts to diversify the location of public and other subsidized housing, nationally and here in Connecticut, are often stymied by exclusionary zoning regulations and local resistance.

Senate Bill 487 begins to address these issues. Coupled with challenges to exclusionary zoning this proposed legislation can help remediate significant shortages of affordable housing in high opportunity areas. While 32% of rental units in New Haven are affordable, all but two of its surrounding communities meet the Connecticut statute's requirement of at least 10% affordable units. In many of these towns, less than 5% of units are affordable. Allowing the Housing Authority of New Haven (HANH) to build affordable housing in these areas would expand housing options for low-income renters, particularly for those who may face challenges finding a unit to lease with a rental voucher. This affordable housing is a critical resource for current residents of surrounding towns who make up close to one-third of HANH's current waiting lists.

While an expansion of public housing alone is unlikely to address the current affordable rental crisis, Senate Bill 487 recognizes the important role it can play and echoes some recent calls for a national expansion of public housing programs. Our research suggests that in addition to expanding housing choice for low-income households, these investments in public housing are likely to have important benefits for population health.
Danya E. Keene is an Associate Professor of Social Behavioral Sciences at the Yale School of Public Health. Andrew Fenelon is an Assistant Professor of Public Policy and Sociology at Pennsylvania State University.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Build public housing in the suburbs to improve population health

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The COVID-19 pandemic has brought renewed attention to a pre-existing and severe affordable rental housing crisis throughout the U.S. and here in Connecticut. Prior to the pandemic, there was no state in this country where a full-time minimum wage job was sufficient to affordably rent a one- bedroom apartment.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.body
Then post the types of sources included as evidence in your article.

# data[].attributes.headline
If you don't have an article related to your topic, use one of these examples from the CT Mirror:

# data[].attributes.subject
If you don't have an article related to your topic, use one of these examples from the CT Mirror:

# data[].attributes.body
"On pot issue, lawmakers and their constituents are not served by the same old scare tactics."

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Lawmakers and their constituents are not served by the same old scare tactics.

Contrary to the organization's name, (" Smart Approaches to Marijuana") what it advocates is not a smarter approach at all: it's a paranoid, puritanical one - couched in clever but unsound reasoning - that is not far from old-school prohibition.

Will Jones writes that "Heavy users of today's 99 percent THC concentrates, edibles, and vaping oils were found to be five times more likely to develop psychosis."

This is a half-truth. What he fails to mention is that the study in question is examining the effect of marijuana on teenagers, who have developing brains. No one on either side of this debate would deny that marijuana is potentially bad for teenagers. What he also fails to mention is that teenagers will smoke (and drink) almost anything they can get their hands on: which, under federal prohibition, might happen to be the 'moonshine' analog to marijuana, a 99% THC product that is exceedingly rare. In fact, it's been referred to as "the strongest concentrate on the planet."

A 99% THC concentrate actually looks nothing like typical marijuana; it resembles crystal meth. To ingest it, one first needs to melt it with a blowtorch.

How could a process that requires melting crystals with a blowtorch be mistaken for smoking a joint? In other words, how could someone mistake Everclear for Bud Light?

What Jones again fails to mention, from the same article, is that "Those most at risk are youths who already have a mother, father, or sibling with schizophrenia or some other psychotic disorder." So, at its worst, it can only be associated with expediting in teens a mental illness that had a strong genetic likelihood of occurring anyway. Otherwise, the author notes, "That's not the same thing as saying that marijuana causes psychosis." Similar evidence for adult use does not exist.

And besides, it is extremely unlikely that teenagers in a regulated cannabis market would get hold of such a potent and scarcely available (not to mention luxury-priced) product. This doesn't prevent Jones from conjuring the image anyway. He cites a number of other studies, but declines to include links.

Some people find that marijuana improves their quality of life. The conservative commentator Andrew Sullivan, a daily user, drew the distinction between "dependence" and "addiction," something groups like SAM would rather ignore. Sullivan also notes "Teen use of weed is now at its lowest since 1994, and has dropped by a statistically meaningful amount since 2014, when the first states legalized it for recreational use." Adult use has marginally risen over the same period, while alcohol use has fallen slightly.

That Connecticut should oppose legalization because Big Pot only pretends to care about social justice is spurious as well, if only because marijuana illegality is one of America's oldest tools for racist policing according to the Brookings Institution, who argue not for prohibition (like SAM) but for "comprehensive drug reform" which includes recreational legalization.

Top Nixon aide John Erlichman revealed to journalist Dan Baum in 1994 that the president's so-called "War on Drugs" was designed specifically to target "Blacks and hippies."

"Did we know we were lying about the drugs? Of course we did," the former domestic affairs aide told Baum.

As Brookings Senior Fellow John Hudak writes, "The history of cannabis policy demonstrates that racism was institutionalized and enforced in specific communities, and it is now legalization that must institutionalize the means for their recovery."

If SAM wants to argue for racial equity in commercial marijuana, then fine. Illinois lawmakers and large marijuana interests should absolutely be held to account for reneging on their promises of commercial opportunities for BIPOC communities, but regurgitating age-old myths and half-truths about the drug itself does nothing to further this aim. It doesn't improve equity, and it certainly doesn't contribute to a more meaningful conversation about how the drug might be responsibly introduced to a public that wants it legalized.

The SAM organization founder Patrick Kennedy (son of the late and former Sen. Edward Kennedy, and cousin to anti-vax champion Robert Kennedy Jr.) told The Washington Post in 2013 that marijuana "Destroys the brain and expedites psychosis."

One of the organization's largest individual donors, Julie Schauer, blamed mass shootings and terrorist attacks (including the Boston Marathon bombing) on the perpetrators' marijuana use.

Whether anyone but the organization's most zealous benefactors and employees are served by this kind of hyperbole remains to be seen, leaving one to wonder whether this is truly a "smarter" approach to marijuana, or simply the same old reefer madness.
Brendan Ruberry lives in Ridgefield.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
On pot issue, lawmakers and their constituents are not served by the same old scare tactics.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Lawmakers and their constituents are not served by the same old scare tactics. Contrary to the organization's name, (" Smart Approaches to Marijuana") what it advocates is not a smarter approach at all: it's a paranoid, puritanical one - couched in clever but unsound reasoning - that is not far from old-school prohibition.

# data[].attributes.body
"H.B. 6430 — the bold action needed to address the housing crisis"

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
We know the numbers. The need is clear.

Connecticut, like the nation, has been in the midst of a housing crisis -a crisis that predates the COVID-19 pandemic but has been exacerbated by it.

Over 130,000 of Connecticut's lowest-income families (those earning at or below 30% of the area median income) are facing extraordinary housing cost burdens (paying 50% or more of their income toward housing) according to Open Communities Alliance Fair Share Housing Model for Connecticut, 2020. Increase the threshold to families earning up to 50% of the AMI and that number soars to over 200,000 Connecticut households. The Federal government's own estimate of need indicates that U.S. affordable housing programs are under-resourced to such a degree that only one out of every four income-eligible families is receiving assistance. As if that weren't enough, currently, over 150,000 Connecticut neighbors are at risk of eviction in the midst of the worst healthcare crisis of our lifetime ( CT Mirror, 12/21/2020).

Connecticut has failed to develop adequate plans to address this shortfall. Instead, the state continues to set arbitrary affordable housing goals at 10% of the housing stock in every community while analyses by OCA and others prove that this goal falls woefully short of the actual need for affordable housing options for Connecticut's families. Consider the Greater New Haven region. Were the towns in South Central region that are currently below the 10% threshold to reach it, an additional 7,000 units would be produced. Compare this to Fair Share analyses for the region that demonstrate that another 25,000 units are needed simply to support the lowest income severely housing burdened families.

The COVID-19 pandemic has caused economic disruption throughout our economy, hitting our lowest-income neighbors the most severe blow. Saved currently by the eviction moratorium from becoming unhoused, such measures have done little to stem the ever-mounting housing and utility arrearages nor to prevent eventual eviction for over 150,000 CT families.

We know the numbers. The need is clear.

And still, we are not making progress. Some may assume that it's because the solutions are not clear. But this is not the case. The solutions are known: we must increase the supply of affordable units; we must increase the availability of housing subsidy dollars used to assist families in accessing quality housing; and we must move families out of poverty and create wealth.

And yet the barriers to progress remain firmly entrenched in Connecticut's "steady habits" - inadequate funding for affordable housing preservation and development; lack of investment in urban communities; little to no development of affordable housing in suburban communities; zoning, local control, public housing jurisdiction restrictions and other limitations that work to prevent the development of a range of housing options; discriminatory practices and inadequate enforcement of fair housing laws; regressive taxation policies; insufficient workforce development and economic growth strategies and more combine to create a landscape in Connecticut that is cementing segregated housing patterns, creating wider gaps between income and housing costs, contributing to population loss and leaving far too many families in a housing crisis.

At Elm City Communities/Housing Authority of the City of New Haven, we have been working to create and implement a new vision for affordable housing. This vision rests on investment in our communities to create high-quality, mixed-income housing that meets residents' needs while simultaneously providing the services and supports necessary to build residents' earning power and economic self-sufficiency. After nearly 20 years of investment, we have rebuilt the majority of our developments, transforming communities.

And while we are poised to bring this development expertise to many other communities creating high-quality affordable housing options, we are limited by jurisdictional issues, zoning restraints, and inadequate funding that serve to maintain existing discriminatory housing patterns in our State. Connecticut's entrenched systems and approaches to affordable housing limit the ability to effectively desegregate communities and expand the opportunity for affordable housing into new communities.

Meanwhile, 130,000 of our lowest-income families suffer. In addition to the painful reality for these families, our state as a whole suffers from the lost economic growth, population decline, negative environmental impacts, and the moral and legal implications of continuing to practice illegal and discriminatory housing practices.

We know the numbers. The need is clear. The solutions are, too.

The good news, if there is some, is that we know how to address these issues. In a moment in time when attention is focused on the racial inequities in our state and country, we cannot miss the ways in which housing policy has been a primary tool in building the architecture of segregated communities and under-resourced urban settings while simultaneously building wealthy suburbs and segregated schools. Bold action is needed by our federal, state, and local policymakers to address this crisis.

H.B. No. 6430 is currently pending in the Connecticut State Legislature - An Act Concerning Housing Authority Jurisdiction. Housing authorities have become major developers of quality, mixed-income housing, and yet the state has placed artificial limitations on where they can develop. Housing authority developers with the means to create quality affordable options cannot get into new communities to build there. Meanwhile, in neighboring communities, development opportunities are stalled when developers struggle to finance developments in ways that include affordable units. Housing authority developers are asking to be treated as any other developer - subject to the same local processes - yet not hampered by state-imposed geographical restrictions.

Support for H.B. No. 6430 will create a pathway to the creation of new affordable housing to address the need in Connecticut. This solution by itself will not fix our problems, but it is a necessary part of the solution. You can act now. Raise your voice in support of this bill. The State Legislative Housing Committee will hold a public hearing on Thursday, at 11 am. Submit your testimony. Call or email your legislators. Let them know that this is the moment to take real steps toward creating racial and economic equity in Connecticut's housing policy. Legislators have the opportunity to pass real housing reform this session. Let's not miss the moment.
Karen DuBois-Walton, Ph.D. is the President of Elm City Communities/Housing Authority of the City of New Haven.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
H.B. 6430 -- the bold action needed to address the housing crisis

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
We know the numbers. The need is clear. Connecticut, like the nation, has been in the midst of a housing crisis -a crisis that predates the COVID-19 pandemic but has been exacerbated by it.

# data[].attributes.body
1. Policy report nonprofit
2. Newspaper article

# data[].attributes.body
Newspaper (NYT)
State Assembly page
Non-Profit Report
Political Report
Non-Profit Research Org
University webpage
National Center Database

# data[].attributes.body
1. Nonprofit policy report
2. NY Times article
3. Academic Article
4. Local article
5. Senate Bill link
6. Map of housing crisis
7. University project description
8. peer reviewed article
9. peer reviewed article

# data[].attributes.body
1. Online Newspaper article
2. brief of larger study
3. Government agency policy programs
4. Government agency program description
5. Advocacy group website
6. state policy memo

# data[].attributes.body
1. Report nonprofit
2. Newspaper article
3. News article
4. News article
5. Govt publication
6. nonprofit org
7. University article
8. govt publication
9. scholarly article

# data[].attributes.body
CT general assembly

# data[].attributes.body
1. Newspaper Report
2. CGA Subcommittee meeting
3. Report Non profit

# data[].attributes.body
-. U.S department of Health Sub agency
-. state data models
-. Ct.Gov press releases
-. news article

# data[].attributes.body
1. Policy report non-profit
2. NYT article
3. The Appeal article
4. New Haven Independent article
5. CT General Assembly website

# data[].attributes.body
1. news article
2. consensus study report
3. HRSA program info guide
4. Department of Ed Program initiative info
5. organization home page

# data[].attributes.body
Mapping America data analysis

# data[].attributes.body
CT General Assembly
Non profit report

# data[].attributes.body
1. Article
2. Health Administration
3. Report
4.

# data[].attributes.body
1. Policy Report from non profit
2. NYT article
3.  Academic Article
4. Political Report
5. Senate Bill
6. Urban Institute Research Project

# data[].attributes.body
policy report
newspaper articles

# data[].attributes.body
scholarly journal

# data[].attributes.body
JAMA network study/research

# data[].attributes.body
1.New York Times article
2.Nonprofit Policy report
3.University webpage

# data[].attributes.body
Nonprofit Policy report
Newspaper Article
Senate Bill
Urban Institute Research Project
American University Interviews

# data[].attributes.body
policy report

# data[].attributes.body
government websites

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.provider_name
River Journal Online - News for Tarrytown, Sleepy Hollow, Irvington, Ossining, Briarcliff Manor, Croton-on-Hudson, Cortlandt and Peekskill

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Op-Ed: How Joe Biden’s VAWA Affected Women Experiencing Homelessness and Poverty

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
As the election came to a close just a few weeks ago, it’s important to note one of the most influential campaigns of President-elect, Joe Biden’s, career as a senator––The […]

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.courant.com/opinion/op-ed/hc-op-expand-voting-options-20210213-qtifqur2azfkvou5ra5ebtanx4-story.html

1. Polling
2. Public Opinion Survey

# data[].attributes.body
1. Resignation announcement
2. Department of Justice article
3. Op-Ed on similar topic
4. Death Penalty Information Center stats
5. Articles on actions of Senator Durbin
6. BBC News Announcement
7. News article
8. News article on initial arrest
9. Link to House Bill
10. Link to State Bill
11. Article 37 of UN Act
12. News article on governor
13. Link to house bill

# data[].attributes.body
government websites

# data[].attributes.body
1. Nonprofit organization
2. nonprofit org
3. Govt publication
4. News article
5.nonprofit

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.capitalgazette.com/opinion/columns/ph-ac-ce-column-adams-0602-20160602-story.html

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.courant.com/opinion/op-ed/hc-op-alderman-bottle-bill-0215-20200215-6tbscvjvpvehlaze2g6o2ychei-story.html

# data[].attributes.body
Letter to US Department of Health and Human Services

New England Journal of Medicine

Governor.ny.gov

# data[].attributes.body
1. National Study on Sexual
Harassment and Assault
2. Academic Journal Article
3. Non-profit Website
4. Obama WH Archived Files

# data[].attributes.body
Official Bill FAQ page
Official Bill Resource Guide
Audit Report

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.art-critique.com/en/2020/11/deaccessioning-artwork-the-complex-problem-facing-museums/

1. Association of Art Museums Directors website
2. News articles (ARTnews)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Deaccessioning artwork: the complex problem facing museums

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The term “deaccessioning” has become a dirty word in the museum world since COVID-19 began. The complex practice of putting an art collection object up for sale

# data[].attributes.body
1. direct interviews with directors of facilities/non profits
2. CT general assembly
3. Connecticut Charts-A-Course registry
4. Interviews with people who actively work within the focus area of the issues

# data[].attributes.body
1. consensus study report from NA
2. US Department of Education
3.

# data[].attributes.body
data bases

# data[].attributes.body
1.  National Association of Drug Court Professionals Report
2. Anne Arundel County Department of Health Report

# data[].attributes.body
blogs

# data[].attributes.body
2. Congressional Budget Office Research report
3. CMS Research report
4. NYT Article
5.  Expert testimony
6. Non-profit research

# data[].attributes.body
2. health report
3.  Global news

# data[].attributes.body
1.New York Times article
2.Bloomberg article

# data[].attributes.body
1. policy advocacy organization brief of report
2. online newspaper article
3. advocacy organization website
4. Proposed state bill webpage

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
CT Package & Convenience Stores Fight Proposed Alcohol Sale Plans

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
A bill proposed in the Connecticut Legislature, HB6101, would allow grocery stores to sell wine, and big box stores to sell beer.

# data[].attributes.body
1. Public Testimonies from state representatives
2. Newspaper Report
3. Connecticut General Assembly Bill
4. New England Convenience Store & Energy Marketers Association