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Sudan "Lost Boy" serves in military
1. According to Madut Bul, if you were 13 years old you were old enough t

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1. According to Madut Bul, if you were 13 years old you were old enough to do what?
2. How many kids from Sudan were sent to foster homes in the U.S.?
3. What does Bul say about the United States?

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"At the age of 10, I have seen death; I have buried other kids -- at the age of 10," he said, a sadness moving into his eyes. "But at the same time, I've rebounded. If I have to stay in that hole and

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13 Year-Old-Boy Survived Horrific War Crime

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13 Year-Old-Boy Survived Horrific War Crime

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The 13-Year-Old Survived a Horrific War Crime. But He May Never Be Safe Enough to Testify

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'If people are not able to come forward and speak, how do you have a trial? And without trials, how can you have accountability?'

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List 5 facts you have learned about child soldiers in South Sudan.

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1. What year did the western portion of Sudan (Darfur) rebel against the government?
2. Why was Sudan's president Omar Al Bashir indicted by the international crime court?

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A history of modern Sudan | The Economist

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Why did America imposed sanctions on two South Sudanese officials?
Santions-Economic sanctions are commercial and financial penalties applied by one or more countries against a targeted self-governing state, group, or individual. ... Economic sanctions may include various forms of trade barriers, tariffs, and restrictions on financial transactions

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South Sudanese President Salva Kiir speaks during a news conference with former vice president and rebel leader Riek Machar after their meeting Tuesday. (Jok Solomun/Reuters)

For years, South Sudan's warring leaders have delayed putting an end to their country's brutal conflict, scuttling peace talks and blowing past deadlines as the death toll mounted and a refugee crisis caused upheaval across the region.

The perpetual delays are straining the young country's close relationship with the United States, which this week announced sanctions on two top South Sudanese officials, accusing them of prolonging the country's deadly conflict and obstructing the path to peace. South Sudan responded with its own diplomatic jab, recalling its ambassador to Washington "for consultations."

South Sudan's envoy, Philip Jada, will return to Juba this weekend, he said in a phone interview.

"The timing of the sanctions took me by surprise," Jada said, adding that he does not expect to stay away from Washington for long. "We have a very good engagement, and then they implement sanctions again, so we just start wondering why, if you're in dialogue, do you continue to give punitive measures?"

This week's sanctions follow other measures the United States has taken to express its discontent with the cycle of violence and political disputes. In recent weeks, it briefly recalled its ambassador to Juba, threatened visa restrictions on individuals who jeopardize the peace process and slapped sanctions on a number of high-ranking officials.

U.S. officials helped guide South Sudan to independence from Sudan in 2011 after decades of war, but infighting between the country's two leaders, President Salva Kiir and then-Vice President Riek Machar, sparked a new civil war in 2013. The conflict divided the nation along ethnic lines and unleashed a wave of suffering that has dragged on for six years.

The two men have failed many attempts to reach and implement peace agreements. They finally signed an agreement at the end of 2018 but have missed multiple deadlines to form a unity government, announcing in November that they need until mid-February.

It was after missing that deadline that the State Department temporarily recalled its ambassador, Thomas Hushek, from Juba and announced that the United States plans to reevaluate its relationship.

On Friday, the State Department said in an emailed statement that Hushek has met Kiir and South Sudan's foreign minister since he returned to Juba on Dec. 12 and expects "those communication channels to remain open." But Kiir and Machar's continued inability to demonstrate a willingness to compromise "raises questions whether either man is fit to lead the country to a political resolution of the conflict," the statement read.

The sanctions this week came shortly after the U.S. Treasury announced another round of sanctions on five other South Sudanese officials earlier this month, calling them "responsible for the abduction and likely murder" of two South Sudanese human rights activists who disappeared in Kenya in January 2017. On Dec. 12, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo also warned that visa restrictions could be implemented against individuals who obstruct the peace process.

Jada said that his government is concerned by the sanctions against South Sudanese officials but that his recall to Juba is in direct response to this week's sanctions against Kuol Manyang Juuk, the minister of defense and veterans affairs, and Martin Elia Lomuro, the minister of cabinet affairs.

"The defense minister is very crucial in the peace agreement," Jada said. "Imposing sanctions at this time is not helpful in implementing the peace agreement."

Payton Knopf, an adviser to the Africa program at the United States Institute of Peace who previously served on the U.N. Panel of Experts for South Sudan, said the U.S. ambassador to Juba's temporary recall and subsequent return is just one example of an "incoherent" U.S. policy in South Sudan.

The State Department has already raised concerns over Kiir's leadership, Knopf said, "so why is it that we continue to convey legitimacy on his government by having an ambassador there?"

The war in South Sudan has displaced millions of people, many of whom are now refugees in neighboring countries. A State Department-funded study released last year estimated that the war had left at least 382,000 people dead.

Earlier this year, in one of the many international bids to put an end to the conflict, Pope Francis hosted Kiir and Machar for a spiritual retreat, during which he bent down and kissed each man's feet, asking them to "stay in peace." It was an unusual move for the pontiff, who said last month that he hopes to visit the predominantly Christian country next year.

'Life is miserable': Even when there's food in South Sudan, many can't afford it

More than 380,000 people have died in South Sudan's civil war, report estimates

Picturing the dreams of South Sudan's new generation

Today's coverage from Post correspondents around the world

Like Washington Post World on Facebook and stay updated on foreign news

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As South Sudan's conflict drags on, U.S. frustrations mount

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For years, South Sudan's warring leaders have delayed putting an end to their country's brutal conflict, scuttling peace talks and blowing past deadlines as the death toll mounted and a refugee crisis caused upheaval across the region.

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Residents of camps in Sudan's war-torn Darfur region photographed in 2007 explain how their lives have changed seven years on.

More than a decade since conflict erupted in Sudan's western region of Darfur, the more than two million people who fled their homes have little prospect of returning to their villages. Photographers for the Catholic aid charity Cafod pictured people at three camps in central Darfur in 2007 and again in 2014 to find out how their lives have changed. "I don't remember the day they took this photo, but I had more hair then," says Hamisa, the only camp resident photographed who was happy to use her real name. "I no longer have my peach toub [traditional dress], it burnt in a fire."

Hamisa remembers fleeing her village in 2003 "carrying one of my grandchildren on my back" when it came under attack. "We hid in the mountains and when the 'pow pow' [guns] were silent, I came back to the village and helped to bury some of the dead." It took the villagers four days to reach the Hamadia camp. "I never thought I'd be here for 11 years [and] never to see my village again. When you look at me now, you see an old lady, and because I'm old I can speak my mind, and I ask world leaders to bring back peace to this land, for the sake of our children."

Farming is the traditional way of life for many rural Sudanese. But those forced from their homes because of conflict lose their land, livestock, tools and seeds. Many camp residents over the years have relied on food aid. With only a few international aid agencies still able to operate in Darfur those that do, like Norwegian Church Aid, are trying to support camp communities to become more self-reliant. Here a co-operative from Hamadia camp farm a 15-hectare plot of land.

There are more than 27 camps in Central Darfur, from small camps of a few thousand to larger camps hosting around 70,000 people. These photos of camps near the town of Zalingei show how things have changed over nine years. Tarpaulin roofs have been covered with mud bricks as homes have morphed into permanent settlements. There are narrow alleys between tight-packed makeshift houses that sit higgledy-piggledy on top of each other - and the trees have grown to provide much-needed shade.

There are signs of permanency everywhere in the camps: Shacks selling basic supplies; piles of roughly made red bricks waiting to be to be used to build more sturdy structures. It takes two days to make 1,000 bricks which sell for 40 Sudanese pounds ($7; £4) - the average daily labour rate is two Sudanese pounds.

Amina, seen in green to the bottom right of the photograph, remembers seven years ago staring down the gaping hole of the newly dug well. She had gone with other women to the site in Khamsa Dagiag camp with food for the men digging the foundations. Solar panels now provide the energy for a pump to provide 15 standpipes in the camp from the well. "It was the best day when we had our own water in the camp," says Amina. "Before, we had to walk to the valley to collect water, and this was dangerous, because we were threatened by nomads who would attack us."

"We still face many challenges after 10 years of living here, but at least we don't need to worry about fetching water," says Amina, whose nine-year-old son was born in the camp. He is now going to school and she hopes he will use his education to find a better life outside the camp one day. Amina does not read or write and sometimes goes to Zalingei to earn money by washing and ironing at "big houses" in the town.

Finding work in the camps can be difficult. In 2007, Yousif was single and on arriving at the camp had learnt how to bake bread to support himself. Today he is married with three children. "I moved to a different camp when I married - it has no prospects for me to bake bread, so I took up brick-making. It's hard work, but I need to take care of my children," he says. "Darfur is still not secure, so I can't take my children back to my village and show them a peaceful life."

Haja was pictured here in 2007 with the youngest of her seven grandchildren, Horan, in Hassa Hissa camp. "I was living in sector two of this camp when the photo was taken - the place was too small for us so we moved," she says. Haja would like to go home but feels this is unlikely and she has lost contact with neighbours and village friends. "In my village we could provide for the children, we had fields to farm, livestock and milk," she says.

Seven years on and besides moving house, life has not changed much for Haja. "I look after my grandchildren while my daughter looks for casual work in the town - washing dishes or ironing clothes," she says. Horan is now attending a Koranic school. The older grandchildren go to other schools in the camps. There is now a whole generation of children who have known nothing except camp life.

When Rawia fled her village, she arrived at the camp with her husband and children carrying only her jerry can and a small amount of food wrapped in a cloth. It took her several days before she was reunited with her parents, brothers and sisters. "My mother recently passed away, and we have buried her here in the camp," says the 32-year-old mother of four. "We could not take her back home for burial because we still receive news of fighting; my heart is heavy because of this."

The conflict in Darfur is being waged on many fronts and by different groups; fighting between government forces, rebels and militias, and localised conflict that has sparked a wave of inter-ethnic violence. This meant there is a steady flow of new arrivals - on foot, donkey and hired vehicle. According to the UN, 390,000 people fled their homes in the first half of 2014 - more than in any single year since the height of the crisis in 2004.

A 2011 peace initiative has failed to stem the conflict, which has become more complex than the historical tensions between the mostly nomadic Arabs, and black African farming communities over grazing rights. The joint UN and African Union force deployed to the region patrols the camps in armoured vehicles and some people feel insecure about leaving the camp. Residents have been forced to find new ways of earning a living - but there is a burgeoning entrepreneurial spirit.

And traditional ways of life continue inside the camp. Here a henna artist works on a design for a client. Sudanese women like to decorate their hands and feet with henna for festivities, especially weddings. "Life is difficult in the camps, but when we come to do our feet we forget about our problems," said one of the women.

Community leaders (L) still expect to maintain their authority in the camps, but worry that frustration at the lack of proper jobs is leading to an increasingly politicised younger population that is vulnerable to recruitment by militia groups. Youth committees have been set up to engage younger camp residents - football is popular with young men and there is growing interest in volleyball among some young women. Gallery from Cafod; photos by Paul Jeffrey and Annie Bungeroth

The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites.

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In pictures: Darfur refugees then and now

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Residents of camps in Sudan's war-torn Darfur region photographed in 2007 explain how their lives have changed seven years on.

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1. What faith do the majority of the South Sudanese people follow?
2. What is the average life expectancy in Sudan and reasons why?
3. What is the climate of South  Sudan?
4. Name 4 agricultural products from South Sudan.

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TOUCH this image to discover its story. Image tagging powered by ThingLink

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After their village is destroyed and their parents killed by Northern militia, Sudanese orphans Theo, his siblings and other survivors make a difficult journey to a refugee camp in Kenya. Thirteen years later, the group gets the chance to settle in the U.S. They are met in Kansas by Carrie Davis , who has been charged with finding them jobs. However, seeing how adrift they are in 20th-century America, Carrie endeavors to help them in rebuilding their shattered lives.

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The Good Lie Official Trailer (2014) - Reese Witherspoon, Lost Boys of Sudan Drama Movie HD

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1. What 2 groups rose up against the Khartoum government which contributed to the Darfur Genocide?
2. What did President George Bush declare in 2004 about Darfur?
3. How many refugee camps are in eastern Chad?

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The conflict in Darfur began in 2003 following an uprising by rebel groups against the Sudanese government. The government's severe retaliation claimed more than 400,000 lives and left millions displaced, including 365,000 who were forced to flee to the neighboring country of Chad. Today, 18 years after the violence began, hundreds of thousands of Darfuris remain in arid camps in the Chadian Saharan Desert. Jewish World Watch was formed in direct response to this genocide, and we continue to support these survivors today through our Seeds of Survival empowerment project.
Background
Sudan has been at war for longer than it has been at peace. The Sudanese people have been plagued by genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes since independence in 1956. Inequitable wealth sharing of revenues from resources, the struggle for southern self-determination, ethnic rivalries, and competing views on the role of religion in the state have all been drivers of conflict.

At the heart of Sudan's protracted conflicts is the division between the Arab-dominated center in Khartoum and the marginalized non-Arab populations in the geographic and socio-economic periphery. In 2003, the uprising in Darfur by two rebel groups, claiming inequitable treatment of the non-Arab Sudanese population, led the government to respond with a genocidal campaign to rid the area of non-Arab populations.

What are the main humanitarian challenges experienced by the Darfuris?

Refugee Crisis: The Darfur genocide has led to approximately 400,000 Darfuri deaths and forced another 365,000 to flee to refugee camps in neighboring Chad. The Darfuri refugees' suffering in these imperiled camps along the Darfur/Chad border no longer commands global attention, making the Darfuris the largest invisible refugee population in the world.

Food Insecurity: Each refugee in Chad currently receives "only about 39 percent of the generally recommended minimum daily intake," according to the World Food Program. The reduced rations, meant to feed refugees for a month, do not even last an entire week.

Education: Darfuri refugees are no longer permitted to learn Sudanese. Their educational curriculum is now conveyed in Chadian. This detrimental effect will result in a lost generation of Sudanese speakers if they are ever to return home.

Internally Displaced Safety: The cutbacks in assistance from UN agencies such as the WFP and UNHCR also result in de facto forced return of Darfuri refugees to a region still insecure and peppered with violence. In January 2018, Sudan, Chad, and the UN signed an agreement to repatriate 20,000 Sudanese refugees from Chad to Darfur. The agreement set out estimated numbers of refugees who will return during 2018, types and levels of reintegration assistance they will receive, and logistical aspects of the repatriation operation. The repatriation, however, was temporarily suspended due to insecurity and lack of services and infrastructure for returnees in their areas of origin.

Hundreds, if not thousands, of displaced Darfuris, who returned to their Sudanese villages, were assaulted, beaten, or killed by militant new settlers. The combination of roaming rebels, stockpiles of uncollected weapons and armed new settlers has led to great danger for recent returnees. The "new Janjaweed" ("evil men on horseback"), other militia and security forces supported by the GoS, and unidentified gunmen exploiting the vulnerability of the returnees, have killed farmers and innocent civilians, stolen crops, destroyed food surpluses, raided markets, kidnapped people for ransom, raped, and pillaged-all with general impunity. Returning farmers are afraid to go back to their plots for fear of attacks from new settlers who have taken the land in their absence or by militiamen who steal livestock and crops.

The general atmosphere of insecurity, coupled with the government's impotence in addressing these attacks, has crippled the agricultural economy and compromised voluntary returns. One leader of the displaced population stressed that security is non-existent despite the government's repeated claims to the contrary. That services like education, health, and potable water are entirely lacking from the villages to which returnees are meant to return.

Gender-Based Violence: Darfuri survivors are in constant fear for their lives and safety, regardless of living in Sudan or Chad. Women are wary of straying too far from their residences in fear of being raped or assaulted with threats, for those living in Chad's refugee camps, from inside and outside the camps.

Financial Mobility/Poverty: Having fled their homes in Darfur, both the refugees and internally displaced Darfuris are severely impoverished with few options for generating an income. The lack of jobs available to refugees is due in part to restrictions placed on them by the Chadian government, but also, the economy of the camps and surrounding community has simply not grown to accommodate the refugee community.

Ethnic Disparity: Considered to be the first genocide of the 21st century, the Darfur genocide began in 2003 after rebels, led mainly by non-Arab Muslim sedentary tribes, including the Fur and Zaghawa, from the region, rose against the government. They claimed years of inequitable treatment and economic marginalization, among other grievances. Instead of directly attacking the rebel forces, the government launched a widespread genocidal campaign to "get at the fish by draining the sea" and targeted non-Arab tribes in the region, regardless of whether they were civilians or rebel forces with indiscriminate aerial bombardments and assaults from ground forces.

The government unleashed Arab militias known as the Janjaweed to attack villages and destroy communities. Janjaweed attacks were notoriously brutal and invoked a slash and burn policy that included killing and severely injuring the people, burning homes, stealing or burning food and livestock, and poisoning water wells.

Families' Health & Wellbeing: UNHCR has reported higher indices of so-called "negative coping mechanisms," explaining that "these include an increase in school dropouts as refugee children seek work to help buy food for their families; exploitation and abuse of women refugees who venture out of camps in search of work or land to grow crops; 'survival sex' by women and girls trying to raise money to buy food; early marriage of young girls; increased stress and domestic violence within families; and more incidents of theft and other activities that raise tensions within camps and with surrounding communities."

Empower affected populations with sustainable livelihood solutions and immediate, informal learning opportunities that will boost their resilience, improve their lives in the Chad refugee camp settings, and translate well in Darfur, should they choose to return. JWW's Seeds of Survival program teaches survivors how to sustainably feed their families with just a small plot of dry land.

The program has successfully trained over 1,000 people in Eastern Chad in perma-gardening, improving food consumption, agricultural production, their ability to save money and their mental well-being while indirectly benefiting approximately 3,300 family members.

Broadcast our advocacy channels to ensure the safe and voluntary return of displaced populations and the presence of necessary services and protections to facilitate their smooth reintegration.

Monitor the activities of armed groups and security forces as well as the Government of Sudan's response to violations;.

Call for the international community to remain engaged throughout the transition from peacekeeping to peacebuilding instead of abandoning its responsibilities at this critical and unstable stage.

What has JWW done to help the Darfuris previously?

JWW came into being as a response to the Darfur genocide. The Darfuris remain a vital cornerstone of our work.

Solar Cooker Project: JWW initiated the Solar Cooker Project in 2006 as a way of protecting Darfuri women and girls - survivors of the Darfur genocide living as refugees in Eastern Chad - by reducing their dangerous trips outside of the camps in search of firewood for cooking, serving hundreds of thousands of refugees in five camps.

Recycled Water Gardens: Along with two of JWW's partners, JWW completed the installation of the grey water reclamation systems to benefit all families in the Iridimi and Touloum refugee camps in Chad. With the installation of inexpensive plastic sheeting and PVC pipes, women in refugee camps turned their family bathing areas into reservoirs for grey-water collection. They used the collected water to irrigate small vegetable patches.

Water Wells in the Refugee Camps: One of JWW's key early efforts was to supply water wells in the refugee camps in Chad. Many schools participated by raising funds to supply one water well, each a lifeline for 500 refugees. The wells were built with local supplies by local labor, organized and led by a JWW partner.

Sister Schools: JWW, coupled with partners including top NBA players, sponsored the building, staffing and equipping of the Sudan Djedid (New Sudan) and Ali Dinar B Schools in the Djabal refugee camp in Eastern Chad. The schools, designed to serve over 4,000 students, were the first of what was conceived as a series of schools to be built in the 12 Darfuri refugee camps in Chad. JWW also helped fund the Darasalam School in the Goz Amer refugee camp.

Backpack Project: This was created so that frightened children in the Oure Cassoni refugee camp in Chad could attend schools run by one of our partners. JWW distributed over 15,000 backpacks filled with shoes, books, school supplies, soap and toothpaste to school-aged children. The backpacks allowed each recipient to make the most of school under the most difficult of circumstances. Each backpack also contained something intangible but essential to their well-being: hope.

Little Ripples: Along with a partner organization, JWW supported Little Ripples, a preschool program tailored to a population exposed to severe trauma. In Chad's Darfuri refugee camps, there is no formal education system for young children, leaving them unsupervised, vulnerable to the dangers of the camp, and at a disadvantage for the future. Little Ripples provides a safe and nurturing environment for some of the youngest refugees to learn while their parents must leave home during the day to seek out necessities. With support from JWW, the first Little Ripples school opened in Goz Amer refugee camp in Eastern Chad in the summer of 2013. It serves 400 children. The school has since sought to impact more children through a home-based model called Little Ripple Ponds.

Summer Educational Toy Lift: JWW partnered with Los Angeles area summer camps to bring school supplies to children in Darfur refugee camps located in Sudan. JWW collected 15,000 items through this initiative. A JWW partner delivered the educational toys to several camps in North, South, and West Darfur.

Clinics in Deleij and El Geneina: Working with a partner, JWW funded two permanent medical clinics in Sudan to serve approximately 40,000 internally displaced people and resident conflict-affected populations of Darfur near the border of Chad.

Water Availability: JWW provided funding to a partner to improve the provision of water in three Sudanese refugee camps in Nyala and Kass (South Darfur) and the overpopulated and under-resourced Hamadiya camp in the Zalingei region (West Darfur).

JWW's interventions work with Darfuri refugees to inject a level of normalcy into these survivors' lives, empowering them with a sense of resilience and control over their own destinies. The relative helplessness of relying solely or largely on humanitarian assistance becomes empowerment via solidifying a sustainable livelihood and assists them in developing skills that can be transferable anywhere they may live. Read our Darfur strategy action plan.
Crisis Timeline
2003: Considered to be the first genocide of the 21st century, the Darfur genocide began after rebels, led mainly by non-Arab Muslim sedentary tribes, including the Fur and Zaghawa, from the region, rose against the government. They claimed years of inequitable treatment and economic marginalization, among other grievances. In response, the Sudanese government unleashed Arab militias, known as the Janjaweed ("evil men on horseback"), to attack villages and destroy communities, regardless of whether they were civilians or rebel forces.

September 2004: President George Bush and U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell declared what was happening in Darfur to be genocide. JWW was formed.

2005: A hybrid African Union/United Nations Operation in Darfur (known as UNAMID) was deployed to monitor the 2006 Darfur Peace Agreement and subsequent 2011 Doha Document for Peace in Darfur.

July 2008: The Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC), Luis Moreno Ocampo, requested an arrest warrant for Sudanese President Omar Al-Bashir. This milestone marked the first time the ICC had indicted a sitting Head of State.

2009-2010: The ICC issued arrest warrants for President Omar al-Bashir for alleged crimes committed in Darfur, including counts of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. Although the warrants remain in force, Al-Bashir continues to preside over Sudan .

2011: A power-sharing agreement between the government and rebels - which created the Darfur Regional Authority and aimed to establish an equal distribution of wealth and political power - is signed, though violence continues to this day in many parts of Darfur.

2012: The discovery of gold in Darfur further fueled violence and displacement throughout the region, and conflict dynamics have since morphed from the initial outbreak of violence in 2003.

2013: The Sudanese government launched the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), many of whom were once part of the Janjaweed who first gained infamy for their role in the Darfur genocide.

2014: In response to five years of stagnation in the ICC case, and limited support from the UN in bringing Al-Bashir to justice, Chief Prosecutor Bensouda stated in late 2014 that she would not actively pursue the prosecution of Al-Bashir until the UN and member nations did their due diligence and supported the ICC. Since the ICC does not have a police force, it must rely on individual states to arrest individuals indicted by the ICC.

July 2018: The UN Security Council decided to scale back the UNAMID, to wrap up the UN-African Union joint mission by the end of 2020, even though the fighting and attacks on civilians continue to this day.

December 14, 2019: President Omar al-Bashir was sentenced to two years in detention by a court in Khartoum after being convicted of money laundering and corruption. He was also indicted over genocide and war crimes by the ICC for his role in the Darfur conflict.

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Darfuri survivors have been living as refugees in Chad since 2003. The arid climate and recent violence make it difficult to obtain food and other supplies. Jewish World Watch was founded in response to the Darfur Genocide and continues to provide community-rebuilding support through our Seeds of Survival empowerment project.

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South Sudan was formed at the end of the 2nd Sudanese War with the Addis Ababa Agreement, which gave religious and cultural independence to the south.

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TOPSHOT - A rebel soldier poses with his gun in Touch Riak, Leer...

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TOPSHOT - A rebel soldier poses with his gun in Touch Riak, Leer county, on March 7 where famine has been declared since February 2017. International NGOs have left the area after heavy fighting... Get premium, high resolution news photos at Getty Images

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What are the difference between the Sudan flag and the South Sudan flag? Why do you think the South Sudan flag was designed in such a way?

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Since its independence fifty-one years ago, Sudan has suffered two civil wars between North and South, each of them as bloody as–and much longer than–today's crisis in the western region of Darfur.