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What does RJ look like in carceral spaces? 

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What does RJ look like in carceral spaces? 

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Thank you, Justice Ginsburg from Center for Reproductive Rights on Vimeo.

The death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg is a profound loss for the United States Supreme Court and the entire nation. An American icon who devoted her life to advancing the liberty and equality of women, Justice Ginsburg was a beacon of civility and respect in increasingly polarized times. She died Friday at age 87 of complications from metastatic pancreatic cancer.

Throughout her pioneering career as a litigator and her 27 years on the Court, Justice Ginsburg was a reliable champion of reproductive rights, consistently casting her vote for the right to access abortion care and contraception, as well as rights to privacy and equal justice.

"Her clear, unwavering conviction that women must be given equal treatment under the law changed the legal rights of half of the nation," said Nancy Northup, president and CEO of the Center for Reproductive Rights. (Read Northup's full statement here.)
A Warrior for Reproductive Rights
Justice Ginsburg framed the abortion issue as one of women's autonomy and equality, writing that "legal challenges to undue restrictions on abortion procedures do not seek to vindicate some generalized notion of privacy; rather, they center on a woman's autonomy to determine her life's course, and thus to enjoy equal citizenship stature." At her nomination hearing, she testified that the Constitution protects a woman's "right to decide whether or not to bear a child," which she explained is "central to a woman's life [and] to her dignity."

In Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt (2016), a case brought and won by the Center for Reproductive Rights, Justice Ginsburg issued a pointed concurrence with Justice Stephen Breyer's majority opinion. Echoing the Center's arguments, she wrote that "it is beyond rational belief that [the Texas law in question] could genuinely protect the health of women, and certain that the law 'would simply make it more difficult for them to obtain abortions.'" She called out the laws for what they are: "Targeted Regulation of Abortion Providers [TRAP] laws... that do little or nothing for health, but rather strew impediments to abortion."

In the Center's June Medical Services v. Russo (2020) case, decided this summer at the end of the recent Supreme Court term, she joined Justice Breyer's plurality opinion that struck down an identical Louisiana law and reiterated that these laws impose severe burdens on pregnant people for no legitimate medical reason.

The cases Stenberg v. Carhart (2000) and Gonzales v. Carhart (2007) centered on, respectively, state and federal bans of the standard procedure of abortion care after about 15 weeks of pregnancy. As the Court struck down a state ban in Stenberg, Ginsburg wrote in a concurrence that the law sought "to chip away at the private choice shielded by Roe v. Wade," and thus had the improper purpose of "placing a substantial obstacle in the path of a woman seeking an abortion."

In Gonzales, decided seven years later, after the Court's membership had changed, a majority changed course and upheld a similar federal ban. Ginsburg said in her dissent, "the Court, differently composed than it was when we last considered a restrictive abortion regulation, is hardly faithful to our earlier invocations of the rule of law." She added that the decision "cannot be understood as anything other than an effort to chip away at a right declared again and again by this Court-and with increasing comprehension of its centrality to women's lives."

In her dissent in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby (2014), she emphasized that access to contraception should be framed as an issue of fundamental equality. More recently, she issued a pointed dissent against the majority opinion in Trump v. Pennsylvania (2020) that allowed companies broad scope to deny coverage for birth control, writing: "Today, for the first time, the Court casts totally aside countervailing rights and interests in its zeal to secure religious rights to the nth degree."
Fighting Sex-based Classifications
Justice Ginsburg helped establish protections against gender stereotyping, authoring the majority opinion in U.S. v. Virginia (1996), which overturned the Virginia Military Institute's male-only admissions policy. That ruling broadly rejected sex-based classifications that rely on stereotypes or "overbroad generalizations about the different talents, capacities or preferences of" certain groups, or "inherent differences" between men and women. Sex-based classifications, she said, must never be used "to create or perpetuate legal, social, and economic inferiority of women."

Her influential dissent in Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company (2007) pointed out that discriminatory pay disparities are often hidden from sight and may not be discovered until long after the fact. That dissent inspired Congress to enact the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act of 2009, which allowed more victims of sex-based wage discrimination to have their day in court.
A Groundbreaking Career
President Bill Clinton nominated Ruth Bader Ginsburg to the Supreme Court in 1993, after she had served for 13 years on the Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit. "It is essential to woman's equality with man," she told the Senate during her confirmation hearings, "that she be the decisionmaker, that her choice be controlling. If you impose restraints that impede her choice, you are disadvantaging her because of her sex." The Senate voted 96-3 to confirm her as the nation's 107th Supreme Court justice.

Her appointment to the nation's highest court was the culmination of a groundbreaking legal career. Early on, Ginsburg was an attorney and co-founder with the ACLU's Women's Rights Project, where she fought to persuade resistant courts to view laws that restrict women's reproductive rights through the lens of equality, liberty, and privacy. She pursued creative litigation strategies to secure legal protections for women, often by focusing on circumstances in which sex discrimination impacted men.

She explained, "Our strategy was the soul of simplicity. It was to go after the stereotypes that were written into law and to show that men could be disadvantaged by the stereotype, as well as women...We wanted people to be judged by what they do, by the functions they perform, and not by gender."

In 1972, while at the ACLU, she wrote a groundbreaking brief in the case of an Air Force Captain who challenged her forcible discharge for refusing to end her pregnancy. Ginsburg's brief in the case, Struck v. Secretary of Defense, framed pregnancy discrimination as sex discrimination. She connected the right to liberty and equality as the single right of "equal autonomy," outlining how denying women equal treatment constrains liberty, and vice versa.

Even before that, Ginsburg was blazing trails, beginning as one of only nine women in her Harvard Law School class. Later, as a professor at Rutgers Law School, she joined with female colleagues to file an Equal Pay Act complaint over disparities in teaching pay, eventually forcing the university to settle.
A Striking Legacy
Few U.S. jurists have been as celebrated as Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Her friend and colleague Justice Antonin Scalia noted that in the law of women's rights, Ginsburg was "the Thurgood Marshall of that cause."

Justice Ginsburg's leadership on issues of women's rights and equality, her trailblazing personal history, and her professional longevity combined to bring her rare prominence in popular culture. Because of her position in the zeitgeist, she acquired the moniker "RBG," putting her in the very small corps of monogrammed Americans: JFK, FDR, MLK, and few others.

In recent times, she was bullish on the #MeToo movement, telling The Atlantic: "I think it will have staying power because people, and not only women, men as well as women, realize how wrong the behavior was and how it subordinated women."

Justice Ginsburg will be remembered long after her death, through the cases she brought as a litigator and through her jurisprudence. She will also live on in popular culture, through books like the bestselling Notorious RBG, documentaries like RBG, and feature films like On the Basis of Sex, as well as action figures, t-shirts emblazoned with her image, and much more.

When asked how she wanted to be remembered, Justice Ginsburg said this:

"Someone who used whatever talent she had to do her work to the very best of her ability... And to help repair tears in her society, to make things a little better through the use of whatever ability she has."
Statement on the Death of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg from Nancy Northup, President and CEO of the Center for Reproductive Rights TIMELINE
1933: Born Joan Ruth Bader in Brooklyn, NY

1954: Earns bachelor's degree in government from Cornell University, first in her class; marries law student Martin D. Ginsburg

1959: Graduates from Columbia Law School first in her class after having transferred from Harvard Law

1959-61: Clerks for U.S. District Judge Edmund L. Palmieri

1963-72: Teaches at Rutgers University Law School

1972-80: Teaches at Columbia Law School; becomes the university's first female tenured professor

1970s: Serves as the director of the ACLU's Women's Rights Project; argues six landmark cases on gender equality before the U.S. Supreme Court

1972: Writes brief in Struck v. Secretary of Defense that frames pregnancy discrimination as sex discrimination

1980: Appointed by President Jimmy Carter to U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia

1993: Appointed by President Bill Clinton to U.S. Supreme Court, filling seat vacated by Justice Byron White

1996: Authors majority opinion in U.S. v. Virginia overturning VMI's male-only admissions

1999: Wins American Bar Association's Thurgood Marshall Award

2000: Concurs in Stenberg v. Carhart striking down an abortion ban

2000: Dissents in Bush v. Gore

2007: Dissents in equal-pay case Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company

2007: Dissents in Gonzales v. Carhart where decision upheld an abortion ban

2014: Dissents in Burwell v. Hobby Lobby; frames contraception as an equal rights issue

2015: Votes with majority to legalize same-sex marriage in Obergefell v. Hodges

2016: Votes with majority to overturn a Texas abortion restriction in the Center's case, Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt

2016: Releases memoir My Own Words

2020: Votes with plurality in Center's TRAP law case June Medical Services v. Russo

2020: Dissents in Trump v. Pennsylvania decision that prioritized employers' religious beliefs over employees' reproductive autonomy

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The Loss of a Reproductive Rights Champion: U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg

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Thank you, Justice Ginsburg from Center for Reproductive Rights on Vimeo . The death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg is a profound loss for the United States Supreme Court and the entire nation. An American icon who devoted her life to advancing the liberty and equality of women, Justice Ginsburg was a beacon of civility and respect in increasingly polarized times.

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The Loss of a Reproductive Rights Champion: U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg

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The Loss of a Reproductive Rights Champion: U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg

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The Northwest Abortion Access Fund is an abortion fund serving Washington, Oregon, Idaho, and Alaska. Trained, compassionate volunteer advocates run our toll-free hotline. We help people pay for their abortion care by sending funding directly to the clinic. We also help people get to and from the clinic. And we make sure people traveling for care have a safe place to stay.

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The Northwest Abortion Access Fund is an abortion fund serving Washington, Oregon, Idaho, and Alaska. Trained, compassionate volunteer advocates run our toll-free hotline. We help people pay for their abortion care by sending funding directly to the clinic. We also help people get to and from the clinic.

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Informative Slideshow on Reproductive Rights

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Informative Slideshow on Reproductive Rights

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Seattle Abortion Clinic | Pain-Free Abortion | All Women's Care

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At All Women's Care, we provide PAIN-FREE abortion procedures through 26 weeks in our safe, private clinic in Seattle.

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Native Youth Sexual Health Network

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My grandparents are very conservative and I'm not sure where my parents stand, but I'm afraid to have that conversation. I am lucky to have friends who have provided me with resources and have answered my questions about contraceptive options. I was also very lucky to have taken a class on the psychobiology of women, allowing me to have a better understanding of my own body. Without contraception and resources, I definitely wouldn't have felt comfortable being sexually active or even understood my own sexual needs. I am able to make choices for my own body and this is a choice that should never be taken away.

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Information on Sterilization - Reddit subreddit

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/u/thatweirdfemale has compiled extensive research on female sterilization and tubal ligation in this thread.
This thread contains lots of useful info What if a physician refuses to tell you where you can get an abortion ? Getting your tubes tied the easy way... in Mexico highlights

The definition of patient autonomy: I think it's important to remember that YOU have the final say on your health care choices.
Patient autonomy: The right of patients to make decisions about their medical care without their health care provider trying to influence the decision. Patient autonomy does allow for health care providers to educate the patient but does not allow the health care provider to make the decision for the patient.

This is an amazing document, which I would read in full as it does cover many topics related to sterilization for females. I do want to give a quote from the document that I highlighted for myself:
"For these reasons, no woman should be denied sterilization as long as she has considered the procedure's impact on her current life and on her life as it might be if her circumstances change greatly. Faced with a woman characterized by one of the factors listed as being associated with regret, most clinicians encourage her to think about her full range of contraceptive options, yet they will not deny her the procedure. This course of action is prudent, ethical, and appropriate." (Vanessa Cullins, MD, MPH, MBA AVSC International, New York, New York [Vol 6, Ch 45])

A medical study showing the cumulative probability of regret among women sterilized under 30 is the lowest for nulliparous women (6.3%, n=11,232).

An interesting read about how the picture that society paints for us on children bringing happiness is not so true (written by someone who wants children and with citations).

The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists Committee Opinion: Sterilization of Women: Ethical Issues and Considerations highlights

It is ethically permissible to perform a requested sterilization in nulliparous women and young women who do not wish to have children. A request for sterilization in a young woman without children should not automatically trigger a mental health consultation. Although physicians understandably wish to avoid precipitating sterilization regret in women, they should avoid paternalism as well.

Obstetrician-gynecologists should consider the role of bias in counseling and care recommendations and avoid actions based on biases about race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, and motherhood, which can, despite best intentions, affect interpretation of patients' requests and influence provision of care.

BBC News - Viewpoint: I chose to be sterilised in my 20s

Ramona Creel - To Snip or Not to Snip : That Is the Question ¹
Nicole Withers - Unapologetic about my Childfree Status
Why Doctors Won't Sterilize Healthy, Young, Childless Adults

/u/torienne's response to, "maybe they just don't want to do a "permanent" procedure on a young person who turns around a couple years later and sues them for doing it?"

tl;dr: Nope.

This comes up from time to time as a possible, non-sexist, non-pronatalist reason that doctors refuse sterilization. It is arrant nonsense. Doctors refuse sterilization because they don't like the idea of women controlling their own bodies. We've even had women told that their doctors were "morally opposed" to doing sterilization on women without kids....in so many words. There isn't a totally understandable, people-are-fundamentally-good-philosophy reason for doctors to refuse to sterilize. It's sexism and forced birthery, pure and simple.

A redditor on this sub recently did a search of the three major law databases: Lexis-Nexis, Westlaw and Bloomberg Law, to see if there were any discussions of "sterilization regret". There were none. I searched online law blogs to see what they had to say. Not one law blog even discussed the subject. The only "sterilization" entry I found explained why the firm would not take a case in which a woman was injured during a sterilization procedure - not regretting it - actually injured. The doctor had gotten written consent, and had performed the procedure competently. He could not have foreseen that the woman's situation would lead to the injury. The case was a "loser" and there would be no recovery. Therefore, they were not taking the case.

If a physician does an elective surgery after obtaining consent, performs it competently, and the outcome is excellent, no lawyer will touch it because you changed your mind. There can be only one outcome for the lawyer from such a loser case: They lose money, and a judge decides they are morons. There is a meme in American life that everyone sues over everything. I used to volunteer at a public service law firm, and you can NOT sue over anything. Someone with an excellent case will not find a lawyer if there is no "recovery," that is, if there's no substantial chunk of money coming. We had one client who had a excellent case, and who won handily with our assistance, who called 30 lawyers, none of whom would take his case. There was no recovery is why. Sterilization regret: No recovery AND a judge hates you? No way, no how will you find a lawyer for such nonsense.

If surgical regret lawsuits were a real problem, there would be no such thing as plastic surgery, where people often DO regret it, and where there is rarely a medical reason for the surgery, as there IS with sterilization. And doctors would not allow a woman WITH children to get sterilized, because women with children are more likely than women without to regret sterilization. They get divorced, they find someone else, they do what they always do with a new man: Have the relationship-cementing baby! And yet, none of these sterilized mommies had any problem finding a doctor to do their procedure. 25 and 3 kids? You've done your duty! 30 and no kids? No sterilization for you, you defective cow.

So in short: no.

/u/NoRugratsNoRagrets' Sterilization Binder

Testimonies and Advice
Sterilization Survey Results You will quickly realize that almost half of our participants are snipped. It took in general less than 3 months to get snipped (88.5%), it was on the first try (89.6%) and more than half started shopping for doctors while being under 30 (60.2%). The proportion of female r/childfree subscribers who are permanently sterilized is significantly lower than the proportion of their male counterparts. It is probably because of the range of temporary birth control methods available to women. 28.4% of our female subscribers are permanently sterilized. More than half (59.6%) of the female subscribers who participated in the survey say that it took less than 3 months to find a doctor willing to sterilize them. In the 60.5% of the successful doctor shopping, the shopping stopped at the first doctor (who agreed to sterilization).
Guide on How to Talk to Your Doctor about Getting Sterilized

/u/NoRugratsNoRagrets has created a website allowing female users to easily compile a "sterilization binder", a set of files documenting the wish to get sterilized from first approach to a doctor until the procedure is being performed. This resource can be of tremendous help to create a track record and help defend arguments against sterilization as spur of the moment decisions etc. - the tool was first introduced in this thread and is currently available under this link.

Most people here who got sterilized on here will tell you to show up at the doctor's having done your research and showing self confidence. The usual questions seem to be :

Have you considered [non permanent birth control]? : I've researched all of my options, and permanent birth control is what I'm looking for, and especially [specific type of permanent birth control] because of [tangible personal reasons], which are validated by [facts and statistics].

Aren't you too young to take that decision? : If I showed up here pregnant (or if my spouse showed up here pregnant), I (she) wouldn't have been asked that question regarding me keeping the child and having children is not only as permanent as [permanent birth control procedure], but it's also a huge responsibility. If I'm old enough to decide to carry a pregnancy to term (or to impregnate someone and be responsible for the results of said pregnancy), I'm also old enough to choose to be sterilized.

What if you changed your mind later? : I know myself well enough to know I won't change my mind. As deciding to not have children ever is not a common decision, I had to do deep introspection to find out if it were truly good to me. I've been challenged about it multiple times. People have been asking my motives to not be like them and follow the script of school-college-career-marriage-children like they all will and all do. Having to fend off that nosiness made me very self aware. I know this is what I want and I know this is right for me. Also, if I ever change my mind, I have tons of other options. I can always adopt, foster, have a surrogate, volunteer with children in need and/or be involved in the lives of my relatives/friends' children. Caring for children doesn't always mean that they have to be biologically mine. Tons of live children need care, nurturing and mentoring, I won't need children with half my genetic make up to fulfill that desire if I ever wish to become a parent. And if it can ease your mind even more, I can also sign a liability waiver concerning me coming back at you because of regrets.

Any other elective surgery has its own risks, but getting sterilized at a young age is way harder than getting a nose or a boob job, an unsightly but otherwise not painful bunion removed, eyesight laser correction, etc. These operations can be a failure, they can be regretted (or not up to what the patient was expecting despite the doctor's lengthy explanations and warnings), they can have complications, etc. And yet, you don't see cosmetic surgeons, podiatrists, ophthalmologists, etc. refusing to perform a surgery from their own field of expertise, except if there are medical contraindications. What's the point of being a well informed adult, if doctors allow themselves to think "I know you did your research, we did talk about it in our consultation and about other methods, risks, potential complications, etc. buuuuuuuuuuuuuut Imma veto that anyway."? There are tons of decisions a well informed, competent adult make on a daily basis for which they have tons of other options, and nobody interferes with it. Whether they are financial, political, social or other types of important, risky decisions, adults are allowed to make their own decisions without having someone butting in and patronizing them. A 21-year-old can decide to buy a car he can't afford, vote for a party that won't be supportive of his needs, get into deep debt attending an useless (in the sense of "unable to land a good, secure job") college degree, etc. without anyone going on "...there ARE other ways, ways that are better for you, so I'm not going to let you do it."

What if your SO wants children? : The perfect SO for me will not only respect but also embrace my childfreedom. Having children is no matter of compromise. We can't have half a child. I can't bear a child and then leave sole custody/responsibility to him. And I can't force him to let go of his dream of fatherhood. Plus, my SO's dream of parenthood isn't my responsibility if I don't want children myself. They have the right to reproduce, but it doesn't have to be with me. They are free to go find someone else to have children with. Before coming here to you for your expertise, I talked to them about my decision, let me assure you. It's my decision and mine only, but they are fully aware of it. (or "My SO is already CF").

Why won't your SO get a vasectomy instead? : (understandable as male sterilization procedures are less invasive than female sterilization procedures) My SO has his own bodily autonomy and so do I. My medical procedures have nothing to do with his. And what if my SO and I break up? Do I have to make all of my life partners have a vasectomy so I can be protected against something I wish doesn't happen to my body and my health?

Are you aware of the risks of [specific type of permanent birth control]? : Yes, I've done my research. The potential risks are [enumeration of a few of these risks]. I've studied them, balanced the pros and the cons. I know this is the procedure I want.

/u/walrusofthenight's Quest for the Cut: Contents /u/DeathByHolocene's "How I got approved for a Vasectomy while in the US Military"
Testimonies and Advice
Question about one of the answers in the /r/childfree FAQ
"My Boyfriend Doesn't Want Me to Get an Abortion. Advice?"
Short answer : "Your body, your choice."
Suddenly it's not so black and white & Update & Update 2
I [20F] am under attack by my boyfriend's [20M] parents for having an abortion. Ex going insane because I had an abortion. My CF boyfriend broke up with me for being "unnatural."
"My Boyfriend Doesn't Want Me to Get Sterilized. Advice?"
Short answer to the problem : "Your body, your choice. You want to get sterilized, you go get sterilized. While it is appropriate to discuss these matters in the setting of a romantic relationship, you're not asking for his permission. You're letting him know about a healthcare decision that is important to you and when they've been put up to date, you go do you." My boyfriend doesn't want me to get sterilized. Guy is super weird about sterilization?
"My Boyfriend Doesn't Want to Get Sterilized. Advice?"
Short answer to the problem : "His body, his choice. If he doesn't want to get sterilized, you might want to ask him just why he doesn't want to, but ultimately it is his choice and you have no right to impose your will on him. What you can do, is to try to get sterilized yourself, if you're so worried about permanent contraception." So...my boyfriend doesn't want to get a vasectomy. Irrationally Angry at BF Who Doesn't Want a Vasectomy. (Long Rant) Bf doesn't want kids, but also doesn't want to get snipped Can you trust a fence-sitter boyfriend who doesn't want a vasectomy? Fiancé doesn't want a vasectomy anymore (long rant) Asking Another to be Sterilized? Any suggestions when your partner is ambivalent about a vasectomy? My Fiance doesn't want a vasectomy and I am questioning his CFness and if we should marry 2017 May 25 | Advice? Husband refuses vasectomy.
"My Boyfriend Wants to Get Sterilized. Advice?"
My boyfriend wants a vasectomy and I'm not sure how I feel about it.
"My Girlfriend Doesn't Want Me to Get Sterilized. Advice?"

Short answer (courtesy of /u/thr0wfaraway) : Vasectomy is 100% your choice and there is ZERO "negotiating" about it with a partner. End of. She does not get a vote here. At all. None. You want it, go get it ASAP. And until you do, and your follow up tests come back clean, do not have sex with her or anyone who is not 100% on the "abort all accidents, immediately, no question" train with you.

HALF of all pregnancies in the US are unplanned. That means that half of the guys walking around with a new kid today did not plan to have that kid.

You need to move on from this relationship and go find a 100% CF partner. If she decides 5 or 10 or 20 years from now that she really, truly is actually CF then you can always have coffee and consider if you want to renew the relationship.

She's allowed to have time to think about what she wants -- she just doesn't get to do it while being in this relationship, while having sex with you knowing that she will not abort an accident thereby risking your future. Stop takings risks that are too high for your level of risk tolerance -- which is zero when it comes to having a kid.
Wife said she doesn't want me to get a vasectomy. My Wife Said NO to a Vasectomy? Fiancee is CF but doesn't want me to get vasectomy Wife insisted on my psychiatric evaluation prior to a vasectomy. What do you think, /r/childfree? So, I had a childfree - vasectomy talk with my gf... "You are taking the choice away from me."
Want to get a vasectomy soon, but fiance wants me to wait until I'm 29 & Happy Update
Me [24 M CF] wants to get snipped. SO [24 F fence sitter leaning pro child] doesn't want me to. Help with points to show her why it is important?
My insurance covers the entire cost of a vasectomy and I was excited...until I told my girlfriend. & Update
Thinking of getting snipped. Wife is telling me I should wait a couple more years to be sure. Person I'm dating might want kids, and is now mad at me; advice..?
"My Girlfriend Doesn't Want to Get an Abortion. Advice?"
Need advice- girlfriend is pregnant and wants to keep the baby but realistically we aren't ready [She's pregnant. I don't want kids. Advice?]
Long Term Birth Control

LifeHackers - If Your Doctor Won't Give You an IUD Because You Haven't Had Kids, You Need a New Doctor ¹

Need A Second Opinion On Sterility?

NASCI Biologie Médicale http://nascibiomed.com/ 794, Fréchette, suite 101, Longueuil, Qc, Canada J4J 5C9 (514) 316-1518

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u/thatweirdfemale has compiled extensive research on female sterilization and tubal ligation in this thread. This thread contains lots of useful info What if a physician refuses to tell you where you can get an abortion ? Getting your tubes tied the easy way...

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Abortion & Parental Involvement Law Fact Sheet - Advocates for Youth

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Indigenous women who experience sexual violence are finding little to no support at Indian Health Service (IHS) facilities, despite the fact that Indigenous women are twice as likely to experience sexual assault as other women in the U.S. Some IHS facilities lack rape kits altogether, and until recently, birth control was not widely available. Meanwhile, there are significant barriers to obtaining an abortion. Advocates argue that IHS is failing to live up to its federal responsibilities, but despite lawsuits, reprimands and regulations, the agency continues to drag its feet in achieving compliance.

"They don't care," said Charon Asetoyer, executive director of the Native American Women's Health Education Resource Center (NAWHERC). "They don't want to have federal agencies with any kind of abortion services."

A 2002 study published by the Native American Women's Health Education Resource Center, a South Dakota-based nonprofit that advocates for Indigenous women, found that only 25 abortions were performed in the IHS system since 1976, when the Hyde Amendment was passed. (The Hyde Amendment prevents the use of federal funds to pay for abortion services, with rare exceptions.) That 2002 study is one of the few to track abortion statistics specifically among Indigenous women. High Country News filed a Freedom of Information Act request for more recent data from the Indian Health Service, but it has gone unanswered.

When clinics are able to provide an abortion, it comes with strict conditions: The procedure can only be performed in the case of rape or incest or when a woman's life is in danger. Furthermore, IHS policy states that rapes must be reported within 60 days in order for women to receive abortion care.

"We know that most rape victims don't report at all," said Sarah Deer, a citizen of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation, who has been recognized for her work on reauthorizing the Violence Against Women Act. "So if they don't make that report within 60 days, then they are no longer eligible for even that exception."

IHS also requires signed documentation from a law enforcement agency and a health-care facility, along with a police report filed within 60 days of the incident. "Additionally, the incident in question must meet the definition of rape or incest as defined by law in the state or tribal jurisdiction where the incident was reported to have occurred," the policy states. The Bureau of Justice Statistics, which tracks crime nationally as well as in Indian Country, reported that in 2016, Alaska Native and Native American women experienced higher rates of sexual violence than their white and Latinx counterparts did.

Access to contraceptives such as Plan B, commonly known as the "morning after pill," is also an issue at IHS clinics. Plan B, which acts as emergency birth control when other methods fail, is an over-the-counter medication available at pharmacies like CVS or Walgreens. Native women sometimes don't use those pharmacies, choosing instead to obtain their medication at IHS clinics. "Every other woman in this country has access to it except for Native women," said Asetoyer. "We jump through all kinds of hoops to get it."

The Plan B pill wasn't available at IHS clinics until a 2010 lawsuit from the Native American Women's Health Education Resource Center forced IHS to make it available. Two years later, NAWHERC found that more than half of tribally run health centers were out of compliance when it came to providing the medication. Even after those findings, NAWHERC found that barriers remained. Some clinics still required a prescription, while almost a third failed to stock Plan B at all.

"Why should we be denied access to Plan B when it is perfectly legal?" said Asetoyer.

Some of the facilities that did not provide Plan B were in Oklahoma, particularly in the Creek, Chickasaw and Shawnee nation health centers. Emergency contraceptives were not available, allegedly because they were not in stock.

The treaties that tribal nations signed with the United States specifically stated that, in exchange for land cessions, the federal government would provide medical care and supplies for tribal members and citizens.

The Indian Health Service maintains that it is understaffed, and that every year, the amount of money the federal government allocates to hire, train and staff its clinics shrinks. Long waiting times and delayed care are part of Indian health care. Asetoyer says that, even with budget cuts, this lack of care is a violation of the federal government's trust responsibility. The treaties that tribal nations signed with the United States specifically stated that, in exchange for land cessions, the federal government would provide medical care and supplies for tribal members and citizens. The Indian Health Service did not comment for this story by publication.

The Indian Health Service was cited by the Government Accountability Office in 2011 for its slow response time to sexual assault. The GAO examined the ability of the Indian Health Service and tribally operated hospitals to collect and preserve the medical evidence needed for criminal prosecution in cases of sexual assault and domestic violence. It also analyzed what, if any, special challenges these hospitals face in collecting and preserving such evidence, and what factors besides medical evidence contribute to the decision to prosecute such cases.

The Government Accountability Office made three recommendations: Develop a new plan and policies for treating sexual assault; provide better training for hospital staff who handle sexual assault victims; and update the process followed when medical staff are subpoenaed to testify.

In 2017, Amnesty International stepped in and filed a Freedom of Information Act request asking about the number of rapes and sexual assaults reported each year, as well as the number of rape kits clinics had on hand and how often they were requested. The group also asked how often Indian Health Service staff were asked to testify, and how many had done so on behalf of a client. If a request to testify was declined, Amnesty wanted to know on what grounds. The worldwide human rights organization also inquired about the number of sexual assault nurse examiners and whether victims were offered emergency contraceptives at the time of their visit. But according to Tara Dement of Amnesty International, this request was denied.

Despite this setback, Amnesty and NAWHERC continue to lobby for more accountability when it comes to these essential services. Recently, they met with members of the staffs of Rep. Deb Haaland, D-N.M., and Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., urging them to keep pressure on IHS to provide requested information and make sure these services are available to Indigenous women.

"This is not a fulfillment of U.S. obligations under its own treaties or under international human rights standards," Dement said.
Allison Herrera is Xolon Salinan from the Central Coast of California and serves as editor of climate and environment for Colorado Public Radio. Follow @alisonaher
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Indigenous women face extra barriers when it comes to reproductive rights

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Indigenous women who experience sexual violence are finding little to no support at Indian Health Service (IHS) facilities, despite the fact that Indigenous women are twice as likely to experience sexual assault as other women in the U.S. Some IHS facilities lack rape kits altogether, and until recently, birth control was not widely available.

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Advocates for Youth - Read and join about different youth-run campaigns for reproductive justice!

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Bex fights for

Access to reproductive health care is non-negotiable and must include both family planning and abortion care. As young people, we refuse to work with anyone who bargains away our rights to bodily autonomy and ultimately our health.

Young people have the right to lead healthy lives

We should have access to the tools we need to protect our health - including access to condoms, contraception, and the full array of reproductive health care services.

Working at the intersections

Young people know that the fight for reproductive and sexual health, rights, and justice includes fighting for an end to racism and structural oppression.

"I fight for abortion access because people with uteruses should not have their bodily autonomy compromised simply because they have the ability to get pregnant, and should always have access to safe, legal, abortion."

- Bex, 1 in 3 Campus Organizer

Reproductive Justice Campaigns

The Condom Collective

Condom Collective members care about access to quality condoms on their campuses. Each year, they've given out 1 million Trojan Brand condoms on college campuses across the United States.

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Reproductive Justice - Advocates for Youth

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Bex fights for Access to reproductive health care is non-negotiable and must include both family planning and abortion care. As young people, we refuse to work with anyone who bargains away our rights to bodily autonomy and ultimately our health.

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National Sexual Assault Telephone Hotline

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Call 800.656.HOPE (4673) to be connected with a trained staff member from a sexual assault service provider in your area.

How does it work?

When you call 800.656.HOPE (4673), you'll be routed to a local RAINN affiliate organization based on the first six digits of your phone number. Cell phone callers have the option to enter the ZIP code of their current location to more accurately locate the nearest sexual assault service provider.
Telephone Hotline Terms of Service
How can the hotline help me?

Calling the National Sexual Assault Hotline gives you access to a range of free services including:

Confidential support from a trained staff member

Support finding a local health facility that is trained to care for survivors of sexual assault and offers services like sexual assault forensic exams

Someone to help you talk through what happened

Local resources that can assist with your next steps toward healing and recovery

Referrals for long term support in your area

Information about the laws in your community

Basic information about medical concerns

Is it confidential?

The National Sexual Assault Hotline is a safe, confidential service. When you call the hotline, only the first six numbers of the phone number are used to route the call, and your complete phone number is never stored in our system. Most states do have laws that require local staff to contact authorities in certain situations, like if there is a child or vulnerable adult who is in danger.

While almost all callers are connected directly to a staff member or volunteer at a local sexual assault service provider, a handful of providers use an answering service after daytime business hours. This service helps manage the flow of calls. If all staff members are busy, you may choose to leave a phone number with the answering service. In this case, the number will be confidential and will be given directly to the organization's staff member for a callback. If you reach an answering service, you can try calling back after some time has passed, or you can choose to call during regular business hours when more staff members are available. You can also access 24/7 help online by visiting online.rainn.org.

Who are the sexual assault service providers?

Sexual assault service providers are organizations or agencies dedicated to supporting survivors of sexual assault. The providers who answer calls placed to the hotline are known as RAINN affiliates. To be part of the National Sexual Assault Hotline, affiliates must agree to uphold RAINN's confidentiality standards. That means:

Never releasing records or information about the call without the consent of the caller, except when obligated by law

Only making reports to the police or other agencies when the caller consents, unless obligated by law

Agreeing to RAINN's non-discrimination policy

To learn more about how a provider can become an affiliate of the National Sexual Assault Hotline, visit the Sexual Assault Service Provider information page. Volunteer opportunities for the National Sexual Assault Hotline are coordinated through these local providers. Search for volunteer opportunities near you.

How was the National Sexual Assault Hotline created?

The National Sexual Assault Hotline was the nation's first decentralized hotline, connecting those in need with help in their local communities. It's made up of a network of independent sexual assault service providers, vetted by RAINN, who answer calls to a single, nationwide hotline number. Since it was first created in 1994, the National Sexual Assault Hotline (800.656.HOPE and online.rainn.org) has helped more than 3 million people affected by sexual violence.

Before the telephone hotline was created, there was no central place where survivors could get help. Local sexual assault services providers were well equipped to handle support services, but the lack of a national hotline meant the issue did not receive as much attention as it should. In response, RAINN developed a unique national hotline system to combine all the advantages of a national organization with all the abilities and expertise of local programs. One nationwide hotline number makes it easier for survivors to be connected with the help they deserve.
Anyone affected by sexual assault, whether it happened to you or someone you care about, can find support on the National Sexual Assault Hotline. You can also visit online.rainn.org to receive support via confidential online chat.

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national sexual assault telephone hotline

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About the National Sexual Assault Telephone Hotline

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When you call 800.656.HOPE (4673), you'll to be routed to a local sexual assault service provider in your area. Trained staff can provide confidential support and connect you to resources in your area.

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My best friend became pregnant with her abusive partner. Once she was able to safely leave the relationship, having options around her pregnancy and reproductive health gave her the power to make decisions and find her power and voice that had been stripped by her physically and emotionally abusive partner for over ten years.

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Washington State Coalition Against Domestic Violence (WSCADV)

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We all have a role to play in the Reproductive Justice Movement. We are integrating this framework into our work.

Decisions around birth control, when to get pregnant and how to parent are complicated even in the best of circumstances. Everyone should be free to make decisions about their body and their family, and experience sexuality without violence, coercion, or external control. We are working towards reproductive justice by ensuring that all people have the right:

To have children

To not have children

To parent in safe, healthy environments

Survivors of abuse experience these rights being taken away by abusive partners, medical professionals, and/or the state. We are giving people more options if they are experiencing this and removing barriers to accessing those options. The freedom to make decisions around reproductive health and parenting allow people to write their own futures. Our work includes:

We provide information and support to domestic violence programs and advocates

We partner with the Washington State Department of Children, Youth, and Families, Washington State Department of Health, and Ounce Washington to provide training to home visitors and doulas.

In partnership with the Washington Coalition of Sexual Assault Programs, we created a collection of resources to meet the needs of pregnant and parenting survivors.

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Reproductive Justice - Washington State Coalition Against Domestic Violence (WSCADV)

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We all have a role to play in the Reproductive Justice Movement. We are integrating this framework into our work. Decisions around birth control, when to get pregnant and how to parent are complicated even in the best of circumstances.

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Center for Reproductive Rights
COVID 19 resources
Contraception
Maternal Healthcare and more

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The Center for Reproductive Rights is a leading source of information on reproductive rights laws, policies and issues. In this section, you'll find Center publications, resources and tools addressing issues such as abortion care, contraception, assisted reproduction, maternal health and more.

CENTER RESOURCES

PUBLICATIONS ARCHIVE: All Center publications produced since 1997, a vast trove of free, downloadable information on reproductive rights topics.

COVID-19: Fact sheets on the impact of COVID-19 on access to reproductive health, and information on Center lawsuits to protect abortion access during the pandemic.

SERVING THOSE WHO SERVE? Issue briefs on the barriers to reproductive healthcare faced by military servicemembers and veterans.

THE WORLD'S ABORTION LAWS MAP: An interactive tool showing the legal status of abortion in countries across the globe.

WHAT IF ROE FELL? An interactive tool showing how abortion rights could be affected in each U.S. state if Roe v. Wade were weakened or overturned.

BEYOND ABORTION: ROE AND OTHER RIGHTS: The Center's report on how Roe v. Wade and related Supreme Court decisions provide the constitutional foundation for basic freedoms essential to our lives and futures.

LAWYERS NETWORK: A network of leaders who build knowledge about reproductive rights issues, engage new allies, and empower reproductive rights advocates.

PRO BONO LEGAL SUPPORT FOR ORGANIZATIONS AFFECTED BY THE GLOBAL GAG RULE: Connects organizations with global law firms that can provide pro bono legal assistance.

EVALUATING PRIORITIES: An interactive map from the Center for Reproductive Rights and Ibis Reproductive Health comparing the number of abortion restrictions in each U.S. state to its policies supporting women, children and families.

CENTER EVENTS: Recent panels and other events featuring Center professionals.

USEFUL LINKS

ABORTION LAW DATABASE: An online tool by the Abortion Law Project, the Center and other organizations with data about each U.S. state's abortion restrictions.

ACTFORWOMEN.ORG: The campaign by a broad coalition of more than 100 organizations in support of the Women's Health Protection Act (WHPA), which would answer calls to codify abortion rights as recognized under Roe v. Wade.

MYRIGHTMYDECISION.ORG: A coalition of dozens of organizations with information about the 2020 abortion case before the U.S. Supreme Court, June Medical v. Russo, litigated by the Center.

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The Center for Reproductive Rights is a leading source of information on reproductive rights laws, policies and issues. In this section, you'll find Center publications , resources and tools addressing issues such as abortion care, contraception, assisted reproduction, maternal health and more.

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Without access to reproductive rights, my roommate would have been a mother, trapped in a toxic relationship. A friend of mine would have become a father, shortly after being let go from his job, and with an abusive partner. My cousin could have died from a miscarriage. I would have been too afraid to have sex with men.

These are not the lives people deserve to live. People deserve reproductive rights.

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Planned Parenthood sponsored production of the 250,000 "We Remember" pamphlets in the summer of 1989. The statement, written by former Ms. editor Marcia Gillespie, connected the lack of reproductive freedom to other forms of oppression suffered by the African-American community until that moment such as slavery, Jim Crow laws and voting disenfranchisement.

Ultimately Ross says she thought, no matter their history, black women needed to have access to reproductive freedom and justice.

"The feminist in me said we deserve abortion rights whether we had ever been enslaved or not," she said. "It's our human right."

The brochure was the first part of a series of signature campaigns in the late 1980s-early 1990s in which black women and women of color used their voices to impact public policy and raise awareness around sexism and racism. In 1991, black scholars gathered signatures from 1,600 black women and took out an advertisement in the New York Times in support of Anita Hill, who faced scrutiny for testifying in judiciary hearings against Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, whom she accused of sexual harassment.

Then came the full-page ad, "Black Women on Health Care Reform," which was signed by 836 black women including novelist Alice Walker and political activist Angela Davis and published in the Washington Post and Roll Call in August 1994, according to the book Reproductive Justice. The printing was organized by the 16 black women who launched the reproductive justice movement to address the intersection of social justice and reproductive health in June 1994.

The collective, which called itself the Women of African Descent for Reproductive Justice, was responding to the Clinton administration's proposed 1993 Health Security Act, which did not address reproductive issues that disproportionately harmed black women, such as poverty, intimate partner violence, infant mortality and morbidity, environmental issues and HIV/AIDS.

To further push their message, the WADRJ and the Women of Color Partnership Program of the Religious Coalition of Reproductive Choice also republished "We Remember" with 29 more signatures from black women in 1994. The second iteration of the brochure is also tied to the founding of the reproductive justice movement, Toni Bond Leonard, who was part of organizing the reissue, explained.

"We were still fighting for black women to be able to discuss abortion and also to be trusted as moral agents with the capacity to make decisions about our bodies," Bond said.

Because mainstream pro-choice organizations traditionally didn't speak out on the racism black women faced, an experience that impacted their reproductive health, they weren't satisfied with those spaces representing them either.

"It enabled us to center ourselves and talk about our lived experiences in ways that the reproductive health and reproductive rights movement didn't allow us to do, and so what you had was basically black women and other women of color create their own movement," Bond said.

Bond and Ross stood on the shoulders of black women before them who sought access to family planning services and abortion whether it was accessible to them or whether it was something they took into their own hands. For instance, late surgeon and Tennessee legislator Dr. Dorothy Lavinia Brown introduced a bill in 1967 - which didn't pass - to legalize abortion caused by rape or incest. In 1965, women of color were most likely to die from illegal abortions, according to Abortion Wars: A Half Century of Struggle, 1950-2000. During slavery, black women had little power over their reproductive health, but used other methods to end pregnancies at their own will. According to Ross, much of their knowledge on carrying out abortions was from African communities from where these women descended and which pre-dated slavery.

There are multiple reasons why black women sought abortions throughout history, reasons that should not have ever been policed, according to the "We Remember" document.

"We understand why African-American women risked their lives then, and why they seek safe legal abortion now," the statement read. "It's been a matter of survival. Hunger and homelessness. Inadequate housing and income to properly provide for themselves and their children. Family instability. Rape. Incest. Abuse. Too young, too old, too sick, too tired. Emotional, physical, mental, economic, social - the reasons for not carrying a pregnancy to term are endless and varied, personal, urgent, and private."

In the years since "We Remember," black women, especially those who are low-income, navigate similar obstacles. The Hyde Amendment of 1976 continues to block millions of people who receive Medicaid, many of whom are disproportionately young and black, from receiving public assistance for abortion access. Those women have to pay the cost out of pocket, which could cost up to $950, according to Planned Parenthood.

Today, there are multiple organizations and high-profile individuals using their platform to support these women. For instance, the National Network of Abortion Funds, which is made up of 70 member organizations, works to remove financial barriers to accessing abortion. Of the 150,000 calls the member funds received, they are able to support 29,000 with their resources each year.

Yamani Hernandez, executive director of the National Network of Abortion Funds, said that 50 percent of callers to the network are black, making the group a core of the network's constituency.

"We know in this country there are racial and economic injustices intertwined with reproductive health, and so it's hard to pull apart the two because black women are hit hardest by all the health disparities," Hernandez said. Currently the organization's mission is to grow consistent support for each of its membership funds, which are primarily run by volunteers.

"We're working to be able to meet the need because we haven't been able to meet it in a so-called friendlier political climate," Hernandez said. "So we know in a more hostile climate, the work is even more important."

On Friday, the Georgia Senate passed House Bill 481, also known as the Living Infants Fairness and Equality (LIFE) Act. According to the bill, physicians can not perform abortions if the fetus has a human heartbeat. On Thursday, Mississippi Gov. Phil Bryant signed a bill that also banned abortions, in most circumstances, if a human heartbeat is detected.

Reproductive health advocates and politicians who are pro-choice are fighting to protect Roe v. Wade. On March 12, presidential candidate Sen. Kamala Harris (D-Calif.) with Sens. Mazie Hirono (D-Hawaii) and Tammy Duckworth (D-Ill.), introduced the EACH Woman Act, to overturn the Hyde Amendment and legalize abortions under federal insurance plans. New York passed protections for abortion rights in January, joining states that already had public protections in place including California, Connecticut and Maryland. Still, 20 states may ban abortion if the ruling is overturned.

Black women continue to stand up and use their platforms to impact public policy in states where publicly funded procedures are only allowed in the case of rape, incest or life endangerment. During her gubernatorial campaign, Stacey Abrams was set on preventing further restrictions to abortion services in Georgia, and wanted to expand Medicaid and access to adequate health care in underserved areas. In Pennsylvania, where publicly funded abortions are also restricted, New Voices for Reproductive Freedom founder La'Tasha D. Mayes marked the 46th year of Roe v. Wade by calling out the Pennsylvania government for not covering abortions under Medicaid.

Although the majority of African-American adults support the right to choose, there are still many who oppose abortions and make their views very public. For instance, last July, the National Black Pro-Life Coalition put up a billboard in a predominantly black neighborhood in Dallas that read, "Abortion is not health care. It hurts women and murders their babies."

In September, the Afiya Center, a reproductive justice organization centering black women in Dallas, criticized the coalition's billboard for creating stigma around black women seeking abortions. The Afiya Center bought its own billboard to respond, which stated, "Black women take care of their families by taking care of themselves. Abortion is self-care."

"It's cliche to think of self-care as ladies who lunch and spa," Marsha Jones, executive director of the Afiya Center, wrote in an op-ed for the Dallas Times. "In a reproductive-justice framework, self-care is the radical notion that black women give themselves permission to honor their lives and control their own destinies."

It's evident the work to destigmatize conversations and impact public policy on abortion and the full spectrum of reproductive freedom is not done. "We Remember" serves as a reminder for Renee Bracey Sherman, public affairs manager at the National Network of Abortion Funds: Black women's voices and stories deserve to be heard and their choices respected.

Bracey Sherman said: "We're going to keep doing this until we actually get to see true reproductive justice realized."
Follow NBCBLK on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram

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Black women and the fight for abortion rights: How this brochure sparked the movement for reproductive justice

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Planned Parenthood sponsored production of the 250,000 "We Remember" pamphlets in the summer of 1989. The statement, written by former Ms. editor Marcia Gillespie, connected the lack of reproductive freedom to other forms of oppression suffered by the African-American community until that moment such as slavery, Jim Crow laws and voting disenfranchisement.

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Now that the dangerous Title X gag rule has taken effect, your role is crucial. Against all odds, this is our time to unleash everything we've learned to protect one of the most fundamental rights: the right to control our own bodies. We need you now to ensure that all patients can get the health care they need.

When public health funds get cut, people go without care. Members of Congress need to understand how.

The fight to protect access to health care is far from over. We need YOU locally so our leaders know to make reproductive health care a priority.

Help us keep up the fight to ensure all patients can get the health care they need - no matter what.

Thank you!

We'll be in touch soon with more ways you can get involved, stay in touch, and be an advocate for reproductive health and rights. It's good to know we have supporters like you standing with us.

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Now that the dangerous Title X gag rule has taken effect, your role is crucial. Against all odds, this is our time to unleash everything we've learned to protect one of the most fundamental rights: the right to control our own bodies. We need you now to ensure that all patients can get the health care they need.

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Roe v. Wade | Civil liberties and civil rights | US government and civics | Khan Academy

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My parents are very conservative. It's impossible to talk to them about sex or safe sex or sex education. I didn't know anything going into college.  Resources like planned parenthood made it possible for me to get contraception and emergency contraception when I had no idea where to get anything. It also gave me a safe place to ask questions about my body when I couldn't before.

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Why Amy Coney Barrett endangers women's reproductive rights

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Amy Coney Barrett's views are dangerously out of touch with most Americans' and she holds positions that will be a direct threat to our lives and rights - including our health care and reproductive and sexual freedom - for generations to come.

If the Senate confirms Judge Amy Coney Barrett, roughly 25 million women of reproductive age could lose abortion access. Here's how we know:

1.) Barrett has a long record of hostility to reproductive health and rights. Her writings, speeches, and rulings all add up to another vote to restrict abortion rights if she is confirmed to the Supreme Court.

2.) If is overturned, individual states will decide whether abortion is legal. Ten states in the South, Midwest, and Mountain West regions could ban abortion through " trigger laws" - designed to automatically make abortion illegal if Roe v. Wade falls. And right now, 17 abortion-related cases are one step from the Supreme Court - most involve restrictions that effectively ban abortion, without the need to overturn Roe v. Wade directly.

3.) 20 states have a combination of "trigger laws," "pre-Roe bans," and/or legislatures hostile to reproductive health care. The politicians in power in these "hostile" states oppose abortion and have an established history of passing extreme abortion restrictions - including six-week abortion bans that strip access before many people even know they're pregnant.

Existing Abortion Restrictions Hurt People With Low Incomes the Most

For many people, Roe v. Wade is ALREADY meaningless. In the past decade, states have passed hundreds of abortion restrictions that make safe, legal abortion out of reach for people who can't overcome unfair and costly barriers - such as long distance travel to get to the closest abortion provider, or taking time off work because of medically unnecessary two-trip requirements. The restrictions harm people with low incomes and Black and Brown people, and all women who are forced to navigate racist and discriminatory systems.

After the Senate confirmed Justice Brett Kavanaugh last year, 12 states passed 25 abortion bans. Although all of these laws are blocked by lower courts, some are making their way up through the appeals process.

Since 2011, states have passed more than 480 abortion restrictions - such as mandatory waiting periods, two-trip requirements, bans on insurance coverage, and telehealth abortion bans. These restrictions make it more difficult, and often or impossible, for people with low incomes and communities of color to access the care they need.

Now, five states in the U.S. have only one abortion provider left: Mississippi, Missouri, North Dakota, South Dakota, and West Virginia.

Tags: SCOTUS, Mitch McConnell, President Trump

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Amy Coney Barrett's Supreme Court Confirmation Would Threaten the Right to Safe, Legal Abortion Nationwide

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Amy Coney Barrett's views are dangerously out of touch with most Americans' and she holds positions that will be a direct threat to our lives and rights - including our health care and reproductive and sexual freedom - for generations to come.

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There are two ways of ending a pregnancy: in-clinic abortion and the abortion pill. Both are safe and very common. If you're pregnant and thinking about abortion, you may have lots of questions. We're here to help.

Considering Abortion

Trying to decide if abortion is the right choice for you? Here are answers to common questions.

The Abortion Pill

The abortion pill works up to 11 weeks of pregnancy. You can usually have your abortion in the privacy of your own home.

In-Clinic Abortion

In-clinic abortions are safe, simple medical procedures provided by doctors and nurses at a health center.

Need answers? Chat with us.

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Need answers? Chat with us.

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Ask us anything. Seriously.

Between our trained sexual health educators or chat bot, we can answer your questions about your sexual health whenever you have them. And they are free and confidential.

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Abortion Information | Information About Your Options

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Abortion is a safe and legal way to end a pregnancy. Learning more about abortion methods and options can help you decide if it is the right choice for you

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In many states, the end of Roe v. Wade is already here

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President Donald Trump announced on Monday night that Brett Kavanaugh, a judge on the DC Circuit Court of Appeals, is his choice to replace retiring Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy. With the announcement of Kennedy's retirement and now Kavanaugh's nomination, abortion rights watchers have been sounding the alarm that Roe v. Wade, the nation's landmark 1973 abortion rights decision, is in a fragile state.

Over his three-decade tenure, Kennedy hasbeen the swing vote keeping federal abortion rights mostly intact. And if the right case makes it to the Supreme Court, the Trump-nominated replacement to Kennedy and four other dependably conservative justices could overturn Roe v. Wade and jeopardize legal abortions in the United States.

Yet in many regions across the country, the end of Roe is essentially already here.

The rollback of abortion access in some states has been taking place for the better half of the last decade. After the 2010elections ushered in a wave of conservative governors and state lawmakers, more than 400 state laws have been passed to restrict abortion access in some way,according to Rachel Sussman, Planned Parenthood's national director of state policy and advocacy.

If Roe v. Wade is overturned, states can individually decide whether abortion will remain legal and how accessible it will be. While services in bluestates like California and New York will probably remain intact, they most likely will not in states like Mississippi where abortion is already restricted. (In Mississippi, abortion is illegal after 15 weeks of a pregnancy, and only one remaining clinic offers the procedure.)

And it's not just Mississippi. Twenty-one states, including North Dakota, Georgia, and Oklahoma, adhere to a 20-week ban. In some states, burdensome requirements for abortions mean extended wait periods for women seeking the procedure. Legallimitations like extendedwaiting periods have beenplaced on medication-based abortions. Certain states restrict private insurers from covering abortion, while other states require women to undergo counseling before having an abortion.

"It is certainly true with the Kennedy vacancy, access to abortion and Roe v. Wade are on the line," Sussman told Vox. "And certainly losing Roe would make abortion access impossible in close to 20 states. Butthere are women today living under regimes where access to abortion is impossible."

Access to clinics has been on the decline for years

Documentaries and news articles have long chronicled the diminishing number of abortion clinics in the South and West. Six states - West Virginia, North Dakota, South Dakota, Mississippi, Wyoming, and Kentucky - each have only a single remaining abortion clinic. And Kentucky could very well become the first state without any abortion clinics at all. The state's conservative governor has lodged a federal lawsuit against EMW Women's Surgical Center, Kentucky's lone clinic because its doctors do not have admitting privileges at local hospitals should a patient require a transfer.

Many of the restrictions on abortion are, in fact, waged against clinics and providers. Eleven states require abortion providers to have practitioners with admitting privileges, meaning they must have ties to a hospital that patients can go to in an emergency. While the requirement seems commonsense, doctors often find it difficult to maintain the minimum number of admitted patients or they live too far from the hospital to qualify.

Some statesimpose regulations on an abortion clinic's distance from a hospital, the size of procedure rooms, and even the width of corridors inside. Strict requirements like these would have severely cut down abortion access across Texas if it weren't for the 5-3 Supreme Court decision of 2016 in Whole Women's Health v. Hellerstedt, which deemed such regulations an undue burden on clinics and women seeking abortions.

Even states with multiple clinics leave some populations underserved. The Lancet published a study last year examining how far women of reproductive age needed to travel to find the nearest abortion clinic. Across the US, the median distance a woman has to travel to reach an abortion clinic is 11 miles, but that's generally because abortion clinics (and people) are concentrated in urban areas. Still, asVox's Anna North reported last year, women in large swaths of the United States are sometimes forced to travel hundreds of miles for an abortion.

Abortion access is being incrementally scaled back

Getting to a clinic, however, does not guarantee access to an abortion. Twenty-seven states require a woman seeking an abortion to wait a certain amount of time, typically 24 hours, before the procedure can take place. Some of those states require the woman to make two separate trips for the procedure.

Additionally, 43 states prohibit abortion after a certain number of weeks into a pregnancy. With each year comes even tighter timelines. During their past legislative sessions, Mississippi and Louisiana each banned abortion after 15 weeks. (That's still several weeks before a fetus would be considered viable if born prematurely, according to a 2015 study published in the New England Journal of Medicine.) While Mississippi's law was immediately challenged in court, it lines up with Gov. Phil Bryant's 2014 declaration that he would work "to end abortion" in his state. In Louisiana, performing an abortion for someone after 15 weeks of her pregnancy comes with a prison sentence of as much as two years. Kentucky, pending a legal challenge, may limit the types of abortion procedures available to women who are more than 11 weeks pregnant. Iowa's governor signed a bill banning abortions once a fetal heartbeat is detected, which can be as early as six weeks into a pregnancy.

Dr. Jamila Perritt, a fellow with Physicians for Reproductive Health that advocates for contraception and abortion rights, outlined for NPR earlier this year how such a short window of time creates a barrier for many women who seek abortions.

"The likelihood that an individual can miss her period, get a pregnancy test, then make an appointment to see an abortion provider, take time off of work if she's working, find child care for her other children, get in to get her abortion and have all of that done prior to a six-week time period is absolutely unrealistic and unreasonable," Perritt said.

Abortion restrictions like these, Sussman reiterated, have a particularly high impact on people of color, undocumented people, and low-income earners, especially those with hourly wage jobs. That's all the more jarring if you consider that, according to the Brookings Institution, low-income women are "more than five times as likely than affluent women to experience an unintended pregnancy."

But is Roe really in jeopardy?

On the campaign trail, Trump vowed he would nominate anti-abortion judges and that Roe would "automatically" be overturned. With Kavanaugh on the bench, the future of Roe would either be safe, according to groups like the American Family Association who say his views are not conservative enough, or in peril, according to politicians like Sen. Kamala Harris (D-CA) who has already declared she would oppose his nomination to guard the potential overturn of Roe.

But there are nearly a dozen cases in federal courts right now that could, if brought before the Supreme Court that includes Kavanaugh, potentially upend the precedent established by Roe 45 years ago, according to Planned Parenthood. Even if Roe isn't overturned outright, replacing Kennedy will affect abortion rights, "not so much because it will bring about the immediate reversal of Roe v. Wade but because it makes it more likely that the Supreme Court will give the states more room to decide what regulatory constraints on abortion are valid," Carol Sanger, a Columbia law professor, told Vox's Li Zhou this week.

Nonetheless, 67 percent of the US public does not want the case overturned, according to a Kaiser Family Foundation poll conducted before Kennedy's announcement. Among women of reproductive age, the figure is 74 percent.

Despite public opinion, states across the country have been paring back abortion access or preparing for the overturning of Roe. According to the Guttmacher Institute, 17 states have laws on the books that would rescind any remaining abortion rights if the decision is overturned. In other states with majority-Republican legislatures and conservative governors, similar restrictive laws could come quickly.

Nonetheless, Sussman said, "there are states out there that have declared that they'll fight tooth and nail to ensure that access to abortion in their state is not only protected but that they'll defend it. There are a lot of states working proactively - they're setting up their states to codify Roe's protections. This won't be a one-sided story."
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In many states, the end of Roe v. Wade is already here

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President Donald Trump announced on Monday night that Brett Kavanaugh, a judge on the DC Circuit Court of Appeals, is his choice to replace retiring Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy. With the announcement of Kennedy's retirement and now Kavanaugh's nomination, abortion rights watchers have been sounding the alarm that Roe v.

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National Network of Abortion Funds
How to find a clinic, learn about women's reproductive rights, and how to start your own activism!

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Declare your support for abortion funds and commitment to act for abortion access with the National Network of Abortion Funds! By becoming a member you make the following declaration:

"I am an individual member of the National Network of Abortion Funds. I will support the work and power of local abortion funds. I will build power with my fellow members to remove financial and logistical barriers to abortion access by centering people who have abortions and by organizing at the intersections of racial, economic, and reproductive justice."

Not sure if you're a member?

Why Become a Member:

Becoming an individual member of the National Network of Abortion Funds means joining a community that works lovingly and strategically to dismantle barriers to abortion access while organizing at the intersections of racial, economic, and reproductive justice to build power.

When you become an individual member of the National Network of Abortion Funds, you will have the opportunity to plug in and learn more about organizing and activism, and receive regular local and national updates and action alerts. You can also connect with your local fund and gain access to an intentional community of like-minded people both online and at in person gatherings. Join your political home here with us and grow your leadership as an abortion access activist!

How does membership work?

Individual abortion access champions can enroll as a member, using a sliding scale of $0-$30 in dues. Dues are not a profit to us, nor meant as a substitute for donations to the National Network of Abortion Funds or donations to member funds. Dues collected for membership defray the cost of your membership gift as well as the time administering membership and to member abortion funds, such as staff time, postage, building and maintaining secure technologies for database, communications, and teleconferencing. (Membership dues are not tax-deductible as they pay for the cost of membership and do not get processed as a donation to NNAF.)

In 2020, new members receive the iconic, head-turning "Everyone Loves Someone Who Had An Abortion" shirt while renewing members will receive a black, stainless steel "Everyone Loves Someone Who Had an Abortion" water bottle as a reminder to keep caring for our bodies as we navigate through 2020. And if you love the beautiful art we created with Forward Together, you're in luck. Everyone who joins or renews their membership will receive a 8.5″ x 11″ print while supplies last! Because our network is built on collective power, you can also opt to add a gift membership to support the membership of someone for whom dues are a barrier.

Your contact information will not be shared with anyone, except for the fund to which you choose to anchor your membership.
If you are a monthly donor to the National Network of Abortion Funds your individual membership dues are waived. Please contact to receive a special link to sign up.
Can I anchor my membership with a local fund?

As an individual member of the National Network of Abortion Funds you can anchor your membership with a local abortion fund of your choice. This means that you will be directly connected to your anchor fund and your name will be added to that fund's email list for future communications and updates.

Learn more about abortion funds:

Discover funds in places of importance to you by reviewing our of local abortion funds. If you would like to sign up for email updates and make donations to additional funds you can do so !

Questions about individual membership? Contact us at [email protected]

Not sure if you're a member?

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Individual Membership - National Network of Abortion Funds

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Declare your support for abortion funds and commitment to act for abortion access with the National Network of Abortion Funds! By becoming a member you make the following declaration: "I am an individual member of the National Network of Abortion Funds. I will support the work and power of local abortion funds.