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Just because a black person looks poor does not mean he or she is they could be more rich than you. And cops can have a suspicion on a person to.

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cops can arrest the wrong person in witch that person can sue

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treat people like us don't treat black people different because they are just like us white people.

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racial profiling is bad to the environment because if you work at a shop people might say not to go to your shop because you profiled them

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never say bad thing to a black person because you could end up somewhere you don't want to be

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racial profiling is bad because you could get hurt if you call someone with a skin color a word

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racial profiling pictures - Google Search

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this is my counterclaim article.

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Rejoinder to Satzewich and Shaffir on "Racism versus Professionalism: Claims and Counter-claims about Racial Profiling" | Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice

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i picked this because of it show that black people get pulled over more than white people.

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racial profiling pictures - Google Search

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cops arrest black people because they think it is a person that got out of prison.

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i picked this because it is a great peace of advice.

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Being randomly stopped and questioned by the police is par for the course for black men in America. It's an injustice so familiar that it barely registers as an injustice. That's something I knew intellectually. Still, I was stunned when officers stopped me while walking on my law school campus back in the spring of 2011.

From that stop and my subsequent complaint came a series of events that changed my life forever. That interaction led to the ruin of my reputation as a student and it almost ended my legal career before it started. Moreover, it confirmed for me, not just how unfairly people of color are treated by police, but the tremendous risk that comes with speaking up about that mistreatment.

The law gives police officers incredible leeway when it comes to stops. Ever since Terry v. Ohio, the watershed 1968 Supreme Court case, officers have been permitted to stop and search anyone without probable cause, so long as the officer has a "reasonable suspicion" that the person is armed, or that he or she has committed, or is about to commit, a crime.

These stops are carried out at vastly higher rates within communities of color and, more often than not, don't result in arrests. Black and brown men are disproportionately targeted. In fact, studies confirm that black men are as much as five times more likely to be stopped and searched by police than our white counterparts.

When translated into the everyday, that figure means that black men live our lives knowing that we could be stopped by a police officer any time we're in public. We can't educate our way out of that injustice; we don't get too famous or celebrated for it, and we can't relocate or dress a certain way to escape it.

When we share our stories about these stops-which are often unnecessarily rough and disrespectful-with others, we're often dismissed. That's at worst. At best, we're encouraged to file official complaints or publicize our experiences. Doing either, however, is extremely risky. My last semester in law school confirmed this dark truth.

I was walking home from a party on the evening of April 1, 2011, when I was stopped by two officers from the University of Virginia Police Department. They told me that I "fit the description" of a man they were looking for. Soon, I was pushed against their car as they searched my body for weapons and went through my wallet. Humiliated, I complied with their every command.

At the end of the encounter, which turned up nothing, the officers mocked me when I asked for their names and badge numbers. They refused to give me either but followed closely behind me in their patrol car as I hurried home.

I was fuming in the days that followed and, when I told my friends what happened, most encouraged me to file an official complaint with the police department. I was still a bit shaken up and apprehensive about interacting with police officers again so soon. Plus, I didn't think a formal complaint would be taken seriously. But at the urging of one of my professors, I decided to write an article in the campus paper to explain to my fellow law school students what happened to me and its implications.

The piece was published as a letter to the editor in the Law Weekly, the University of Virginia Law School's newspaper. The public outcry was swift and powerful with the larger Charlottesville community in disbelief that such a terrible thing could happen at UVA. They demanded the two officers be identified and disciplined.

Within hours, the police department assured the campus community that it would lead an internal investigation and justice would be served. Outrage grew with multiple newspapers, off and on campus, covering the story. To be sure, I felt vindicated. I had successfully shared my story with the public and alerted the police department to the behavior of its officers, I thought. Even more, I was relieved that I had been able to speak the truth about the abuse of power without recrimination. For a moment, I even considered that my fears regarding retaliation had been unfounded. I couldn't have been more wrong.

On May 5, 2011, I was studying with a classmate when I received a call on my cell phone from an FBI special agent who said he was waiting for me at my car and needed to speak to me privately. I met the agent at the doors of the law school a little while later and I was surprised to see that he was accompanied by two lieutenants from the University of Virginia Police Department. The four of us went to a small interview room in the dean of students' office.

What proceeded was an exchange that lasted more than two hours and felt more like an interrogation than a conversation.

I expressed surprise that the FBI had become involved. The agent responded that he had been sent by the head of the FBI's Richmond Division and that the bureau planned to open a civil rights investigation. But instead of asking me to recount my story as one might expect, the agent laid out a set of consequences if I continued to press my complaint.

He said that a swarm of FBI agents would descend upon Charlottesville to question my friends, family, and classmates. He said that agents would visit the office of the Philadelphia law firm where I had a post-graduation job lined up. He explained in no uncertain terms that these consequences and others were inevitable so long as I maintained my allegations.

It's only in retrospect that I began to suspect the agent was brought in by the police department to apply pressure in order to obtain a public, police-friendly resolution to what had become a high-profile self-investigation. At the time, I was just scared. So I yielded and agreed to sign a statement, dictated by the agent, that recanted the facts set forth in my letter to the editor. Doing so has been my life's chief regret.

The morning following the interrogation, the university issued a press release announcing my recantation. It made no mention of the FBI. Still, the recantation was widely covered in the media, causing the campus community's outrage to mushroom and shift from the police department to me.

Countless editorials branded me a liar, a race-baiter, the Boy Who Cried Wolf, and a prime example of the problem with affirmative action. I lost the law firm job I had secured. My reputation within the legal community was tarnished before I had even received my JD. Indeed, the event continues to cast a shadow over my entire life, both personal and professional.

I was eventually brought up on honor code charges by UVA's Honor Committee due to public perception that I had fabricated my story about the police stop. Being found guilty would mean removal from the university.

That July, an honor jury heard a full day of corroborative testimony from classmates, professors, and others who were involved in the ordeal. The jury also heard from the two lieutenants who insisted their internal investigation was above board. They even claimed to possess surveillance footage that definitively proved I was never stopped by police. (Of course, they never produced any such video footage.)

After hearing all of the facts, including detail of the FBI's secret involvement, the Honor Committee acquitted me, permitting me to remain at the university. In the following months, the law school's academic affairs committee conducted a second, independent investigation. It examined all of the relevant facts and conferred my law degree.

I stayed silent through it all out of fear of making matters worse and have maintained that silence until now. The University of Virginia Police Department and FBI have also been relatively quiet in the years since. I suspect that's more out of cautiousness than fear.

The police department refused to release any case files in response to a Freedom of Information Act request I made in 2014 and has never publicly acknowledged the role of an FBI agent in its investigation. Likewise, an FOIA request I made to the FBI in August failed to return any record of official FBI involvement in my case, further suggesting the agent's involvement was unofficial.

All of this happened to me because I supposedly fit a description, was hassled by the police and shared my experience.

My story is unusual in that I was a law student at a top university, and I made a public complaint that snowballed into a local controversy. It began, however, with a tragically ordinary event: the routine stop of a black man by the police. And despite the unique spectacle that my case became, I was presented with a dilemma that countless others face-I was forced to decide between ignoring what I believed was an injustice and speaking up regardless of the consequences.

That's a choice that no one should have to make.

Individuals on the receiving end of questionable stops should feel comfortable to file and publicize their complaints against the police. Creating that comfort will require, in part, a new approach to handling complaints. Neutral third-party investigators, improved policies within police departments and the involvement of civilian review boards are all things that may help.

If police departments are allowed to continue as they have, however-investigating themselves and intimidating complainants-I'm certain that humiliating and demoralizing encounters like mine, not to mention interactions with far graver consequences, will continue, under-reported and unaddressed. That spells disaster for our nation's criminal justice system.

Citizen complaints are, after all, the first building block of accountability. And if we can't clear the low bar of making it safe for citizens to file complaints, we don't stand a chance of making the rest of the system to work.
Johnathan S. Perkins serves as an attorney at the Office of the General Counsel at Harvard University. After earning his J.D. from the University of Virginia School of Law, Perkins practiced at a Philadelphia law firm where he advised colleges and universities on a wide range of matters including compliance, investigations, employment, and student affairs.

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A 'Routine' Stop Almost Ended My Career Before It Started

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Being randomly stopped and questioned by the police is par for the course for black men in America. It's an injustice so familiar that it barely registers as an injustice. That's something I knew intellectually. Still, I was stunned when officers stopped me while walking on my law school campus back in the spring of 2011.

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i picked this because this guy is not alowing a black family to come swim and he isn´t even the owner of the pool.

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The new update rather on another racially towns confrontation caught on camera and going viral the man who called police on a black woman. He suspected did not belong at the community pool as she calls it a case of racial profile lane and now we're learning what his lawyer has to say about it Alley BC's Zachary Keith joins us about the details acrid good morning. Then I'm Paula good morning you're right it feels like you've been here before that call the police over pool access has been released and now. The attorney for the guy who's at the center of this whole thing is saying his client is getting death threats. And had to move his family from their home for safety. This morning the man at the center of this pool confrontation that's gone viral now out of a job as police reveal more about how it all went down. Linda this day that I have to show my teens my whom my home home. This is Adam bloom confronting jasmine Edwards and her son. Mom and son hoping to ensure their private community pool in North Carolina on the fourth of July just like everyone else. But bloom has serious questions over whether they should be there it was maybe swimming in things escalate quickly when bloom. Chairman for the homeowner's association. Calls police. Other non resident repeatedly. You can never be happy to have it here he showed tonight benefit. IDs are required for the pool. This Edwards says she was targeted because of a rate I. I believe his resume compiling but his lawyer says the video was incomplete and misleading bloom approached Edwards at the request of another resident and their bloom. Is deeply regretful that does enforcement of the rules appeared to be. Racially motivated what the video does prove is it Edwards is a resident. Purdue this gentleman that this turns during her way. Turns drain in an unlocked staying there you go sir. Terrific do you want to apologize I don't watch the. This just the latest incident showing white people calling the cops some black folks for doing every day things hero woman called police and a young girl. For selling water. It in this video the woman called police on a group having a Coca. Back at North Carolina bloom lost his day job and resign from his post with the HO way damn I feel like. We're having these conversations week in and week out review this quite a bit. Challenging to confront. This issue of race in this country if you look at this particular issue in terms of swimming pools of long legacy of that in this country. A little research will show that. The fight to keep. Pools. Segregated was even stronger than that four public schools in some cases so. You know this is this is nothing new on some of such a painful topic Decker and Ingrid had an Gary much.

This transcript has been automatically generated and may not be 100% accurate.

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Video: Man accused of racial profiling after calling police on black family at private pool

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The new update rather on another racially towns confrontation caught on camera and going viral the man who called police on a black woman. He suspected did not belong at the community pool as she calls it a case of racial profile lane and now we're learning what his lawyer has to say about it Alley BC's Zachary Keith joins us about the details acrid good morning.

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i picked this because a black person went to the bathroom playing jazz, so what he likes jazz.

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Last week, the fear that two black men would siphon free WiFi, jazz, and bathroom breaks from a Philadelphia Starbucks drove the coffee shop's manager to call local law enforcement for backup, creating yet one more media spectacle highlighting the disparate treatment of black Americans in the criminal justice system.

The decision to accuse the men of trespassing confused many familiar with Starbucks because the chain is renowned for its open, hospitable stores. Indeed, the company has proudly marketed itself as a "third place between home and work" where people can casually meet, relax and, yes, use the restroom.

This week, the eagerness of a Starbucks employee to criminalize black men for something many of the store's visitors do regularly earned the singular ire of Twitter users, elected officials, and racial advocacy groups alike, but the coffee shop is far from the only company practicing this type of profiling.

In retail, fear of black criminality regularly shows up in policies and practices across stores and sectors. From bodegas to big-box retailers, businesses and their customers often treat black people as inherently criminal, prone to violence and theft. This bias has driven a number of high-profile police brutality scandals in recent years.

A series of loitering complaints led to Eric Garner's death at the hands of a police officer. John Crawford, III was shot to death by an officer in a Walmart aisle because other shoppers thought he looked menacing carrying an air rifle sold in the store. Martese Johnson, then a student at UVA, was simply having a beer with classmates when officers violently confronted, detained and arrested him in 2015.

And from coast to coast, the fear that black men, women, and children will steal everything from artichoke dip to deep conditioner drives retailers to retrofit their stores with bulletproof glass, plaster "no restroom" signs on the walls, and threaten the use of police violence liberally.

In 2015, the Georgetown Business Improvement District was exposed for partnering with police via GroupMe to surveil "suspicious" blacks in the popular Washington, D.C. shopping area. January of this year, a woman sued Walmart for the discriminatory practice of locking up (and escorting customers to) its black hair products in one Southern California store. And just last month in Independence, Mo., Applebee's issued an apology after employees at one of the chain's restaurants called the police on two black patrons. The customers apparently fit the description of two other black women, one "skinny" and the other "who wore makeup," who had dined and dashed the day before.

For individuals on the receiving end of this treatment, the experience of being surveilled, followed, questioned, searched, and sometimes ejected from stores is so routine that "shopping while black" is a staple of the infamous "talk" between black parents and children. And it is so ubiquitous, prominent black figures from Oprah Winfrey to President Barack Obama have attested to being harassed while shopping.

Such incidents may register as minor on the scale of negative interactions black Americans have in our society but they're still significant. They matter because they're often the prelude to encounters with police. Indeed, when businesses and their employees find criminality in actions as banal as sitting while black, they are working as first responders in America's manic system of over-policing.

That's perhaps the biggest takeaway from the shameful incident at Starbucks: that racism in our criminal justice system doesn't just start with the biased police, prosecutors and policymakers; it's everywhere, even your friendly neighborhood coffee shop.
Aaron Ross Coleman is a New York City-based journalist. He writes at the intersection of race, business, and economics.

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Last week, the fear that two black men would siphon free WiFi, jazz, and bathroom breaks from a Philadelphia Starbucks drove the coffee shop's manager to call local law enforcement for backup, creating yet one more media spectacle highlighting the disparate treatment of black Americans in the criminal justice system.

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i picked this because it is a good story about racial profiling.

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Perspectives from those who work and live in the criminal justice system.

My son is big for his age. At only 16, he's already 6 feet 4 inches and 225 pounds. As he grew, I began to have a lot of anxiety because I knew he could get mistaken as an adult. And being an adult black male in St. Louis - like anywhere in America - can be uniquely dangerous, especially when the police are involved.

So recently my son and I began having The Conversation: What to do if he gets stopped by a police officer.

No matter what's going on, I tell him, stay quiet. Keep your eyes down. Lower your shoulders. Let the air out of your chest. Get the bass out of your voice. Sound as much like a child as possible. And above all, do not make any sudden moves.

Whatever they ask you to do, I tell him, you do.

They are going to jiggle your balls searching for drugs. Your face is going to get dirty, and so are your new clothes, because they're going to have you on your stomach. Be ready for these things.

At first, my son didn't quite get it. One day, as we role-played an encounter with the police, he asked, "Mom, well what if it's cold, don't I have a right to just reach back and grab my jacket? What if I drop my phone, can I just pick it back up? What if my nose is running, am I supposed to stand there with snot running down my chin?"

"Let it run down to your ankles if you have to," I said.

He thought he had the right to voice an opinion, to tell an officer he was wrong. The only right you have, I told him, is to make it home alive. Me explaining in court that my son was right in his actions, but dead as a doorknob, is not going to help me.

I know all too well the importance of being subservient to law enforcement. Over the years, I've been pulled over by the police for lots of stupid things. Once the officer said it was because my license plate was dirty. My son, who was in the car with me at the time, was so confused. "It's not dirty," he told me. "You should say something." And I kept shaking my head no. I had to teach him it didn't matter who was right or wrong, only that we made it out of that situation alive.

Still, traffic stops have resulted in me getting jailed many times in St. Louis County, Mo., often over unpaid fines for minor driving-related infractions. It's a common problem for folks in my area who are financially strapped, especially people of color. Public transportation is very limited, so you need a car. When you're making nine dollars an hour, and the rent is due at the same time as the car insurance, the car insurance waits for the next check. Not because you're trying to cheat the system, but because you're trying to provide for your family. But before you get that next check, you get pulled over for no reason and caught. What happens then? You go on the run. Or you just don't drive in certain areas. Or you accumulate the warrants and you wait.

When my son was small, having him in the car didn't keep me from getting pulled over, but it did keep me from going to jail; officers would let me go rather than take me in along with a young child. But he wasn't always there. I remember the first time I had to call to tell my son I wasn't coming home because I was in jail over traffic tickets. He was about 10 years old, and he just cried and cried.

As my son got bigger, I would sometimes either have him slouch down in the back seat or else we just wouldn't go through certain municipalities because it looked like two black adults in the car, rather than a mother and her young son.

I know that my son has been affected by my experiences with police. But it was when Michael Brown was shot by an officer in nearby Ferguson, when my son was 12 years old, that he lost some of his innocence. At his school, it was all about the Pledge of Allegiance, that we're all American citizens, and kumbaya with the world. But he saw that the reality of living in St. Louis as a black man didn't match those ideals. One time he said, "I don't think the U.S. Constitution applies in Missouri." He thought that because of what he was witnessing in his own community.

My son turned 16 in August, and I still have not let him drive. I'm too worried he'll get pulled over by police. At first, I told him, "Wait until next summer." Or, "I'll teach you when you make all As." But right now he has a 3.7 GPA. Sometimes when he asks me to teach him, I just ask, "So I can get you out of jail?"

I think he's starting to get it. If my mom can get locked up for traffic stuff, I don't stand a chance. He hasn't said a word about getting his license or driving a car in awhile now.

My challenge is: How do I give my son the hope that he can be a productive member of society, but at the same time, let him see society in its ugly, bare-naked truth? My choice has been, I'd prefer to let him know how to really navigate life as it is rather than say: You can be president!

You can be anything you want to be when you grow up! Except, that is, for being black while driving through certain parts of St. Louis.

Meredith Walker, 47, is a plaintiff in a class-action lawsuit filed by ArchCity Defenders in 2016 that alleges residents of the city of Florissant, particularly African-Americans, have been jailed improperly and unconstitutionally solely because they could not afford court fines and fees arising from tickets and other minor offenses.

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A Black Mother's Survival Guide for Her Teenage Son

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Perspectives from those who work and live in the criminal justice system. My son is big for his age. At only 16, he's already 6 feet 4 inches and 225 pounds. As he grew, I began to have a lot of anxiety because I knew he could get mistaken as an adult.

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this is a good claim because it shows how bad racial profiling is.

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Racial profiling occurs when a judgment is made about an individual based on the color of their skin or the appearance of a specific ethnicity. It is a practice that can be performed by anyone, but in terms of statistics collection, it is a subject matter that is tracked by law enforcement officials.

The United States has held that racial profiling violates the Constitutional requirement that all people be accorded an equal protection under the law.

Not only does racial profiling offer evidence of engrained personal bias, it is often encouraged by misguided policies or incentives that promote higher arrest rates, fine rates, or other enforcement strategies.

To some, this may be a subject that is "no big deal." These racial profiling statistics prove otherwise.

The Racial Profiling Statistics that Everyone Needs to Know

1. African-American/Black drivers are twice as likely (4.5% vs. 2.1%) to be arrested during a traffic stop. (The Leadership Conference)

2. 65% of Hispanic drivers are likely to receive a ticket during a traffic stop. This is higher than Caucasian/White drivers (56%) or African-American/Black drivers (55.8%). (The Leadership Conference)

3. Whites/Caucasians are twice more likely to receive a verbal warning for their conduct in a vehicle when compared to Blacks/African-Americans. (The Leadership Conference)

4. Blacks/African-Americans are 3 times more likely to be searched during a police stop as a motorist compared to Whites/Caucasians. Hispanics are 2.5 times more likely to be searched during a police stop compared to Whites/Caucasians. (The Leadership Conference)

5. A study of State Police conduct in Arizona showed that the highway patrol was 3.5 times more likely to search a stopped Native American and 2.5 times more likely to search a stopped African-American/Black or Hispanic individual when compared to Whites/ Caucasians. (The Leadership Conference)

6. The probability of being black, unarmed, and shot by police is about 3.49 times the probability of being white, unarmed, and shot by police on average. (Vanity Fair)

7. When factoring in threat levels, black Americans who are fatally shot by police are less likely to be posing an imminent lethal threat to officers at the moment they are killed than white Americans fatally shot by police. (Washington Post/ Vanity Fair)

8. An analysis of lethal force used by police in 2015 found no correlation between the level of violent crime in some area and that area's police killing rates. (Vanity Fair)

9. In San Francisco, although black people accounted for less than 15% of all traffic stops in 2015, they accounted for over 42% of all non-consent searches which occurred following the stop. Blacks/African-Americans and Hispanics also had the lowest rates of contraband recovered. (Vanity Fair)

10. African-Americans/Blacks are twice as likely as Whites/Caucasians to be searched during a vehicle stop as a driver, even after controlling for non-race variables such as the reason why the stop was initiated. They are also found to be in possession of contraband 26% less often than Whites/Caucasians. (Vanity Fair)

11. In Chicago, the city's own data shows that Blacks/African-Americans and Hispanics were searched 4 times more often than Whites/Caucasians, but contraband was found in the possession of white drivers twice as often. (Vanity Fair)

12. In 4 states in the US, police officers are more likely to stop Black drivers for no discernible reason. They are also more likely to use force if the driver is Black, even when physical resistance is not encountered. (New York Times)

13. The NYPD conducted 4.4 million stop and frisk searches between January 2004 and June 2012 before the practice was determined to be a violation of Constitutional rights. 88% of those stop and frisk searches resulted in no further action. 83% of those who were stopped were either Black or Hispanic, even though the two groups combined make up less than half of the population in the city. (Vanity Fair)

14. Ferguson, Missouri police were found to be violating Constitutional rights by the Department of Justice, but 1,581 police departments in the United States arrest Blacks/African-Americans at rates that are even more skewed. (USA Today)

15. At least 70 police departments in the United States arrest Blacks/African-Americans at 10 times the rate they arrest people who are not black. (USA Today)

16. In Dearborn, MI about 4% of the population is not white, but people who are not white make up more than half of all the arrests which occur. From 2011-2012, Dearborn police reported arresting 4,500 individuals who were African-American/Black, which was 500 more people in that racial category than actually lived in the city. (USA Today)

17. A study in Cincinnati found that black drivers had longer stops and higher search rates than white drivers. When researchers matched stops involving black drivers with similarly situated white drivers, those who were stopped at the same time, place, and context had no differences. (NIJ)

18. A Department of Justice investigation into the Seattle Police Department found that more than half of the cases that involved unnecessary or excessive use of force involved minorities. The investigation also found that, regardless of race or ethnicity, police were using force unconstitutionally in about 1 in every 5 incidents. (Vanity Fair)

19. A governor's task force that examined police-on-police shootings found that 90% of off-duty police officers that were killed by other police officers in a case of mistaken identity since 1982 were either Black or Latino. (New York Times)

20. In a study of police practices in Oakland, CA officers handcuffed 2,890 African-Americans/Blacks, but did not arrest them, in a 13-month period. In the same period of time, only 193 Caucasians/Whites were handcuffed without arrest. When Oakland police officers pulled over a vehicle, but didn't arrest anyone, 72 white people were handcuffed, but so were 1,446 African-Americans/Blacks. (Washington Post)

21. In simulations, police officers take an extra 0.23 seconds on average before firing at a Black suspect compared to firing at a white suspect who is unarmed. (Washington State University)

22. In Los Angeles, the Black stop rate is 3,400 stops higher than the White stop rate, while the Hispanic stop rate was almost 360 stops higher per 10,000 residents. (The Leadership Council)

23. Relative to stopped Whites, stopped Blacks in LA were 127% more likely to be frisked and Hispanics were 43% more likely to be frisked. Blacks were also 76% more likely to be searched compared to Whites. (The Leadership Council)

24. Only 173 police departments out of 3,538 that were examined arrested Black people at a rate that was equal or lower than other racial groups. (USA Today)

Racial Profiling Trends and Analysis

Racial profiling statistics are often seen in the eye of the beholder. Yet there is plenty of research data and facts to suggest that there is a certain potential bias in policing when it comes to minority population. Many propose that this is due to a few "bad" officers.

However, the clear trend is that these instances are becoming more prominent with each passing year. This may be partly due to the increase of smart phones and social media. Today, many of these incidents are getting filmed and instantly spread across mediums like Facebook and Twitter. Thirty years ago, this was not the case.

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24 Frightening Racial Profiling Statistics

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Racial profiling occurs when a judgment is made about an individual based on the color of their skin or the appearance of a specific ethnicity. It is a practice that can be performed by anyone, but in terms of statistics collection, it is a subject matter that is tracked by law enforcement officials.