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What do historians think about Martin Luther King?

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What do historians think about Martin Luther King?

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Read the sheet and then answer the questions in your book.

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Do you think Martin Luther King achieved his dream?

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Do you think Martin Luther King achieved his dream?

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Stephen Lawrence killing

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As the 25th anniversary of the murder of teenager Stephen Lawrence approaches, his mother Doreen has suggested it is time for the police investigation to be closed.
It is one of the recent developments in the long-running story surrounding Stephen's murder in 1993.

Read the timeline to find out more about the case:

The 18-year-old is stabbed to death in an unprovoked attack by a gang of white youths as he waits at a bus stop in Eltham, south-east London, with his friend Duwayne Brooks.

23 April 1993 - Suspects identified

The day after the murder, a letter giving the names of the suspects is left in a telephone box. Police surveillance begins on their homes four days later.

Stephen's family hold a press conference to complain not enough is being done to catch the killers. They meet Nelson Mandela two days later.

Police arrest brothers Neil and Jamie Acourt, David Norris, Gary Dobson and Luke Knight, and search their homes. Neil Acourt and Luke Knight are identified by Duwayne Brooks at ID parades as part of the gang responsible and the pair are charged with murder. They deny the charges.

29 July 1993 - Charges dropped

The CPS drops the prosecution as it says the ID evidence from Duwayne Brooks is unreliable.

22 December 1993 - Inquest halted

The Southwark coroner, Sir Montague Levine, halts an inquest into Stephen's death after the family's barrister, Michael Mansfield QC, says there is "dramatic" new evidence.

There is insufficient evidence to bring charges based on the new evidence, which was believed to be the identification of further suspects - the CPS says.

Stephen's parents, Doreen and Neville Lawrence, launch a private prosecution against Gary Dobson, Luke Knight and Neil Acourt. All three deny the charges. A private prosecution is the same as a standard criminal trial but not brought by the CPS.

December 1994 - Police surveillance

Covert video shot over several days in Dobson's flat captures him and Norris using strong racist and violent language. Neil Acourt and Luke Knight are also caught on camera using violent and racist language.

The murder trial begins against Neil Acourt, Luke Knight and Gary Dobson at the Old Bailey. But the case collapses when Mr Justice Curtis rules that identification evidence from Brooks is inadmissible. All three are acquitted.

13 February 1997 - Inquest verdict

The inquest resumes and the five suspects refuse to answer questions. A verdict of unlawful killing "in a completely unprovoked racist attack by five youths" is delivered by Sir Montague.

The Daily Mail newspaper uses its front page to name the five men it says killed Stephen Lawrence. It invites them to sue if it is wrong.

The Kent Constabulary launches its probe into police conduct, which nine months later highlights "significant weaknesses, omissions and lost opportunities". But it says there is no evidence of racist conduct.

July 1997 - Public inquiry announced

Home Secretary Jack Straw says there will be a judicial inquiry into the killing and subsequent investigation - to identify lessons for police in dealing with racially motivated crimes. It will be chaired by Sir William Macpherson, a retired High Court judge.

March 1998 - Inquiry opens

The five suspects are told to give evidence or face prosecution. In June, they appear and are pelted with bottles by protesters as they leave, after being accused of being evasive.

July 1998 - Police apology

The Lawrence family call on the Met Police Commissioner Sir Paul Condon to resign. He apologises to them when he appears in October, admitting there had been failures.

It accuses the Metropolitan Police of institutional racism and makes 70 recommendations, many aimed at improving police attitudes to racism. It also includes some proposals for changes in the law, including strengthening the Race Relations Act to try to clamp down on discrimination.
September 2002 - Norris jailed
David Norris and former suspect Neil Acourt (right) are jailed for 18 months for a racist attack on an off-duty police officer in Eltham in 2001. Norris, a passenger in a car driven by Acourt, threw a drink and shouted racist abuse at the black officer.

May 2004 - Trial ruled out

The CPS finally announces there is insufficient evidence to prosecute anyone for Stephen's murder following a review.

Government drops the legal principle which prevents suspects being tried twice for the same crime.

July 2006 - BBC documentary

A BBC documentary investigating the case raises fresh questions about the prime suspects, prompting the Metropolitan Police to review their evidence. In October 2007, the Independent Police Complaints Commission says it has found no evidence of wrong-doing by an officer as alleged in part of the documentary.

November 2007 - Forensics review

Police confirm they are investigating new forensic evidence in the case after a police review, staffed by 32 officers, was launched the previous summer. It examined evidence gathered at the time, looking at opportunities to use new technology to find leads.

February 2008 - Memorial opens

Doreen Lawrence opens a £10m architecture centre in honour of her son. Two weeks later vandals smash its windows in a suspected racist attack.

February 2009 - Report anniversary

Ten years on from the Macpherson inquiry, a report from a member of its panel, Dr Richard Stone, says the police have made significant progress in reforming but charges of racism remain. Justice Secretary Jack Straw says the Met is no longer institutionally racist, but Stephen's mother says police still fail black Britons.

July 2010 - Dobson jailed

Gary Dobson starts a five-year jail term for supplying a class B drug after being caught during a sting by the Serious Organised Crime Agency (Soca).

Gary Dobson and David Norris are to face trial over the murder of Stephen Lawrence following a review of forensic evidence. The Court of Appeal decides there is enough new and substantial evidence to allow Dobson's acquittal to be quashed. The pair had been charged the previous September.

November 2011 - Trial begins

The trial of Dobson and Norris begins at the Old Bailey. The jury hears that Stephen's DNA was found on the defendants' clothes.

January 2012 - Guilty of murder

Dobson and Norris are both found guilty of murder at the end of a six-week trial into the death of Stephen Lawrence. During the trial, the court hears that microscopic evidence found on clothing belonging to the accused links them to the murder. The jury takes two-and-a-half days to reach its decision. Both men receive life sentences; Dobson is jailed for a minimum of 15 years and two months, Norris for 14 years and three months.

The prime minister calls for an immediate investigation into reports the police wanted to smear Stephen Lawrence's family. The Guardian claims former officer Peter Francis went under cover to infiltrate the family's campaign for justice in 1993. Mr Francis tells the paper and Channel 4's Dispatches programme he was looking for "disinformation" to use against those criticising the police.

On a dramatic day of developments, a review into the original murder investigation - by the barrister Mark Ellison - finds that an undercover Met Police officer worked within the "Lawrence family camp" while an inquiry into the handling of the murder was under way.

It also finds there are reasonable grounds to suspect at least one detective on the team was corrupt. This leads Home Secretary Theresa May to announce a new public inquiry into undercover policing.

A separate report into Operation Herne - an investigation launched by the Met into the allegations made by former undercover officer Peter Francis - finds no evidence to back claims he was tasked to smear the Lawrence family. But it does find failings regarding allegations about undercover officers indulging in inappropriate sexual relationships.

A public inquiry into the abuse of undercover techniques by police officers is launched. While its scope is wide - it includes, for example, the use of dead children's names in fake identities - one of its main focus points is the infiltration of the Lawrence campaign for justice.

Over the next three years the inquiry suffers setbacks due to a burgeoning list of participants and issues around revealing the identities of former undercover police officers.

In March 2018, campaigners stage a walk-out during proceedings and call for the inquiry's current chair, Sir John Mitting, to step down from his post.

The National Crime Agency (NCA) confirms it has been investigating alleged police corruption during 1993 murder inquiry for months.

The new investigation is prompted by the findings of the 2014 Ellison review. Any findings are to be reported back to the police watchdog and could result in criminal or misconduct proceedings.

The police watchdog finds ex-Met Police commander Richard Walton would have had to answer a case for misconduct after meeting an undercover police officer during the Stephen Lawrence inquiry.

Mr Walton met the officer in 1998, allegedly obtaining information about the Lawrence family and their supporters.

The watchdog said he would have faced a disciplinary hearing but had retired. Lawyers for Neville Lawrence unsuccessfully urged the force to halt Mr Walton's retirement earlier that year.

Mr Walton said the Met had rejected the watchdog's findings and "did not plan to bring misconduct proceedings".

Scotland Yard announces it has received "significant information" after a BBC Crimewatch reconstruction.

Detectives attempt to identify a woman whose DNA was on a handbag strap found close to the murder scene and a separate possible witness.

The Met says the investigation into Stephen's murder is "unlikely to progress" without new information.

Doreen Lawrence tells the Daily Mail she believes detectives have run out of lines of inquiry and calls on them to "be honest" about the likelihood that anyone else will be convicted over his murder.

Neville Lawrence tells BBC News he would accept the inquiry being scaled back but believed it should not be completely closed.

Dr Lawrence adds he remains hopeful that, with the publicity around the 25th anniversary of his son's death and a BBC documentary, Stephen: The Murder That Changed A Nation, someone would come forward.

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Stephen Lawrence murder: A timeline of how the story unfolded

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A timeline setting out the history of the Stephen Lawrence case.

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Create a poster on the methods of campaign

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Create a poster on the methods of campaign

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Research another important leader in the Civil Rights Movement that we have not learnt about. Put together an A4 page or make your own Padlet wall about that person.

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Research another important leader in the Civil Rights Movement that we have not learnt about. Put together an A4 page or make your own Padlet wall about that person.

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How important were they?
What did they do for Civil Rights?

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What else would you like to know about this topic that has not been covered?

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What else would you like to know about this topic that has not been covered?

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Write your ideas down.

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What can you infer from this image about how Black (and White) people fought for Civil Rights?

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What can you infer from this image about how Black (and White) people fought for Civil Rights?

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Write an answer in your books.
From the image I can infer that...
Details in the source that tell me this...

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Who was more important to the Civil Rights Movement, Martin Luther King or Malcolm X? Why?

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Complete in your books

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Have the Goals of the Civil Rights Movement been achieved? Watch the video.

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Fifty years after the Selma to Montgomery marches, Americans see progress, but 54 percent (including 72 percent of blacks) think only some or none of the goals of Martin Luther King and the 1960s civil rights movement have been achieved. Forty-three percent think most or all of the goals have been met.

The Selma to Montgomery marches of 1965 culminated in the 1965 Voting Rights Act - a landmark piece of legislation that led to the enfranchisement of blacks in the South, who faced multiple barriers to voting despite the guarantees laid out in the 14th and 15th Amendments to the U.S. Constitution.

Looking back, nine in 10 Americans think the Voting Rights Act of 1965 was necessary, including overwhelming majorities regardless of race, political affiliation, age, and region of the country.

And most Americans still think the Voting Rights Act is necessary today, though the percentage is smaller -- 59 percent think the law is still necessary, while 35 percent do not.

But here there are significant differences based on race and political party. Eighty-six percent of blacks think the law is still necessary, compared to 55 percent of whites. And while about eight in 10 Democrats and just over half of independents think the law is necessary today, most Republicans - 52 percent - do not.

In 2013, the Supreme Court struck down part of the Voting Rights Act, overturning the requirement that states with low voter registration and a history of voter suppression get approval from the federal government before changing their election and voting laws. Nearly two thirds of Americans say they don't know enough about the Court's decision to have an opinion on it. Twenty percent agree with this Supreme Court decision, while fewer - 14 percent - disagree.

Photo IDs

Some states now require voters to show a photo ID in order to vote, and Americans overwhelmingly support this requirement. Seventy-nine percent think states should require people to show a valid photo ID before they are permitted to vote. But blacks (31 percent) are twice as likely as whites (15 percent) to oppose this.

Ninety-three percent of Americans say they personally have a government-issued photo ID, including large majorities of people of all races, ages, and income levels. Still, 11 percent of African Americans do not have photo ID, compared to 5 percent of whites.

The justification for requiring a photo ID to vote is in order to prevent voter fraud - that is, people voting who are not eligible to vote. Though just 28 percent think voter fraud happens a lot, another 36 percent think it happens some of the time.

Republicans (37 percent) are twice as likely as Democrats (18 percent) to think voter fraud happens a lot; nearly three in four Republicans think it happens at least sometimes.

Limiting Early Voting Hours

In recent years, some states and counties have pushed to shorten the voting hours and times available for people to vote early and absentee. Americans are divided as to the purpose of these changes. Twenty-three percent think this is an attempt to cut costs, and 21 percent think it is an attempt to make it harder for minorities to vote, while half - 49 percent - don't know enough to say.

There are racial and political differences. While just 16 percent of whites think these reductions are attempts to suppress votes, this rises to 49 percent among blacks. Democrats (37 percent) are far more likely than independents (21 percent) and Republicans (5 percent) to think these reductions are an attempt to make it harder for minorities to vote.

Today, two in three Americans (67 percent) don't think there is any difference between blacks and whites when it comes to voting, though 27 percent think that even today, blacks are more likely to encounter problems when voting.

There are stark differences by race. While nearly three in four whites think blacks and whites are treated the same when it comes to voting, 57 percent of blacks think black Americans have more trouble voting than white Americans.

Most Americans have at least some confidence that their vote will be counted accurately when they cast their ballots, though whites (57 percent) are more likely than blacks (42 percent) to have a lot of confidence.

Few Americans report that they themselves have ever had trouble voting. Just 12 percent of black Americans say they've had trouble voting, compared with seven percent of white Americans.

Race Relations: How Much Progress Has Been Made?

Three in four Americans think there's been real progress since the 1960s in getting rid of racial discrimination. This number has been fairly consistent in recent years, but is 26 points higher than it was in 1992.

Views on progress differ by race, however. Whites (81 percent) are far more likely than African Americans (50 percent) to think real progress has been made. In addition, the percentage of blacks who think there's been real progress getting rid of racial discrimination has dropped nine points, since June 2014, before the deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner.

Just over half of Americans (52 percent) say race relations in the U.S. are generally good, up seven points from last December, shortly after grand juries did not indict police officers in the deaths of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri and Eric Garner in Staten Island, New York. Thirty-eight percent of Americans now say race relations are bad.

However, the rise in more positive attitudes about race relations comes largely from white Americans. Fifty-six percent of whites now say race relations are good, up from 47 percent in December. Blacks continue to be more critical. Just a third of African Americans think race relations are good (similar to last December), while most - 58 percent - say they are bad.

Americans - both black and white - rate race relations in their own community much more positively than they rate it in the country as a whole, which has historically been the case. Seventy-nine percent say race relations in their community are good, including 82 percent of whites and 63 percent of blacks.

Looking ahead, opinion is somewhat divided on whether there will ever be an end to racial discrimination. Fifty percent of Americans think there is real hope of ending racial discrimination in the long run, but 44 percent think there will always be a lot of prejudice and discrimination. These views are similar to what they have been in recent years, but more positive compared to the 1990s and in 2000.

Here too, there are sizable racial differences. Sixty percent of blacks think racial discrimination will always exist, compared to just 40 percent of whites.

Blacks and Whites: How Integrated Are We?

How much interaction is there between whites and blacks? Eight in 10 whites say just a few or none of their close friends are black; only 16 percent say half or almost all of their friends are black. Blacks themselves are more likely to have white close friends, although 63 percent have a few or none.

When asked about the racial makeup of their neighborhood, a majority of whites (78 percent) say few or none of the people who live in their immediate area are black. On the other hand, half of African Americans (51 percent) say that half or almost all of their neighbors are white.

President Lyndon Johnson

President Lyndon Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act into law in August of 1965. Looking back at his presidency more generally, Americans view him more positively than negatively. Forty-two percent think he was a very good or good president (including just one percent who say he was one of the greatest), while a third say he was only fair or a poor president. Still, a quarter do not have an opinion.

African Americans are split in their views of President Johnson. Looking at partisan differences, Democrats are more inclined to view President Johnson's presidency positively, while Republicans are divided.

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This poll was conducted by telephone February 26- March 2, 2015 among a random sample of 1,207 adults nationwide. Data collection was conducted on behalf of CBS News by SSRS of Media, PA. Phone numbers were dialed from random samples of both standard land-line and cell phones. Additional interviews were conducted with African Americans, who had previously completed a survey as part of a random sample, to yield a sample size of 315 African Americans. 759 whites were interviewed. The combined African American and non-African American samples were weighted separately to match their group's population characteristics such as gender, age, education, region, marital status and phone use based on recent U.S. Census estimates. The samples were then combined and weighted to the total U.S. adult population.

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Have the goals of the civil rights movement have been achieved?

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Fifty years after the Selma to Montgomery marches, Americans see progress, but 54 percent (including 72 percent of blacks) think only some or none of the goals of Martin Luther King and the 1960s civil rights movement have been achieved. Forty-three percent think most or all of the goals have been met.