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Juan Rodríguez-First New Yorker 1614-1640

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Juan Rodríguez-First New Yorker 1614-1640

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Video Link:https://janos.nyc
Manhattan's first non-indigenous resident. Of Afro-Latinx/European dissent, he grew up in Santo Domingo and boarded Captain Thijl Mossel's Jonge Tobias and headed towards as it was known before, Mannahata. When he arrived he competed with the Lenape Fur Dutch traders already there and took over the Metropolitan Area. He then until 1640 believed to have took of off with a Lenape women and went to Upper Mannhata. He then went Uptown when the Lenape were chased out by hostility and disease and was joined by other Spanish Negroes

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The Zoot Suit Riots (Jun 3, 1943 – Jun 8, 1943) (Melanie)

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The Zoot Suit Riots (Jun 3, 1943 – Jun 8, 1943) (Melanie)

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Video Link : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lkJA6e1CzK4
The Zoot Suit Riots were a series of violent conflicts that occurred on June 3rd 1943 - June 8th, 1943 in Los Angeles, California. U.S servicemen ambushed people of color, removing their 'Countercultural' clothing and inflicting harm towards them. These attacks did not only take place in LA, as similar attacks occurred in other big cities such as New York,Toronto,Detroit,San Diego,etc; The Zoot Suit featured a unique style, consisting of 'high-waisted and tightly cuffed pleated pants, along with shoulder-padded, knee-length jackets' (Along with some accessories as well). This Black American style became an influence to the Mexican American Community, grabbing the attention from Civil Rights activist Cesar Chavez. Chavez wrote, "we needed a lot of guts to wear those pants, and we had to be rebellious to do it because the police and a few of the older people would harass us." Since the Zoot style was the most visual aspect of the vogue for jazz music, dance, and a symbol of pride of outsiderness, the Mexican American pachuco (Hispanic and Latino American men and women who dressed in Zoot suits or Zoot suit-influenced attire) subculture had made the Zoot their representation, but officials in Southern California opposed to this, viewing the outfit as a sign of gang activity. The Zoot suit provided Mexican-Americans a sense of their identity within their culture and community, as they discovered the symbolic meaning through the movement and dress, making the Zoot Suit a cultural expression of what it meant to be Mexican-American.

Source Link:
https://penntoday.upenn.edu/2011-04-07/research/zoot-suit-all-american-fashion-changed-history

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Video Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0-ToKFiKP-8

Reies Tijerina the "King Tiger" was given this name from 1956 to 1976 for his work as being an civil rights activist who led a land-great movement in Northern New Mexico. Tijerina was the Malcolm X of the Chicano movement and helped organize hundreds of Chicanos to demand repatriation of land confiscated by Anglo surveyors in violation of the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. During the 60s he was able to gain international attention which helped expand his campaign against discrimination, demanding, first-class citizenship, economic opportunity, and being able to speak Spanish and obtain Chicano culture. After being accused as the getaway driver in a failed attempt to free his brother from jail his family and some followers fled to New Mexico in 1957. Just two years later Tijerina had joined families who lost their lands in the 1800s. The Mexican Government tried to force U.S. compliance with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Although they were extremely unsuccessful that appeal served as a catalyst for Tijerina’s interest in land grants and the injustice he perceived in the historical dispossession of Chicanos and Latinos. For the rest of the 60s he began to make a name for himself as being a civil rights leader for Chicanos and Latinos but in 1970 he was sentenced to federal prison in La Tuna, Texas, in 1970 for his involvement in the courthouse raid and was later transferred to a mental hospital in Springfield, Missouri. La Alianza declined during his incarceration, and Tijerina was prohibited from holding any leadership position in the organization under the terms of his release in 1971. Tijerina continued to be involved with social justice, but his religiously based ideals became increasingly anti-Semitic and had alienated many of his supporters. Tijerina had then moved to Central Mexico in 1994 to continue to live his life after his New Mexico home burned in a fire. For many years mainly in the 60s Tijerina was one of the many Latinos to make mistakes but he never let what he did in the past effect the way he treated his people and the way he believes every human should be equal.

Source Link: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Reies-Lopez-Tijerina

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The Puerto Rican Socialist Party was a Marxist political party in Puerto Rico seeking Independence and putting an end to the United states control on the Hispanic and Caribbean island of Puerto Rico. It was a movement and symbolization of pro-independence greatly influenced by the Cuban Revolution.

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Video link: https://ny.pbslearningmedia.org/resource/americon-vid-cesar-chavez/video/
Migrant farm workers in the United States were exploited routinely by the agricultural industry, which forced them to work in unsafe conditions for little pay. They had no political representation or advocates until Cesar Chavez established the United Farm Workers, the first successful union for farm laborers. Chavez was able to successfully organize a movement among some of America’s poorest and most oppressed workers. He organized a march on Sacramento in 1966, called for a national boycott of California table grapes in 1968, and went on a hunger strike in 1968, continuing the practice of non-violent protest. In 1970, the growers finally recognized the United Farm Workers union and signed labor contracts with the union.

Source link: https://ny.pbslearningmedia.org/resource/americon-lp-cesar-chavez/lesson-plan/

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1967-1978 Alicia Escalante (Sydnee Valentin)

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1967-1978 Alicia Escalante (Sydnee Valentin)

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As a single mother of 5, she was in poverty and began to realize that the Welfare system is oppressive since women who seek out these services weren't treated with respect. This inspired her to get involved with the Chicano movement and then form the East LA Welfare Rights Organization in 1967.

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2013 - 2015 (WAAD) We Are All Dominican (Adrianna) 

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2013 - 2015 (WAAD) We Are All Dominican (Adrianna) 

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WAAD is an organization that formed October 2013. It's a group of young community members and university students have created with scholars, educators, and NYC community activists to criticize the Constitutional Court of the Dominican Republic for violating basic human rights and denying tens of thousands, and in some cases hundreds of thousands, of Dominicans from Haiti. WAAD recognizes these relations and tries to educate and empower Dominicans in order to reverse the pattern. In order to create transnational solidarity, WAAD intends to engage more Dominicans in a bigger, multi-ethnic, cross-class conversation about denationalization, human rights violations, and racism. As Dominican-Americans and allies, they try to make a greater effort to engage in dialogue with their families, friends, and co-workers to discuss the common structural racism underlying the Dominican government’s discriminatory policies and injustices faced in the United States.

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1965-present | The Chicano Movement (Nancy)

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1965-present | The Chicano Movement (Nancy)

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The Chicano Movement—aka El Movimiento—was a civil rights and empowerment movement by Mexican-descent people in the United States. 'Chicano' signaled a rejection of a Mexican American identity that accepted assimilation and shunned their cultural roots. The movement was led by influential people like César Chávez, Dolores Huerta, and the farmworkers to establish a union for farmworkers.

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How the Chicano Movement Championed Mexican-American Identity and Fought for Change | HISTORY

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Chicano activists took on a name that had long been a racial slur—and wore it with pride.

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1960's-Early 1970's - Rodolfo Gonzales  (Hiram)

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1960's-Early 1970's - Rodolfo Gonzales  (Hiram)

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video link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7DFQgId6mDA

Gonzales was a leader of the Chicano Movement during the 60's and 70's. He was also a boxer at the time and people referred to him as the "fist" of the movement. As a child, he lost his mother at a young age and as he grew older, helped his dad in the sugar beets field. His father described him as having an energetic personality, giving him the nickname 'Corky'. When he became an adult, he spent his time helping out poor Chicano's but was unable to run successfully for political offices. Gonzales founded the organization Crusade for Justice in 1966 in an effort to offer benefits such as job training, a food bank, and a bilingual school for children that encouraged cultural pride. At a Denver High School in 1969 a teacher had used racist language but was not fired for it. Rodolfo helped the students organize a walkout because the school had chosen to keep that teacher employed. Gonzalez continued to lead protests or marches for the equality of Chicano, African Americans, whites, Native Americans, and Hispanic Americans and was a strong figure among those who followed him.

Source Link: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Rodolfo-Gonzales

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1967- The Mexican American Youth Organization (Araseli)

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1967- The Mexican American Youth Organization (Araseli)

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The Mexican American Youth Organization  is a civil rights organization formed in 1967 in San Antonio, Texas, USA to fight for Mexican-American rights. They were aiming for social justice.  Activism among Mexican-American university students in the mid-1960s grew out of such events as the 1965 Crusade for Justice in Denver, Colorado, and the June 1967 takeover of the Tierra Amarilla County Courthouse in New Mexico., MAYO members set up a political study group and consulted with civil-rights leaders in San Antonio. MAYO identified and addressed three needs of Mexican American-economic independence, local control of education, and political strength and unity through the formation of a third party. The organization publicly protested the poverty and injustice faced by some Hispanics, denouncing incidents of exclusive employment policies and police brutality.
source link: https://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/entries/mexican-american-youth-organization

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Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo 1846-1848(Brayan)

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Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo 1846-1848(Brayan)

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The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was the treaty created to stop the war between Mexico and the USA over a dispute on which side Texas belongs too. On 1845 president Polk sent troops and diplomat John Slidell to Mexico to renegotiate boundary readjustment and to purchase California and New Mexico, president Polk was brave to send troops to Mexico even though he knew their could be a war. The mission failed and Mexico saw the renegotiation as a advance. Mexico enter US soil and the war started on 1846. The war lasted for two year with the United states of America winning and Mexico surrendering and peace negotiation's were started. The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo gave the USA "525,000 square miles to United States territory, including the land that makes up all or parts of present-day Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah and Wyoming. Mexico also gave up all claims to Texas and recognized the Rio Grande as America’s southern boundary. In return, the United States paid Mexico $15 million and agreed to settle all claims of U.S. citizens against Mexico".

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The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, signed on February 2, 1848, ended the Mexican-American War in favor of the United States. The war had begun almost two years earlier, in May 1846, over a territorial dispute involving Texas. The treaty added an additional 525,000 square miles to United States territory, including the land that makes up all or parts of present-day Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah and Wyoming. Mexico also gave up all claims to Texas and recognized the Rio Grande River as America's southern boundary.
WATCH: The Mexican Revolution on HISTORY Vault
Mexican-American War: 1846-1848

On May 13, 1846, the U.S. Congress voted in favor of President James Polk's request to declare war on Mexico in a dispute over Texas. Under the threat of war, the United States had refrained from annexing Texas after the latter won independence from Mexico in 1836.

But in 1844, President John Tyler restarted negotiations with the Republic of Texas, culminating with a treaty of annexation.

Did you know? During his presidency, James Polk managed another important land acquisition, this time without a war, when his administration diplomatically settled a border dispute with the British and gained control of the present-day states of Washington, Oregon and Idaho, plus parts of Montana and Wyoming.

The treaty was defeated by a wide margin in the U.S. Senate because it would upset the slave state-free state balance between North and South and risked war with Mexico, which had broken off relations with the United States.

But shortly before leaving office and with the support of President-elect Polk, Tyler managed to get a congressional resolution passed and then, on March 1, 1845, signed into law. Texas was admitted to the union on December 29 of that year.

While Mexico didn't follow through with its threat to declare war, relations between the two nations remained tense over border disputes, and in July 1845, President Polk ordered troops into disputed lands that lay between the Nueces and Rio Grande rivers.

In November, Polk sent the diplomat John Slidell to Mexico to seek boundary adjustments in return for the U.S. government's settlement of the claims of American citizens against Mexico and to make an offer to purchase California and New Mexico.

After the mission failed, the U.S. Army under General Zachary Taylor advanced to the mouth of the Rio Grande, the river that the state of Texas claimed as its southern boundary.

Mexico, claiming that the boundary was the Nueces River to the north of the Rio Grande, considered the advance of Taylor's army an act of aggression and in April 1846 sent troops across the Rio Grande. Polk, in turn, declared the Mexican advance to be an invasion of U.S. soil, and on May 11, 1846, asked Congress to declare war on Mexico, which it did two days later, starting the Mexican-American War.
WATCH: The Struggle for Mexican Independence
Mexico Surrenders

Following the defeat of the Mexican army and the fall of Mexico City in September 1847, the Mexican government surrendered and peace negotiations began. The war officially ended with the February 2, 1848, signing in Mexico of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.

The treaty added an additional 525,000 square miles to United States territory, including the land that makes up all or parts of present-day Arizona, California, Colorado, Nevada, New Mexico, Utah and Wyoming.

Mexico also gave up all claims to Texas and recognized the Rio Grande as America's southern boundary. In return, the United States paid Mexico $15 million and agreed to settle all claims of U.S. citizens against Mexico.

Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo: Aftermath

Although Polk's war was successful, he lost public support after nearly two bloody and costly years of fighting. Additionally, the controversial war reignited the slavery extension debate that would ultimately result in the Civil War in the 1860s.

Polk did not seek re-election after his first term, and died at age 53 in June 1849, three months after leaving office. Zachary Taylor, who became a national hero during the Mexican-American War, ran for president in the 1848 election and won. However, 16 months after his inauguration, Taylor became ill and died.

Sources

Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848). National Archives.
The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Library of Congress: Hispanic Reading Room.
On this day, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo is signed. National Constitution Center.

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The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, signed on February 2, 1848, ended the Mexican-American War in favor of the United States. The war had begun almost two years earlier, in May 1846, over a territorial dispute involving Texas.

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Community Association of Progressive Dominicans (Juleini)

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Community Association of Progressive Dominicans (Juleini)

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The Community Association of Progressive Dominicans also known as the ACDP was first founded in 1979 . It was later incorporated in 1980 as the first non-profit to focus Its attention on Dominican immigrants in New York City . This organization was made to aid immigrants physically , emotionally and economically . They offer high quality programs with direct service to about 27,000 children and families a year .

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1938-1942 - Dominican WW2 Veterans (Destiny)

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1938-1942 - Dominican WW2 Veterans (Destiny)

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In the picture above you could see an image of a WW2 Dominican veteran. Dominican WW2 veterans took in Jewish refugees fleeing hitler during the Holocaust, in exchange for developed land. Around 700 German Jews were able to make to to the Dominican Republic. There they were provided with shelter, food, and everything to keep them safe. They were seen as a savior to these people.  Dominican WW2 veterans are honored for their help towards German Jewish people during the holocaust. Many colleges have made memorials honoring the WW2 Veterans
https://theworld.org/stories/2018-11-09/dominican-republic-took-jewish-refugees-fleeing-hitler-while-31-nations-looked

https://www.bxtimes.com/dominican-vets-memorial-unveiled-at-bx-community-college/

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Willie Velasquez developed and organized the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project (SVREP) in 1974. 

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William C. Velásquez  (Kevin C) 1974-1988

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William C. Velásquez  (Kevin C) 1974-1988

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The SVREP effectively challenged political establishments by convincing Hispanics that the key to political representation was to register to vote. As the Voting Rights Act caught hold in the Southwest, Velasquez’s SVREP registered millions of Hispanics in 13 states.  this was huge and gave political empowerment among The Latino and other minorities.

source link:
https://wcvi.org/wcvbio.htm

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1916-1918 Marcelino Serna (Jorge Rodriguez)

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1916-1918 Marcelino Serna (Jorge Rodriguez)

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Serna has been called the most decorated World War I soldier from Texas. He fought between April 6, 1917, and Nov. 11, 1918, despite being a Mexican immigrant and non-citizen.

There have been earlier petitions for him to be awarded the honor, but now the law mandates review of cases like his.the Pentagon to review records of Latino, Black, Asian, Native American and Jewish World War I soldiers to determine if they were denied the Medal of Honor because of their race or religion and should be awarded the medal.

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Racism deprived Latino WWI hero Marcelino Serna of the Medal of Honor. He deserves it, advocates say. - World War I Centennial

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Site of the United States WWI Centennial Commission, and the Doughboy Foundation, building the National WWI Memorial in Washington, D.C.

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1966 - 1975 || Women and The Chicana Movement (Shannon)

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1966 - 1975 || Women and The Chicana Movement (Shannon)

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Source: https://www.historycolorado.org/story/colorado-voices/2019/06/12/chicana-power-female-leaders-el-movimiento-and-search-identity

The Chicana Movement started in the late 1960s, it started at the same time as other movements and they all had the same goals such as civil rights for POC. The movement was centered around women trying to establish their culture, social and political identity in America. Since they were heavily underrepresented in America. The term Chicana means a women who embraces her Mexican culture but also puts out the fact that she is also an American. They were excluded from feminist movements and other acts revolving that, they later got their recognition and was able to see more women in places of power or politics.

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1980-Present - Committee in Solidarity with the Salvadoran People                                                              (Sofia Maza)

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1980-Present - Committee in Solidarity with the Salvadoran People                                                              (Sofia Maza)

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https://cispes.org/section/history-cispes

Committee in Solidarity with the Salvadoran People is a National activist organization which it's headquarters is based in Washington D.C. The Committee in Solidarity with the Salvadoran People was created in opposition to the U.S. aid to the Salvadorian Military and government during the Salvadorian civil war. Its overall purpose was to help protect El Salvador and it's people.

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CISPES: Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador

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Founded by conventions in Los Angeles and Washington, DC in October of 1980, CISPES grew into a powerful national grassroots solidarity organization. In the 1980's, we helped prevent a full-scale US invasion of Central America. In the 1990's, we rejoiced with the Salvadoran people as they celebrated the end of the armed conflict and tentatively made the transition to new battlefields of struggle. In the 2000s, we joined Salvadoran labor unions and the broader social movement in their struggles against privatization and free trade policies like the US-Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA). Together, we've celebrated historic presidential victories of the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) in 2009 and 2014, which have opened new political space for building a just economic alternative to corporate globalization. We continue to build international support for the inspiring transformation underway in El Salvador today and to mobilize grassroots opposition to on-going US political, economic and military intervention.

El Salvador is Spanish for Vietnam

El Salvador first made international headlines with the assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero on March 24, 1980. With growing impunity, the US-backed government resorted to massacres and death squad attacks aimed at a surging popular movement attached to a small, but growing, nucleus of armed revolutionary forces.

In 1981, Ronald Reagan rode into office determined to "draw a line in the sand" against the tide of socialist revolution in Central America. El Salvador became the site of the largest US-backed counterinsurgency war since Vietnam. During the 12-year civil war, the US government spent over $6 Billion on direct military assistance and training for the Salvadoran armed forces and police. The result: 75,000 Salvadorans were killed, untold numbers were tortured, and over 1.5 million were displaced.

Recognizing the danger represented by the slogan "El Salvador is Spanish for Vietnam," progressive activists flocked to the issue. We knew which side of Reagan's line we needed to be on: on the side with those fighting for a democratic revolution. CISPES activists carried out a frenzy of mass protest and visibility campaigns, organized to focus public attention on the US government's role in El Salvador while also building support for the FMLN.

The FBI Investigation

Less than three months after CISPES was founded, Reagan ordered a secret FBI investigation of the organization, first for being a foreign agent, then for being a suspected terrorist organization. The FBI, the CIA and other police agencies investigated more than 100,000 people in more than 59 cities, in the largest counter-intelligence operation since COINTELPRO in the 1960's. After CISPES obtained and publicized classified documents, the FBI was forced to admit that no wrongdoing could be found. As is the case with COINTELPRO then and the Patriot Act today, however, the impact on white organizers was far less severe than that on people of color. One of the most heinous aspects of the FBI investigation is that the US government gave the Salvadoran National Guard the names of refugees who were being deported back to El Salvador, some of whom were found tortured and buried in ravines and unmarked graves in the Salvadoran countryside.

Building an Inclusive National Organization

In 1985 CISPES transformed from a loose network into a unified national organization committed to a common program, which proved crucial for magnifying the organization's impact. Strategies debated and approved by the entire organization could be coordinated nationally, increasing the cumulative impact of local action.

A hallmark of CISPES is our commitment to democratic decision-making and skills development of activists. Linking our work to a political analysis of the strategic needs in El Salvador and our emphasis on nuts and bolts organizing is responsible for CISPES's extraordinary staying power as a grassroots organization.

At the 1990 convention, CISPES was compelled to undertake a serious examination of its internal practices, a process sparked by strong protest from women, lesbians, gays, bisexuals and people of color experiencing marginalization in their daily work. As a result, CISPES embarked on a continuing process of internal education and external work to transform CISPES into an organization committed to ending oppression in all its forms.

From the US to El Salvador

CISPES's solidarity has always involved more than just political activity focused on the US government. We channeled direct financial support to projects that advanced the strategic needs of the revolution, often funding projects that had few other sponsors, including supporting the medical and radio systems of the FMLN during the war. The amount of money sent may have been small compared to the funds our government lavished on destruction, but CISPES's aid was a major morale booster for the movement in El Salvador and has had a political impact far in excess of the dollar amount. CISPES has raised around $7 million in material aid to date, mostly in small donations from individual activists. Today, we continue to support organizations at the forefront of building a new economy and society with a special emphasis on women's led organizing (View our current material aid projects here)

CISPES has sent more than 2,000 people on delegations to El Salvador. Activists have marched in labor demonstrations, jolted down dirt roads in micro-buses packed with repopulating refugees, camped out at the Cathedral with wounded FMLN veterans demanding evacuation, mourned at funeral vigils honoring martyrs from the popular movement, observed presidential, legislative, and municipal elections, and witnessed the creation of a new El Salvador through visits to FMLN-governed municipalities and, since 2009, the FMLN's new national initiatives to ensure education and health care for all.

Street Heat

The most indelible images of CISPES crop up in the countless protests of the past 35 years. CISPES turned street heat into an art and a science. The roll call of creative protests is endless: blocking President Alfredo Cristiani's motorcade at the United Nations, shutting down the Federal Building in Los Angeles, driving CIA recruiters off campus in Colorado, reenacting death-squad assassinations in New York, disrupting posh receptions for ARENA's US publicists in Minneapolis, marking government buildings with bloody handprints in Chicago, bringing freeway traffic to a standstill in Seattle, disrupting congressional debates in Washington, D.C., blockading Port Chicago Naval Weapons Station in the Bay Area, adding a "bomb" balloon to the Macy's Thanksgiving parade, and the biggest of all - shutting down the Pentagon in 1988.
CISPES's protests were crucial in confronting the US-directed strategy of "low-intensity conflict," designed to keep the public complacent, while US surrogates carried out dirty wars in Central America. Since the end of the armed conflict, our commitment to "no business as usual" has continued with mobilizations against free-trade and privatization, US-sponsored police repression against social movement activists, and the incursions of transnational corporations protected by CAFTA.

On the Offensive

In 1989, the FMLN made a big push for power, proposing bold new peace initiatives while simultaneously preparing a military campaign with the potential to end the war. On October 31, right-wing death squads bombed the headquarters of FENASTRAS, a militant labor federation, killing 10 people. The FMLN broke off peace talks and launched the largest offensive of the war.

The offensive, and the government's brutal response, changed the course of the war. The FMLN occupied parts of San Salvador for weeks. By bringing the war to the door-steps of the rich, the FMLN convinced the Salvadoran and US governments that the revolution could not be defeated militarily.

In order to regain control of the capital, the Salvadoran air force strafed and bombed working class neighborhoods. On November 16, the army massacred 6 Jesuit priests and their housekeepers, leading to an unraveling of international support for the Salvadoran regime.

CISPES played an important role in keeping the heat on the US and Salvadoran governments. For weeks there were daily protests linked to the course of the offensive. These protests, coupled with steady pressure on Congress, helped win major cuts in US aid to El Salvador. One US Senator even echoed a CISPES slogan - Not a Dime For Death Squad Government - during legislative hearings.

The FMLN's offensive ultimately created the conditions which led to the signing of the Chapultepec Accords in January, 1992.

Labor on the Frontlines

Throughout CISPES' history, the Salvadoran labor movement has been at the forefront of the popular struggle. After government and death-squad repression left 10,000 trade unionists dead and forced the popular movement to go underground, the Salvadoran labor movement was the first sector to reemerge from clandestinity at a march in February 1986. It was an act of enormous physical and moral courage to march in the face of heavily armed riot police fingering the triggers on their US-supplied guns. International solidarity formed a vocal contingent.

When the war ended, trade unions, led by the telecommunications and health sectors, in coordination with the FMLN, took to the streets to oppose ARENA's neoliberal economic model. When doctors, nurses, and workers in El Salvador's public health system went on strike in 2002 to stop the privatization of the national healthcare system, the FMLN immediately mobilized the broader population. During the nine-month strike, hundreds of thousands of Salvadorans repeatedly took to the streets in defense of national healthcare. CISPES again organized vocal support and solidarity. We took over the Salvadoran consulates. We accompanied the people of El Salvador in their marches, and brought strike organizers on tour throughout the US. When they were successful in stopping the privatization, we rejoiced in their victories.

The victories of the healthcare strike laid the groundwork for the massive struggle against CAFTA and the FTAA. STISSS and the FMLN revitalized and rejuvenated a movement and proved that the neoliberal onslaught can be stopped. When President Bush announced his intentions for a trade agreement with Central America, the Salvadoran social movement, the FMLN, and CISPES immediately began to organize an international campaign to stop it. Our many years accompanying the Salvadoran revolutionary movement had proven to us that with a clarity of vision, the correct analysis of conditions, a coordinated cross-border strategy, program that can easily be carried out throughout the country, and most importantly, a commitment to revolutionary change, the people can win. When CAFTA ultimately passed in 2005, it was only by two votes; without the Stop CAFTA Coalition's campaign, the margin in the US would have been overwhelming, as it has been for subsequent agreements with Peru, Panama, Colombia and South Korea.

As anticipated, CAFTA ushered in a new era of transnational corporate power and exploitation, as evidenced by the Oceana Gold mining corporation's lawsuit against the government of El Salvador for its courageous decision to protect rural communities and the environment rather than approve metallic mining permits. The partnership between CISPES and the Salvadoran labor unions, campesino federations and popular movement organizations that continue to take to the streets to defend their self-determination is as urgent - and strategic - as ever.

A New Era in El Salvador - and for CISPES

Since the historic presidential victory of the FMLN in 2009, some of the dreams that fueled the revolutionary struggle in the 1970 and 1980s - education and health care for all, dignified work, democratic participation and freedom - have started to take shape. Through unprecedented levels of investment in public services, the FMLN government is making significant advances towards universal health care and education and re-building the productive fabric of the country that was decimated through neoliberal policies, especially for family farmers.

Recognizing the need for international support for these promising experiments, and taking our cues from the historic contributions of the Nicaragua and Cuba solidarity movements, CISPES renewed its commitment to building people-to-people ties through delegations, including bringing the first international brigade to accompany the Ministry of Education National Literacy Program. In addition to providing much-needed material support and accompaniment, CISPES brigades raise awareness in the US about the transformation taking place in El Salvador and help ensure that solidarity will be at the ready for the inevitable attacks.

CISPES has also responded to the call from young Salvadorans and Salvadoran-Americans on the US left - the children of Salvadoran refugees from the armed conflict - to take a unique leadership role in the struggle to end US intervention in El Salvador, Central America and Latin America. Starting in 2010, Salvadorans and Salvadoran Americans in CISPES led the first 'Radical Roots' delegation aimed at helping other young activists connect with their political and cultural heritage

The Struggle Continues

CISPES is unique in US radical history: a grassroots anti-war movement united in solidarity with a Third World revolution. As the US government and the ruling elites expand their economic war against the poor of the Americas, and increase militarization to guarantee corporate interests, solidarity work is as timely as ever. A movement for global economic justice is in search of just what CISPES can offer: an analytical framework, a cross-border solidarity strategy, and - most importantly - the people of El Salvador as an inspiring example. Today, Salvadorans, led by the FMLN, are creating an alternative vision of society while attempting to back the harsh economic policies devised in Washington. Back in the US, CISPES continues the valiant march for justice and self-determination and against US intervention in Latin America. ¡La lucha continua!

Written by Cherrene Horazuk and Alexis Stoumbelis

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History of CISPES | CISPES: Committee in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador

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Founded by conventions in Los Angeles and Washington, DC in October of 1980, CISPES grew into a powerful national grassroots solidarity organization. In the 1980's, we helped prevent a full-scale US invasion of Central America. In the 1990's, we rejoiced with the Salvadoran people as they celebrated the end of the armed conflict and tentatively made the transition to new battlefields of struggle.

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Puerto Rican independence movement 1493-1898 (Taylor)

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Puerto Rican independence movement 1493-1898 (Taylor)

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The movement toward puerto rican independence has been a long fought battle against colonialism. In 1898 following the spanish-american war,the united states acquired many of the spanish terriories. leaders in puerto rico sought independence, but the us government asserted colonial control.

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1493-1898 Puerto Rican Independence Movement (Gisel)

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1493-1898 Puerto Rican Independence Movement (Gisel)

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The Puerto Rican movement was an important event that not many people know about.Puerto Rico was originally a Spanish colony but the united states got in the way by calming it as their territory so they can manage to kick Spain out.Puerto Rico were bombed badly and affected them because there island is so small that anyone can easily take advantage of it which become a big problem.It was so bad that Puerto Rico decided that the best decision was to move to the united states because they were financially better off there.Throughout this time there was lot of bonds going on which became a big issue towards Puerto Rico cause a big military base were testing these bombs out and they flew by Puerto Rico which caused the Puerto Rican movement to be destroyed.

Source Link:
https://theanalysis.news/puerto-rican-independence-movement-and-cuba-further-radicalized-me-michael-ratner-on-rai-pt-5-7 /

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In the year 1910 Mexicans fled to Texas in search of safety from the Mexican-American War. In Texas, White people would discriminate Mexican and Mexican-Americans. In 1915, an unknown Mexican rebel who's intentions was to start a race war planned "The Plan of San Diego" which required of bandits hurting people for supplies, money and weapons. The government then sent White Taxes Rangers and other law enforcement to capture any bandits. But they wasn't only killing bandits, they started indiscriminately killing innocent Mexicans. In september 1915, 2 men had reported a crime of stolen horses and supplies to Henry Randsome who is a Taxes ranger from their area. Henry hears their story and then proceeds to kill them. It didn't matter if they were involved with the bandits, they were getting killed for simply being Mexicans. In 1918, the Porvenir Massacre occurred. It involved of the Texas Rangers going to the Porvenir village and killing 15 Mexicans. This made the Mexicans flee from that village (some back to Mexico to bury their dead). A few days after the Massacre the village was demolished.  La Matanza (The slaughter) lasted 10 years, from 1910 - 1920.

Video Link:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=815kHJJ0p00

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1965-1970 The Delano Grape Strike and Boycott (Jeniah)

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1965-1970 The Delano Grape Strike and Boycott (Jeniah)

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Moving with the seasons in order to harvest the region's crops. Filipino and Mexican immigrants had worked for decades along the West Coast. They were aging and grew anxious for the need of decent medical care and retirement funds. Labor organizer, Larry Itliong, declared a strike on September 8th and reached out for the support of the National Farm Workers Association (NFWA) and their Mexican- American founders, Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta. The poor farmers faced opposition from aw enforcement and attempts of sabotage from growers. Three years into the strike frustration grew and the talk of violence increased and that's when Cesar Chavez decided to go on a hunger strike. Not only did the hunger strike end the talk of violence but it got the attention and praise from popular figures such as Martin Luther King Jr and Senator Robert F. Kennedy. The strike lasted five years and in the end, in July 1970, most of major growers in the Delano area agreed to paying $1.80 an hour and an additional 20 cents for each box picked. They contributed to the union health plan and ensured that the workers were protected against pesticides used in the fields.

Source Link: https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/delano-grape-strike-begins-ufw

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The first New Yorker, Juan Rodriguez (1613-1640)-Katrina Harvin

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The first New Yorker, Juan Rodriguez (1613-1640)-Katrina Harvin

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Juan Rodrguez, a Dominican, was the first non-Indian to live alone on Manhattan Island. On the Jonge Tobias, the Dutch ship that transported him there in the spring of 1613 and have been smuggling on the Hispaniola coast with his assistance, he was known as Jan Rodrigues. After a season of dealing for beaver pelts, the Santo Domingo native refused to board the ship as it prepared to leave Manhattan for Holland. He seemed to have made friends with the locals and preferred to stay with them. Captain Thijs Mossel of the Jonge Tobias, who had obviously found Rodrguez a bothersome presence aboard his ship, let him have his way and gave him a variety of items in exchange for his wages.

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Juan Rodriguez- The first New Yorker 1614-1640  (Fiona) 

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Juan Rodriguez- The first New Yorker 1614-1640  (Fiona) 

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Juan Rodriguez was the first non-indigenous resident with European and Afro Latinx decent. Juan grew in in Hispaniola and his mother was African American and his father was either Spanish or Portuguese. Juan's occupation was smuggling and during a deal with the Lenape people in Manhattan in 1613 he decided he wanted to be left behind instead of returning home so the captain provided him with the tools and supply's he needed and got from the trade. But Juan later became a source of conflict after he provided Mossel with a connection to the Lenape people it enraged their rivals the Dutch Traders. After Block’s ship burned by mistake in 1614, the native population saved his crew from starvation, and Block became a booster for investment in New Amsterdam. Later on in time Rodriguez was joined by other  “uptown Spanish Negroes".