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Economic Mobility & the American Dream | Pew

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Robin DiAngelo's bestselling book White Fragility has provoked an uncomfortable but vital conversation about what it means to be white. As protests organised by the Black Lives Matter movement continue around the world, she explains why white people should stop avoiding conversations about race because of their own discomfort, and how 'white fragility' plays a key role in upholding systemic racism

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How 'white fragility' reinforces racism - video explainer

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Robin DiAngelo's bestselling book White Fragility has provoked an uncomfortable but vital conversation about what it means to be white.

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Short, Coffee Break Length

The Disturbing History of the Suburbs, An Adam Ruins Everything episode that quickly and humorously educates how redlining came to be (6 minutes)

What Would You Do?: Bicycle Thief Episode ABC's popular show explores the impact of racial and gender bias and prejudice at a family friendly park. Before this video, would you have anticipated this differential treatment?

Medium, Lunch Break Length

Munroe Bergdorf on racism, trans activism and acceptance English activist and model Munroe Bergdorf, known for speaking her mind on trans issues, racism and misogyny, talks to Krishnan Guru-Murthy about her own transition, the controversy that led to her being dropped by L'Oreal and why tolerance is not enough (38 mins)

How to overcome our biases? Walk boldly toward them, TED Talk by Vernā Myers, encourages work vigorously to counter balance bias by connecting with and learning about and from the groups we fear (19 minutes)

Long, Sit On the Couch Length

Race In America: Fighting for Justice Bryan Stevenson interview with Washington Post columnist Jonathan Capehart delves into the state of US racism and racial justice as of October 2020 and explores the role of hope in staying the course (1 hour)

Slavery by Another Name, 90 minutes PBS documentary challenges the idea that slavery ended with the emancipation proclamation. (90 minutes)

Unnatural Causes, Seven part documentary by California Newsreel that explores the impact of racism on health and US healthcare. (4 hours total, episodes have variable lengths)

Once people start to learn about white privilege and America's systems of oppression through history, they often ask, "Why didn't I see this sooner?" It's easy to overlook what we're not looking for. Once you understand the phenomenon of selective noticing, take yourself on a noticing adventure.

1) Watch the Test Your Awareness: Do The Test

2) Go out in the world and change up what you notice. (Some of this will be influenced differently pre/during/post COVID. You may need to rely on memories until we are on the move again!) Here's some of what you might look for:

Who is and is not represented in ads?

Who are your ten closest friends? What is the racial mix in this group?

As you move through the day, what's the racial composition of the people around you? On your commute? At the coffee shop you go to? At the gym? At your workplace? At the show you go on the weekend?

What percentage of the day are you able to be with people of your own racial identity?

Notice how much of your day you are speaking about racism. Who are you engaging with on these issues? Who are you not? Why do you think this is?

What are the last five books you read? What is the racial mix of the authors?

What is the racial mix of the main characters in your favorite TV shows? Movies?

What is the racial mix of people pictured in the photos and artwork in your home? In your friend, family, and colleagues' homes?

Who is filling what kinds of jobs/social roles in your world? (e.g. Who's the store manager and who's stocking the shelves? Who's waiting on tables and who's busing the food?) Can you correlate any of this to racial identity?

Who do you notice on magazine covers? What roles are people of color filling in these images?

If you're traveling by car, train, or air, do you notice housing patterns? How is housing arranged? Who lives near the downtown commerce area and who does not? Who lives near the waterfront and who does not? Who lives in industrial areas and who does not? What is the density of a given neighborhood? Can you correlate any of this to racial identity?

3) Review the Continuum on Becoming an Anti-Racist, Multicultural Institution with a small group of people at your workplace, faith institution, club, or any organization you're a part of.

Where do you think the organization is right now? What's your evidence? Has the organization evolved in some ways? What caused/allowed for that? Has the organization articulated a desire to evolve towards being an anti-racist, multicultural organization? If not, do you have the power to influence that movement? Who are your in-organization and/or stakeholder allies? If yes, what steps is it taking? Could it be doing more? If so what? Who are your in-organization and/or stakeholder allies?

This can be the hardest part for people new to racial justice work. Engaging in racially mixed settings can trigger age-old power and privilege dynamics. The goal is to be a learner more than a knower, exactly the opposite of what dominant U.S. culture teaches us to be.

Here are some Engagement Tips to guide you:

Enter the process to learn and bridge knowledge gaps.

Enter the process to practice mindful social habits like the ones below.

Work to stay engaged even when your mind and body start sending you signals to shrink or walk away.

Ask clarifying questions.

Acknowledge what you don't know.

Validate others by listening closely and believing the truth and importance of what they are sharing.

Share airtime so that multiple perspectives are shared.

Step Up Step Back. If you are generally quiet, step up and practice speaking more. If you are generally a talker, practice stepping back and listening more.

Notice your biases and judgments as they arise. These are gold for you to excavate your subconscious!

Notice when you are uncomfortable. Reflect on why you're uncomfortable and think about what you can do to build more emotional stamina in this area.

Honor confidentiality. Though you can share what you are learning in general terms, do not repeat stories in a way that can be traced back to the person who shared it.

Find a mentor within your own racial group to support and guide your growth.

If you are white, join a Showing Up For Racial Justice (SURJ) chapter in your area.

Google who's who in your area by typing in 'Racial Justice" or "Anti-Racist/m" + name of city/town, organization, or sector. A few website visits, emails, and phone calls later, you'll likely have an idea of how to get on the mailing of one or more organizations in your area who are addressing issues of power and privilege. Once you connect to one, it's easy to connect to many!

Research racial justice speakers and see who might be coming to your local university, church, community center, or speaker series.

Take a course or workshop. Community Colleges and Adult Education Centers are a great place to find a course about social justice issues.

Though many people want to jump to action sooner instead of later, action without a vigorous self-education, self-reflection, and multiracial coalition can unexpectedly reproduce the very power and privilege dynamics we seek to interrupt. That said, sometimes acting immediately is called for. Welcome to the messy, imperfect world of challenging the status quo! Here are a few actions that you might consider:

Invite friend(s), family, and/or colleagues to do the 21-Day Challenge with you.

Prepare yourself to interrupt racial jokes. Click HERE for some advice about how.

Interrupt the pattern of white silence by speaking openly with family, friends, and colleagues about what you're doing and learning in the 21-Day Challenge.

Invite friend(s), family, and/or colleagues to join you for one or more of your daily "to-do's" for a low-threshold invitation into the work and introduction to the 21-Day Challenge.

Find out if your school, workplace, or faith group has an Equity Committee. What can you learn from them? Are they open to new members? Join if you can. Support in other ways if you can't.

Find organizations such as The Privilege Institute, your local YWCA, and other non-profits doing racial justice work and support them through donating your time, money, and other resources.

Find a 21-Day Challenge group in your region or sector and reach out to connect with, and perhaps co-create a region or sector specific 21-Day Challenge in the future. Google "21-Day Racial Equity Habit Building Challenge + your state, region, or sector"

When the status quo is blatantly racist, disrupt it. No matter how big or small put yourself out there to create change. No need to wait until you are comfortable disrupting; it may never get comfortable, though you will get better at managing discomfort. These actions are generally more successful when done in multiracial coalition. Examples from past participants include:

Demanding administration change the name of a dodgeball team from "The Cottonpickers"

Improving the representation of books in the library by raising funds and purchasing hundreds of new books

Conducting an equity audit within the organization

Creating learning communities to set goals, objectives, and action plans

Disrupting inappropriate language by offering alternative language you yourself are learning

Speaking, emailing, and posting about articles, blogs, movies, and this 21-Day Challenge that you find impactful.

Let people know you are not neutral!

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21-Day Racial Equity Habit Building Challenge©

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Short, Coffee Break Length The Disturbing History of the Suburbs , An Adam Ruins Everything episode that quickly and humorously educates how redlining came to be (6 minutes) What Would You Do?: Bicycle Thief Episode ABC's popular show explores the impact of racial and gender bias and prejudice at a family friendly park.

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History of White Backlash Against Progress: Rev. Dr. William Barber

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Learning for Justice Resources for Teachers

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Learning for Justice Resources for Teachers

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Build literacy and social emotional skills while exploring meaningful texts. Unlike conventional or scripted lesson plans, these strategies allow you to select and combine vocabulary, reading, and speaking and listening activities, customizing a pathway that supports your instructional goals. Each strategy is Common Core-aligned and includes a special note about English language learners and connections to anti-bias education.

"Many of my colleagues believe our fourth-graders are too young to hold discussions around issues of race, place, class and gender equity. Asking open-ended, higher-order, standards-based questions around these topics is much easier thanks to your work!"

Grades K-2

Foster a love of reading in early-grades students with strategies that build familiarity and confidence with texts. Each Common Core-aligned strategy includes explicit connections to anti-bias education and adaptations for English language learners.

Grades 3-12

Meet the demands of the Common Core State Standards with strategies that foster vocabulary, close reading, and speaking and listening skills. Each strategy includes explicit connections to anti-bias education and adaptations for English language learners.

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Build literacy and social emotional skills while exploring meaningful texts. Unlike conventional or scripted lesson plans, these strategies allow you to select and combine vocabulary, reading, and speaking and listening activities, customizing a pathway that supports your instructional goals. Each strategy is Common Core-aligned and includes a special note about English language learners and connections to anti-bias education.

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Learning for Justice provides a range of materials—articles, modules, self-assessments, publications and more—that enables educators to improve their practice at their own pace.

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Teaching to Thrive is a podcast committed to sharing ideas that strengthen the everyday lives of Black and Brown students within our schools and communities. Each episode is aimed at empowering our knowledge for collective liberation.

Teaching to Thrive is a podcast committed to sharing ideas that strengthen the everyday lives of Black and Brown students within our schools and communities. Each episode is aimed at empowering our knowledge for collective liberation.

Food for the abolitionist work!

Thank you for your authenticity and willingness to dream and work tirelessly out of the box. As a school social worker I see how much is broken systemically and working intentionally from a white supremacy lens. Thanks for allowing me to start to see that WE can dream and work differently.

Revolutionary

The episode with Rodney Robingson is brilliant and it motivated me to write a review. As a first year Latina teacher struggling in the middle of a pandemic, you all remind me why I started teaching in the first place. Thank you for the work you do, you all are inspirational. I'm still learning how to be an abolitionist but I am teaching in a
primarily white school and I have not seen a Black student yet. It's a culture shock, as I was raised in a really diverse neighborhood. So I feel uncomfortable even bringing up matters of race and other controversial topics around them. Thank you for your podcast, y'all are the professors I always wanted.

Love this podcast!

So excited that Dr. Love has her own podcast!

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‎ATN - Teaching To Thrive on Apple Podcasts

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Teaching to Thrive is a podcast committed to sharing ideas that strengthen the everyday lives of Black and Brown students within our schools and communities. Each episode is aimed at empowering our knowledge for collective liberation.

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https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1fPzeZLA3y4PF5Zs7H8Ml_l85VWF22KO2yr0STIJ6XyY/copy

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Dr. Bettina Love on Cultural Memory in Youth Creativity and Hip Hop

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Mom, Dad, Uncle, Auntie, Grandfather, Grandmother:

We need to talk.

You may not have grown up around people who are Black, but I have. Black people are a fundamental part of my life: they are my friends, my classmates and teammates, my roommates, my family. Today, I'm scared for them.

This year, the American police have already killed more than 500 people. Of those, 25% have been Black, even though Black people make up only 13% of the population. Earlier this week in Louisiana, two White police officers killed a Black man named Alton Sterling while he sold CDs on the street. The very next day in Minnesota, a police officer shot and killed a Black man named Philando Castile in his car during a traffic stop while his girlfriend and her four-year-old daughter looked on. Overwhelmingly, the police do not face any consequences for ending these lives.

This is a terrifying reality that some of my closest friends live with every day.

Even as we hear about the dangers Black Americans face, our instinct is sometimes to point at all the ways we are different from them. To shield ourselves from their reality instead of empathizing. When a policeman shoots a Black person, you might think it's the victim's fault because you see so many images of them in the media as thugs and criminals. After all, you might say, we managed to come to America with nothing and build good lives for ourselves despite discrimination, so why can't they?

I want to share with you how I see things.

It's true that we face discrimination for being Asian in this country. Sometimes people are rude to us about our accents, or withhold promotions because they don't think of us as "leadership material." Some of us are told we're terrorists. But for the most part, nobody thinks "dangerous criminal" when we are walking down the street. The police do not gun down our children and parents for simply existing.

This is not the case for our Black friends. Many Black people were brought to America as slaves against their will. For centuries, their communities, families, and bodies were ripped apart for profit. Even after slavery, they had to build back their lives by themselves, with no institutional support - not allowed to vote or own homes, and constantly under threat of violence that continues to this day.

In fighting for their own rights, Black activists have led the movement for opportunities not just for themselves, but for us as well. Black people have been beaten, jailed, even killed fighting for many of the rights that Asian Americans enjoy today. We owe them so much in return. We are all fighting against the same unfair system that prefers we compete against each other.

When someone is walking home and gets shot by a sworn protector of the peace - even if that officer's last name is Liang - that is an assault on all of us, and on all of our hopes for equality and fairness under the law.

For all of these reasons, I support the Black Lives Matter movement. Part of that support means speaking up when I see people in my community - or even my own family - say or do things that diminish the humanity of Black Americans in this country. I am telling you this out of love, because I don't want this issue to divide us. I'm asking that you try to empathize with the anger and grief of the fathers, mothers, and children who have lost their loved ones to police violence. To empathize with my anger and grief, and support me if I choose to be vocal, to protest. To share this letter with your friends, and encourage them to be empathetic, too.

As your child, I am proud and eternally grateful that you made the long, hard journey to this country, that you've lived decades in a place that has not always been kind to you. You've never wished your struggles upon me. Instead, you've suffered through a prejudiced America, to bring me closer to the American Dream.

But I hope you can consider this: the American Dream cannot exist for only your children. We are all in this together, and we cannot feel safe until ALL our friends, loved ones, and neighbors are safe. The American Dream that we seek is a place where all Americans can live without fear of police violence. This is the future that I want - and one that I hope you want, too.

With love and hope,

Your children

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Dear Mom, Dad, Uncle, Auntie: Black Lives Matter to Us, Too

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We need to talk. You may not have grown up around people who are Black, but I have. Black people are a fundamental part of my life: they are my friends, my classmates and teammates, my roommates, my family. Today, I'm scared for them. This year, the American police have already killed more than 500 people.

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Introducing: Nice White Parents (Published 2020)

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A new five-part series about building a better school system, and what gets in the way. New episodes of “Nice White Parents” are available here, brought to you by Serial Productions and The New York Times.

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Ask teachers to describe the impact they hope to have on their students, and most will eventually say something along these lines: I want my students to grow into responsible citizens. I want my students to participate in society in an active, productive way.

And maybe: I want my students to change the world.

But how many of us know how to make that happen, really? Can we explicitly teach students how to change the world? If this question has been whispering in the back of your mind, the resources in this collection will help.

What is social justice, and how does it fit into the curriculum?

The National Association of Social Workers defines social justice as "the view that everyone deserves equal economic, political and social rights and opportunities." To study social justice is to learn about the problems that dramatically impact quality of life for certain populations, and how people have worked to solve those problems.

If you teach social studies, you'll have no trouble finding direct curricular links to social justice. The National Curriculum Standards for the Social Studies includes Civic Ideals and Practices as one of its 10 Themes of Social Studies, and this includes an emphasis on learning how to get involved in influencing public policy. In history and social studies class, social justice teaching is a natural fit.

In other content areas, teachers disagree over whether social justice has a place. We put ourselves in a vulnerable position by exploring issues that are seen as more controversial than others (a topic I will get into in the next section), and some teachers prefer to completely steer clear of those kinds of complications. For others, social justice was a driving force in why they became teachers, and they weave it into whatever content they are teaching. If you choose to address some or all of these issues in your classroom, the next section offers some tips for doing it effectively.

Some Advice for Teaching Social Justice

As an undergraduate, I served as a student counselor for three years and a resident assistant (RA) for one. I regularly delivered workshops on social justice topics, and I learned a few important lessons along the way. Here are some things to keep in mind when studying social justice issues with your students:

Make getting to know students a key component of any social justice teaching. If you and your students don't spend time examining your own backgrounds, biases, and beliefs, you will be missing an essential component of any social justice curriculum. We all view every social justice issue through the lens of our own experience, and these different lenses can block our growth and learning if we aren't aware of them. If we fine-tune our self-awareness, our individual lenses can richly inform classroom conversations and help us understand issues on a much deeper level, directly from each other.

Know that not all students feel the same way about these issues. Most, if not all, of these resources have been created from a pretty liberal, progressive viewpoint. For example, one of the lessons in the Learning for Justice (formerly known as Teaching Tolerance) series described below is on Confronting Unjust Laws. The lesson uses California's Proposition 8 as an example of an unjust law. But not all of your students (or their families) will see a law like Prop 8 as unjust. In fact, some may strongly oppose same-sex marriage. That doesn't mean you can't talk about controversial issues; in fact, teaching students how to respectfully discuss an issue with people who don't see things the same way is a lesson that will serve them for the rest of their lives.

Familiarize yourself with the material before teaching. Sometimes we just skim materials before we teach. With social justice topics, this would be a mistake. Not knowing exactly what's in all of your teaching materials, including the texts or videos you and your students will be looking at, can leave you vulnerable to problems when unexpected content pops up.

Keep your administrator in the loop. As with any potentially controversial lesson, it is essential that you talk to your administrator about it ahead of time. Show the curricular connections between your planned lessons and the standards you're teaching. Talk about potential problems or objections that may come up and how you both plan to address them. That way, if your administrator gets a phone call from a concerned parent, she or he won't be blindsided.

Featured Resources

When I set out to find good resources for social justice teaching, I was looking for classroom-ready materials, lesson plans with supplementary texts or videos that would prompt students to learn about, think about, and talk about social justice issues. I also hoped to find some that would actually teach students about activism, about how a citizen zeroes in on a problem, formulates a solution, then does the grassroots work necessary to see that solution come to life.

Some of these resources fit the bill perfectly, especially the first one on the list. Others do not include lesson plans at all, but serve such an important and innovative role in social justice education, I thought they were essential to include here.

Learning for Justice

This award-winning organization (formerly known as Teaching Tolerance) comes up most often any time social justice teaching is discussed. There's lots to explore on their site, including the Classroom Resources section, which is loaded with lesson plans and other resources teachers can use for free in their classrooms. One of these lessons is Confronting Unjust Practices, where students learn about the anti-segregation actions taken by the Freedom Riders and the attack on one of these buses in Anniston, Alabama (pictured above).

Other lessons from this library include What is Ageism?, Unequal Unemployment, and What Makes a Family? Lessons are available for elementary, middle, and high school students.

DoSomething.org

No lesson plans here: DoSomething.org is an outstanding organization whose goal is to support the work of young people who want to make a difference in their world. Students browse through a big list of campaigns, public education and activism projects students can launch right in their own communities, and choose one or more that they'd like to participate in. Once they have finished a campaign, students submit a photo or video to prove they completed the required steps. This entry makes them eligible to win prizes, including scholarships. Currently, only U.S. students are eligible for these scholarships, but DoSomething.org is expanding into other countries as well.

Although this site will not help you do any direct instruction about social justice, it provides incredible opportunities for students to actively participate in social justice projects. Most campaigns are just right for high school students, and some would be appropriate for middle schoolers as well. Some topics may be considered risque, so review the content before introducing it to students.

On a related note, DoSomething.org is the organization where Katia Gomez, the college student who started her own school in Honduras (featured in the first Cult of Pedagogy documentary last year), got her start. One more bit of trivia that totally doesn't matter but might if you are a Melrose Place fan: DoSomething.org was co-founded by 90's heartthrob Andrew Shue. Squeee!!

The Global Oneness Project

The Global Oneness Project offers a beautiful collection of multicultural films, photo essays, and articles that "explore cultural, social, and environmental issues with a humanistic lens." Many of the featured stories are paired with a lesson plan for high school or college classrooms, aligned with Common Core and national standards.

One such pairing starts with the film Amar, which follows a young Indian boy living in a high-poverty neighborhood through a typical day that includes rising before dawn to do one of his two jobs and attending school. The accompanying lesson plan is called A Day in the Life, which has students examine the film and other resources related to the economic situation in India.

The films are truly stunning. This collection doesn't include explicit teachings in any kind of civics or grassroots activism, but it will provide students with a deep understanding of lives completely unlike their own. And that kind of empathy is one of the most important building blocks for any kind of social justice action.

Pushing the Edge: Social Justice Resources Collection

Educator Greg Curran's podcast covers a range of educational topics, but quite a few episodes circle around issues of social justice. Recently, he curated these resources into a Social Justice Resources Collection. These episodes will be mainly useful for teachers to educate themselves about social justice education: what complications and questions come up, helpful do's and don'ts, and why it's worth it. He interviews practicing teachers and administrators who are walking the walk with social justice teaching. Listening to them will give you a template from which to build your own practice.

Here's an example of one episode, where Curran interviews Nakisha Hobbs, principal of the Village Leadership Academy, a k-8 social justice school in Chicago.

GLSEN: Educator Resources

For teachers who want to include consideration of LGBT issues in their study of social justice, a great source for materials is GLSEN, the Gay, Lesbian & Straight Education Network. offers a nice collection of educator guides and lesson plans.

Here are a few examples: The ThinkB4YouSpeak Guide for Educators includes lesson plans, resources, and tips for teachers for addressing anti-LGBT language in the 6-12 classroom. Unheard Voices is a collection of audio interviews with "individuals who bore witness to or helped shape LGBT history in some way." And the Day of Silence Guide shows educators how to run a Day of Silence awareness campaign in their schools.

Educational Video Center

I love this idea: The Educational Video Center teaches students the skills of documentary filmmaking, telling important stories in the name of social justice. Although the EVC holds after-school workshops only for students in New York City, they do offer professional development for teachers anywhere who want to learn how to teach these skills to their own students.

Alumni of the EVC have created documentaries on everything from criminal justice to domestic violence to mental health. You can view a collection of trailers for student-created documentaries here.

The Two Dollar Challenge

The Two Dollar Challenge is a challenge issued to people who want to make an impact on poverty. The challenge is simple: For 5 days, live on just $2 per day, publicizing the complexities of global poverty and helping to raise funds for a partner organization.

What's most striking about this organization is their emphasis on cultivating a deep respect for people affected by poverty and raising participants' awareness of their own privilege. One look at the project's code of conduct shows just how serious they are about that mission: "At all times participants must respect those nearby who are truly in need. If at any time those taking the Challenge are using resources which are valuable for indigent residents in the area this action must be re-evaluated."

Anti-Defamation League

The ADL's collection of lesson plans explore topics in categories like gender issues, sexism, ableism, religious bigotry, and racism. For example, What is the School-to-Prison Pipeline?, a lesson for high school students, has students study and discuss the impact of zero-tolerance policies in schools, statistics on the connection between school suspensions and the juvenile justice system, and their own school discipline policy. The end of the lesson offers students a choice of next steps for taking action on this issue. Lessons are available for preschool through high school.

Update: Since publishing this post, a few readers have pointed out that some of ADL's other website content (separate from this curriculum) takes a strong stance on issues relating to Israel and may offend some users. I still feel that this curriculum contains incredibly valuable lessons on very recent events that you won't find anywhere else, but this reinforces my second and third points above: Know your audience, and read through the materials carefully. For more details on this issue, please read the comments below. This article may also shed some light on the topic.

Further Reading

Stirring Up Justice
Laurel Schmidt, Education Leadership, May 2009
Explores the value and process of teaching students about activism. Offers a template for how to engage students in authentic conversations about difficult issues, ask themselves what they can do about social justice issues, consider ways they have already acted in the past, study how other kids and young adults have successfully solved problems, and participate in their own social justice projects.

Turning Current Events Into Social Justice Teaching
Jinnie Spiegler, Edutopia, January 6, 2016
Spiegler, the curriculum director for the Anti-Defamation League (the first resource in this post) offers advice on teaching social justice topics in a way that's both sensitive and productive.

Educolor Resources
Educolor, an organization dedicated to an equitable, just education for everyone, maintains this list of books, movies, articles, and websites that will educate teachers and students on issues of social justice, especially as it pertains to educational equity.

The Best Teacher Resources Sites for Social Justice
Larry Ferlazzo, Larry Ferlazzo's Websites of the Day, July 1, 2008
A big list of resources related to social justice education.
What Are Your Favorite Social Justice Resources?
This is by no means an exhaustive list. If you have a resource you like to use for teaching about social justice, please share it in the comments below. ♦

Keep in touch.
Join my mailing list and get weekly tips, tools, and inspiration-in quick, bite-sized packages-all geared toward making your teaching more effective and fun. To thank you, I'll send you a free copy of my e-booklet, 20 Ways to Cut Your Grading Time in Half, which has helped thousands of teachers spend less time grading!

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A Collection of Resources for Teaching Social Justice

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Want your students to actively engage in addressing inequality? Explore this annotated bibliography of resources for teaching students about social justice.

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Hip hop, grit, and academic success: Bettina Love at TEDxUGA

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In a short essay published earlier this week, Smithsonian Secretary Lonnie G. Bunch wrote that the recent killing in Minnesota of George Floyd has forced the country to "confront the reality that, despite gains made in the past 50 years, we are still a nation riven by inequality and racial division."

Amid escalating clashes between protesters and police, discussing race-from the inequity embedded in American institutions to the United States' long, painful history of anti-black violence-is an essential step in sparking meaningful societal change. To support those struggling to begin these difficult conversations, the Smithsonian's National Museum of African American History and Culture recently launched a " Talking About Race " portal featuring "tools and guidance" for educators, parents, caregivers and other people committed to equity.

"Talking About Race" joins a vast trove of resources from the Smithsonian Institution dedicated to understanding what Bunch describes as America's "tortured racial past." From Smithsonian magazine articles on slavery's Trail of Tears and the disturbing resilience of scientific racism to the National Museum of American History's collection of Black History Month resources for educators and a Sidedoor podcast on the Tulsa Race Massacre, these 158 resources are designed to foster an equal society, encourage commitment to unbiased choices and promote antiracism in all aspects of life. Listings are bolded and organized by category.

Historical Context

Between 1525 and 1866, 12.5 million people were kidnapped from Africa and sent to the Americas through the transatlantic slave trade. Only 10.7 million survived the harrowing two month journey. Comprehending the sheer scale of this forced migration-and slavery's subsequent spread across the country via interregional trade-can be a daunting task, but as historian Leslie Harris told Smithsonian's Amy Crawford earlier this year, framing "these big concepts in terms of individual lives ... can [help you] better understand what these things mean."

Take, for instance, the story of John Casor. Originally an indentured servant of African descent, Casor lost a 1654 or 1655 court case convened to determine whether his contract had lapsed. He became the first individual declared a slave for life in the United States. Manuel Vidau, a Yoruba man who was captured and sold to traders some 200 years after Casor's enslavement, later shared an account of his life with the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, which documented his remarkable story-after a decade of enslavement in Cuba, he purchased a share in a lottery ticket and won enough money to buy his freedom-in records now available on the digital database " Freedom Narratives." (A separate, similarly document-based online resource emphasizes individuals described in fugitive slave ads, which historian Joshua Rothman describes as "sort of a little biography" providing insights on their subjects' appearance and attire.)

Finally, consider the life of Matilda McCrear, the last known survivor of the transatlantic slave trade. Kidnapped from West Africa and brought to the U.S. on the Clotilda, she arrived in Mobile, Alabama, in July 1860-more than 50 years after Congress had outlawed the import of enslaved labor. McCrear, who died in 1940 at the age of 81 or 82, " displayed a determined, even defiant streak " in her later life, wrote Brigit Katz earlier this year. She refused to use her former owner's last name, wore her hair in traditional Yoruba style and had a decades-long relationship with a white German man.

How American society remembers and teaches the horrors of slavery is crucial. But as recent studies have shown, many textbooks offer a sanitized view of this history, focusing solely on "positive" stories about black leaders like Harriet Tubman and Frederick Douglass. Prior to 2018, Texas schools even taught that states' rights and sectionalism-not slavery-were the main causes of the Civil War. And, in Confederate memorials across the country, writes historian Kevin M. Levin, enslaved individuals are often falsely portrayed as loyal slaves.

Accurately representing slavery might require an updated vocabulary, argued historian Michael Landis in 2015: Outdated "[t]erms like 'compromise' or 'plantation' served either to reassure worried Americans in a Cold War world, or uphold a white supremacist, sexist interpretation of the past." Rather than referring to the Compromise of 1850, call it the Appeasement of 1850-a term that better describes "the uneven nature of the agreement," according to Landis. Smithsonian scholar Christopher Wilson wrote, too, that widespread framing of the Civil War as a battle between equal entities lends legitimacy to the Confederacy, which was not a nation in its own right, but an "illegitimate rebellion and unrecognized political entity." A 2018 Smithsonian magazine investigation found that the literal costs of the Confederacy are immense: In the decade prior, American taxpayers contributed $40 million to the maintenance of Confederate monuments and heritage organizations.

To better understand the immense brutality ingrained in enslaved individuals' everyday lives, read up on Louisiana's Whitney Plantation Museum, which acts as "part reminder of the scars of institutional bondage, part mausoleum for dozens of enslaved people who worked (and died) in [its] sugar fields, ... [and] monument to the terror of slavery," as Jared Keller observed in 2016. Visitors begin their tour in a historic church populated by clay sculptures of children who died on the plantation's grounds, then move on to a series of granite slabs engraved with hundreds of enslaved African Americans' names. Scattered throughout the experience are stories of the violence inflicted by overseers.

The Whitney Plantation Museum is at the forefront of a vanguard of historical sites working to confront their racist pasts. In recent years, exhibitions, oral history projects and other initiatives have highlighted the enslaved people whose labor powered such landmarks as Mount Vernon, the White House and Monticello. At the same time, historians are increasingly calling attention to major historical figures' own slave-holding legacies: From Thomas Jefferson to George Washington, William Clark of Lewis and Clark, Francis Scott Key, and other Founding Fathers, many American icons were complicit in upholding the institution of slavery. Washington, Jefferson, James Madison and Aaron Burr, among others, sexually abused enslaved females working in their households and had oft-overlooked biracial families.

Though Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, the decree took two-and-a-half years to fully enact. June 19, 1865-the day Union Gen. Gordon Granger informed the enslaved individuals of Galveston, Texas, that they were officially free-is now known as Juneteenth: America's "second independence day," according to NMAAHC. Initially celebrated mainly in Texas, Juneteenth spread across the country as African Americans fled the South in what is now called the Great Migration.

At the onset of that mass movement in 1916, 90 percent of African Americans still lived in the South, where they were "held captive by the virtual slavery of sharecropping and debt peonage and isolated from the rest of the country," as Isabel Wilkerson wrote in 2016. (Sharecropping, a system in which formerly enslaved people became tenant farmers and lived in "converted" slave cabins, was the impetus for the 1919 Elaine Massacre, which found white soldiers collaborating with local vigilantes to kill at least 200 sharecroppers who dared to criticize their low wages.) By the time the Great Migration-famously chronicled by artist Jacob Lawrence-ended in the 1970s, 47 percent of African Americans called the northern and western United States home.

Listen to Sidedoor: A Smithsonian Podcast

The third season of Sidedoor explored a South Carolina residence's unique journey from slave cabin to family home and its latest incarnation as a centerpiece at the National Museum of African American History and Culture.

Conditions outside the Deep South were more favorable than those within the region, but the "hostility and hierarchies that fed the Southern caste system" remained major obstacles for black migrants in all areas of the country, according to Wilkerson. Low-paying jobs, redlining, restrictive housing covenants and rampant discrimination limited opportunities, creating inequality that would eventually give rise to the civil rights movement.

"The Great Migration was the first big step that the nation's servant class ever took without asking," Wilkerson explained. " ... It was about agency for a people who had been denied it, who had geography as the only tool at their disposal. It was an expression of faith, despite the terrors they had survived, that the country whose wealth had been created by their ancestors' unpaid labor might do right by them."

Systemic Inequality

Racial, economic and educational disparities are deeply entrenched in U.S. institutions. Though the Declaration of Independence states that "all men are created equal," American democracy has historically-and often violently-excluded certain groups. "Democracy means everybody can participate, it means you are sharing power with people you don't know, don't understand, might not even like," said National Museum of American History curator Harry Rubenstein in 2017. "That's the bargain. And some people over time have felt very threatened by that notion."

Instances of inequality range from the obvious to less overtly discriminatory policies and belief systems. Historical examples of the former include poll taxes that effectively disenfranchised African American voters; the marginalization of African American soldiers who fought in World War I and World War II but were treated like second-class citizens at home; black innovators who were barred from filing patents for their inventions; white medical professionals' exploitation of black women's bodies (see Henrietta Lacks and J. Marion Sims); Richard and Mildred Loving's decade-long fight to legalize interracial marriage; the segregated nature of travel in the Jim Crow era; the government-mandated segregation of American cities; and segregation in schools.

Among the most heartbreaking examples of structural racism's subtle effects are accounts shared by black children. In the late 1970s, when Lebert F. Lester II was 8 or 9 years old, he started building a sand castle during a trip to the Connecticut shore. A young white girl joined him but was quickly taken away by her father. Lester recalled the girl returning, only to ask him, "Why don't [you] just go in the water and wash it off?" Lester says., "I was so confused-I only figured out later she meant my complexion." Two decades earlier, in 1957, 15-year-old Minnijean Brown had arrived at Little Rock Central High School with high hopes of "making friends, going to dances and singing in the chorus." Instead, she and the rest of the Little Rock Nine-a group of black students selected to attend the formerly all-white academy after Brown v. Board of Education desegregated public schools-were subjected to daily verbal and physical assaults. Around the same time, photographer John G. Zimmerman captured snapshots of racial politics in the South that included comparisons of black families waiting in long lines for polio inoculations as white children received speedy treatment.

In 1968, the Kerner Commission, a group convened by President Lyndon Johnson, found that white racism, not black anger, was the impetus for the widespread civil unrest sweeping the nation. As Alice George wrote in 2018, the commission's report suggested that "[b]ad policing practices, a flawed justice system, unscrupulous consumer credit practices, poor or inadequate housing, high unemployment, voter suppression and other culturally embedded forms of racial discrimination all converged to propel violent upheaval." Few listened to the findings, let alone its suggestion of aggressive government spending aimed at leveling the playing field. Instead, the country embraced a different cause: space travel. The day after the 1969 moon landing, the leading black paper the New York Amsterdam News ran a story stating, "Yesterday, the moon. Tomorrow, maybe us."

Fifty years after the Kerner Report's release, a separate study assessed how much had changed; it concluded that conditions had actually worsened. In 2017, black unemployment was higher than in 1968, as was the rate of incarcerated individuals who were black. The wealth gap had also increased substantially, with the median white family having ten times more wealth than the median black family. "We are resegregating our cities and our schools, condemning millions of kids to inferior education and taking away their real possibility of getting out of poverty," said Fred Harris, the last surviving member of the Kerner Commission, following the 2018 study's release.

Today, scientific racism-grounded in such faulty practices as eugenics and the treatment of race "as a crude proxy for myriad social and environmental factors," writes Ramin Skibba-persists despite overwhelming evidence that race has only social, not biological, meaning. Black scholars including Mamie Phipps Clark, a psychologist whose research on racial identity in children helped end segregation in schools, and Rebecca J. Cole, a 19th-century physician and advocate who challenged the idea that black communities were destined for death and disease, have helped overturn some of these biases. But a 2015 survey found that 48 percent of black and Latina women scientists, respectively, still report being mistaken for custodial or administrative staff. Even artificial intelligence exhibits racial biases, many of which are introduced by lab staff and crowdsourced workers who program their own conscious and unconscious opinions into algorithms.

Anti-Black Violence

In addition to enduring centuries of enslavement, exploitation and inequality, African Americans have long been the targets of racially charged physical violence. Per the Alabama-based Equal Justice Initiative, more than 4,400 lynchings -mob killings undertaken without legal authority-took place in the U.S. between the end of Reconstruction and World War II.

Incredibly, the Senate only passed legislation declaring lynching a federal crime in 2018. Between 1918 and the Justice for Victims of Lynching Act's eventual passage, more than 200 anti-lynching bills failed to make it through Congress. (Earlier this week, Sen. Rand Paul said he would hold up a separate, similarly intentioned bill over fears that its definition of lynching was too broad. The House passed the bill in a 410-to-4 vote this February.) Also in 2018, the Equal Justice Initiative opened the nation's first monument to African American lynching victims. The six-acre memorial site stands alongside a museum dedicated to tracing the nation's history of racial bias and persecution from slavery to the present.

One of the earliest instances of Reconstruction-era racial violence took place in Opelousas, Louisiana, in September 1868. Two months ahead of the presidential election, Southern white Democrats started terrorizing Republican opponents who appeared poised to secure victory at the polls. On September 28, a group of men attacked 18-year-old schoolteacher Emerson Bentley, who had already attracted ire for teaching African American students, after he published an account of local Democrats' intimidation of Republicans. Bentley escaped with his life, but 27 of the 29 African Americans who arrived on the scene to help him were summarily executed. Over the next two weeks, vigilante terror led to the deaths of some 250 people, the majority of whom were black.

In April 1873, another spate of violence rocked Louisiana. The Colfax Massacre, described by historian Eric Foner as the "bloodiest single instance of racial carnage in the Reconstruction era," unfolded under similar circumstances as Opelousas, with tensions between Democrats and Republicans culminating in the deaths of between 60 and 150 African Americans, as well as three white men.

Between the turn of the 20th century and the 1920s, multiple massacres broke out in response to false allegations that young black men had raped or otherwise assaulted white women. In August 1908, a mob terrorized African American neighborhoods across Springfield, Illinois, vandalizing black-owned businesses, setting fire to the homes of black residents, beating those unable to flee and lynching at least two people. Local authorities, argues historian Roberta Senechal, were "ineffectual at best, complicit at worst."

False accusations also sparked a July 1919 race riot in Washington, D.C. and the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921, which was most recently dramatized in the HBO series "Watchmen." As African American History Museum curator Paul Gardullo tells Smithsonian, tensions related to Tulsa's economy underpinned the violence: Forced to settle on what was thought to be worthless land, African Americans and Native Americans struck oil and proceeded to transform the Greenwood neighborhood of Tulsa into a prosperous community known as "Black Wall Street." According to Gardullo, "It was the frustration of poor whites not knowing what to do with a successful black community, and in coalition with the city government [they] were given permission to do what they did."

Over the course of two days in spring 1921, the Tulsa Race Massacre claimed the lives of an estimated 300 black Tulsans and displaced another 10,000. Mobs burned down at least 1,256 residences, churches, schools and businesses and destroyed almost 40 blocks of Greenwood. As the Sidedoor episode "Confronting the Past" notes, "No one knows how many people died, no one was ever convicted, and no one really talked about it nearly a century later."

Listen to Sidedoor: A Smithsonian Podcast

The second season of Sidedoor told the story of the Tulsa Race Massacre of 1921.

Economic injustice also led to the East St. Louis Race War of 1917. This labor dispute-turned-deadly found "people's houses being set ablaze, ... people being shot when they tried to flee, some trying to swim to the other side of the Mississippi while being shot at by white mobs with rifles, others being dragged out of street cars and beaten and hanged from street lamps," recalled Dhati Kennedy, the son of a survivor who witnessed the devastation firsthand. Official counts place the death toll at 39 black and 9 white individuals, but locals argue that the real toll was closer to 100.

A watershed moment for the burgeoning civil rights movement was the 1955 murder of 14-year-old Emmett Till. Accused of whistling at a white woman while visiting family members in Mississippi, he was kidnapped, tortured and killed. Emmett's mother, Mamie Till Mobley, decided to give her son an open-casket funeral, forcing the world to confront the image of his disfigured, decomposing body. (Visuals, including photographs, movies, television clips and artwork, played a key role in advancing the movement.) The two white men responsible for Till's murder were acquitted by an all-white jury. A marker at the site where the teenager's body was recovered has been vandalized at least three times since its placement in 2007.

The form of anti-black violence with the most striking parallels to contemporary conversations is police brutality. As Katie Nodjimbadem reported in 2017, a regional crime survey of late 1920s Chicago and Cook County, Illinois, found that while African Americans constituted just 5 percent of the area's population, they made up 30 percent of the victims of police killings. Civil rights protests exacerbated tensions between African Americans and police, with events like the Orangeburg Massacre of 1968, in which law enforcement officers shot and killed three student activists at South Carolina State College, and the Glenville shootout, which left three police officers, three black nationalists and one civilian dead, fostering mistrust between the two groups.

Today, this legacy is exemplified by broken windows policing, a controversial approach that encourages racial profiling and targets African American and Latino communities. "What we see is a continuation of an unequal relationship that has been exacerbated, made worse if you will, by the militarization and the increase in fire power of police forces around the country," William Pretzer, senior curator at NMAAHC, told Smithsonian in 2017.

The history of protest and revolt in the United States is inextricably linked with the racial violence detailed above.

Prior to the Civil War, enslaved individuals rarely revolted outright. Nat Turner, whose 1831 insurrection ended in his execution, was one of the rare exceptions. A fervent Christian, he drew inspiration from the Bible. His personal copy, now housed in the collections of the African American History Museum, represented the "possibility of something else for himself and for those around him," curator Mary Ellis told Smithsonian's Victoria Dawson in 2016.

Other enslaved African Americans practiced less risky forms of resistance, including working slowly, breaking tools and setting objects on fire. "Slave rebellions, though few and small in size in America, were invariably bloody," wrote Dawson. "Indeed, death was all but certain."

One of the few successful uprisings of the period was the Creole Rebellion. In the fall of 1841, 128 enslaved African Americans traveling aboard The Creole mutinied against its crew, forcing their former captors to sail the brig to the British West Indies, where slavery was abolished and they could gain immediate freedom.

An April 1712 revolt found enslaved New Yorkers setting fire to white-owned buildings and firing on slaveholders. Quickly outnumbered, the group fled but was tracked to a nearby swamp; though several members were spared, the majority were publicly executed, and in the years following the uprising, the city enacted laws limiting enslaved individuals' already scant freedom. In 1811, meanwhile, more than 500 African Americans marched on New Orleans while chanting "Freedom or Death." Though the German Coast uprising was brutally suppressed, historian Daniel Rasmussen argues that it "had been much larger-and come much closer to succeeding-than the planters and American officials let on."

Some 150 years after what Rasmussen deems America's " largest slave revolt," the civil rights movement ushered in a different kind of protest. In 1955, police arrested Rosa Parks for refusing to yield her bus seat to a white passenger ("I had been pushed around all my life and felt at this moment that I couldn't take it any more," she later wrote). The ensuing Montgomery bus boycott, in which black passengers refused to ride public transit until officials met their demands, led the Supreme Court to rule segregated buses unconstitutional. Five years later, the Greensboro Four similarly took a stand, ironically by staging a sit-in at a Woolworth's lunch counter. As Christopher Wilson wrote ahead of the 60th anniversary of the event, "What made Greensboro different [from other sit-ins] was how it grew from a courageous moment to a revolutionary movement."

During the 1950s and '60s, civil rights leaders adopted varying approaches to protest: Malcolm X, a staunch proponent of black nationalism who called for equality by "any means necessary," "made tangible the anger and frustration of African Americans who were simply catching hell," according to journalist Allison Keyes. He repeated the same argument "over and over again," wrote academic and activist Cornel West in 2015: "What do you think you would do after 400 years of slavery and Jim Crow and lynching? Do you think you would respond nonviolently? What's your history like? Let's look at how you have responded when you were oppressed. George Washington-revolutionary guerrilla fighter!'"

Martin Luther King Jr. famously advocated for nonviolent protest, albeit not in the form that many think. As biographer Taylor Branch told Smithsonian in 2015, King's understanding of nonviolence was more complex than is commonly argued. Unlike Mahatma Gandhi's "passive resistance," King believed resistance "depended on being active, using demonstrations, direct actions, to 'amplify the message' of the protest they were making," according to Ron Rosenbaum. In the activist's own words, "[A] riot is the language of the unheard. And what is it America has failed to hear?... It has failed to hear that the promises of freedom and justice have not been met. "

Another key player in the civil rights movement, the militant Black Panther Party, celebrated black power and operated under a philosophy of "demands and aspirations." The group's Ten-Point Program called for an "immediate end to POLICE BRUTALITY and MURDER of Black people," as well as more controversial measures like freeing all black prisoners and exempting black men from military service. Per NMAAHC, black power "emphasized black self-reliance and self-determination more than integration," calling for the creation of separate African American political and cultural organizations. In doing so, the movement ensured that its proponents would attract the unwelcome attention of the FBI and other government agencies.

Many of the protests now viewed as emblematic of the fight for racial justice took place in the 1960s. On August 28, 1963, more than 250,000 people gathered in D.C. for the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. Ahead of the 50th anniversary of the march, activists who attended the event detailed the experience for a Smithsonian oral history: Entertainer Harry Belafonte observed, "We had to seize the opportunity and make our voices heard. Make those who are comfortable with our oppression-make them uncomfortable-Dr. King said that was the purpose of this mission," while Representative John Lewis recalled, "Looking toward Union Station, we saw a sea of humanity; hundreds, thousands of people. ... People literally pushed us, carried us all the way, until we reached the Washington Monument and then we walked on to the Lincoln Memorial.."

Two years after the March on Washington, King and other activists organized a march from Selma, Alabama, to the state capital of Montgomery. Later called the Selma March, the protest was dramatized in a 2014 film starring David Oyelowo as MLK. (Reflecting on Selma, Smithsonian Secretary Lonnie Bunch, then-director of NMAAHC, deemed it a "remarkable film" that "does not privilege the white perspective ... [or] use the movement as a convenient backdrop for a conventional story.")

Organized in response to the manifest obstacles black individuals faced when attempting to vote, the Selma March actually consisted of three separate protests. The first of these, held on March 7, 1965, ended in a tragedy now known as Bloody Sunday. As peaceful protesters gathered on the Edmund Pettus Bridge-named for a Confederate general and local Ku Klux Klan leader-law enforcement officers attacked them with tear gas and clubs. One week later, President Lyndon B. Johnson offered the Selma protesters his support and introduced legislation aimed at expanding voting rights. During the third and final march, organized in the aftermath of Johnson's announcement, tens of thousands of protesters (protected by the National Guard and personally led by King) converged on Montgomery. Along the way, interior designer Carl Benkert used a hidden reel-to-reel tape recorder to document the sounds-and specifically songs-of the event.

The protests of the early and mid-1960s culminated in the widespread unrest of 1967 and 1968. For five days in July 1967, riots on a scale unseen since 1863 rocked the city of Detroit: As Lorraine Boissoneault writes, "Looters prowled the streets, arsonists set buildings on fire, civilian snipers took position from rooftops and police shot and arrested citizens indiscriminately." Systemic injustice in such areas as housing, jobs and education contributed to the uprising, but police brutality was the driving factor behind the violence. By the end of the riots, 43 people were dead. Hundreds sustained injuries, and more than 7,000 were arrested.

The Detroit riots of 1967 prefaced the seismic changes of 1968. As Matthew Twombly wrote in 2018, movements including the Vietnam War, the Cold War, civil rights, human rights and youth culture "exploded with force in 1968," triggering aftershocks that would resonate both in America and abroad for decades to come.

On February 1, black sanitation workers Echol Cole and Robert Walker died in a gruesome accident involving a malfunctioning garbage truck. Their deaths, compounded by Mayor Henry Loeb's refusal to negotiate with labor representatives, led to the outbreak of the Memphis sanitation workers' strike-an event remembered both "as an example of powerless African Americans standing up for themselves" and as the backdrop to King's April 4 assassination.

Though King is lionized today, he was highly unpopular at the time of his death. According to a Harris Poll conducted in early 1968, nearly 75 percent of Americans disapproved of the civil rights leader, who had become increasingly vocal in his criticism of the Vietnam War and economic inequity. Despite the public's seeming ambivalence toward King-and his family's calls for nonviolence-his murder sparked violent protests across the country. In all, the Holy Week Uprisings spread to nearly 200 cities, leaving 3,500 people injured and 43 dead. Roughly 27,000 protesters were arrested, and 54 of the cities involved sustained more than $100,000 in property damage.

In May, thousands flocked to Washington, D.C. for a protest King had planned prior to his death. Called the Poor People's Campaign, the event united racial groups from all quarters of America in a call for economic justice. Attendees constructed "Resurrection City," a temporary settlement made up of 3,000 wooden tents, and camped out on the National Mall for 42 days.

"While we were all in a kind of depressed state about the assassinations of King and RFK, we were trying to keep our spirits up, and keep focused on King's ideals of humanitarian issues, the elimination of poverty and freedom," protester Lenneal Henderson told Smithsonian in 2018. "It was exciting to be part of something that potentially, at least, could make a difference in the lives of so many people who were in poverty around the country."

Racial unrest persisted throughout the year, with uprisings on the Fourth of July, a protest at the Summer Olympic Games, and massacres at Orangeburg and Glenville testifying to the tumultuous state of the nation.

The Black Lives Matter marches organized in response to the killings of George Floyd, Philando Castile, Freddie Gray, Eric Garner, Sandra Bland, Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown and other victims of anti-black violence share many parallels with protests of the past.

Football player Colin Kaepernick's decision to kneel during the national anthem-and the unmitigated outrage it sparked-bears similarities to the story of boxer Muhammad Ali, historian Jonathan Eig told Smithsonian in 2017: "It's been eerie to watch it, that we're still having these debates that black athletes should be expected to shut their mouths and perform for us," he said. "That's what people told Ali 50 years ago."

Other aspects of modern protest draw directly on uprisings of earlier eras. In 2016, for instance, artist Dread Scott updated an anti-lynching poster used by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in the 1920s and '30s to read "A Black Man Was Lynched by Police Yesterday." (Scott added the words "by police.")

Though the civil rights movement is often viewed as the result of a cohesive "grand plan" or "manifestation of the vision of the few leaders whose names we know," the American History Museum's Christopher Wilson argues that "the truth is there wasn't one, there were many and they were often competitive."

Meaningful change required a whirlwind of revolution, adds Wilson, "but also the slow legal march. It took boycotts, petitions, news coverage, civil disobedience, marches, lawsuits, shrewd political maneuvering, fundraising, and even the violent terror campaign of the movement's opponents-all going on [at] the same time."

Intersectionality

In layman's terms, intersectionality refers to the multifaceted discrimination experienced by individuals who belong to multiple minority groups. As theorist Kimberlé Crenshaw explains in a video published by NMAAHC, these classifications run the gamut from race to gender, gender identity, class, sexuality and disability. A black woman who identifies as a lesbian, for instance, may face prejudice based on her race, gender or sexuality.

Crenshaw, who coined the term intersectionality in 1989, explains the concept best: "Consider an intersection made up of many roads," she says in the video. "The roads are the structures of race, gender, gender identity, class, sexuality, disability. And the traffic running through those roads are the practices and policies that discriminate against people. Now if an accident happens, it can be caused by cars traveling in any number of directions, and sometimes, from all of them. So if a black woman is harmed because she is in an intersection, her injury could result from discrimination from any or all directions."

Understanding intersectionality is essential for teasing out the relationships between movements including civil rights, LGBTQ rights, suffrage and feminism. Consider the contributions of black transgender activists Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rivera, who played pivotal roles in the Stonewall Uprising; gay civil rights leader Bayard Rustin, who was only posthumously pardoned this year for having consensual sex with men; the "rank and file" women of the Black Panther Party; and African American suffragists such as Mary Church Terrell and Nannie Helen Burroughs.

All of these individuals fought discrimination on multiple levels: As noted in "Votes for Women: A Portrait of Persistence," a 2019 exhibition at the National Portrait Gallery, leading suffrage organizations initially excluded black suffragists from their ranks, driving the emergence of separate suffrage movements and, eventually, black feminists grounded in the inseparable experiences of racism, sexism and classism.

Allyship and Education

Individuals striving to become better allies by educating themselves and taking decisive action have an array of options for getting started. Begin with NMAAHC's "Talking About Race" portal, which features sections on being antiracist, whiteness, bias, social identities and systems of oppression, self-care, race and racial identity, the historical foundations of race, and community building. An additional 139 items-from a lecture on the history of racism in America to a handout on white supremacy culture and an article on the school-to-prison pipeline-are available to explore via the portal's resources page.

In collaboration with the International Coalition of Sites of Conscience, the National Museum of the American Indian has created a that aims to "help people facilitate new conversations with and among students about the power of images and words, the challenges of memory, and the relationship between personal and national value," says museum director Kevin Gover in a statement. The Smithsonian Asian Pacific American Center offers a similarly focused resource called "Standing Together Against Xenophobia." As the site's description notes, "This includes addressing not only the hatred and violence that has recently targeted people of Asian descent, but also the xenophobia that plagues our society during times of national crisis."

Ahead of NMAAHC's official opening in 2016, the museum hosted a series of public programs titled "History, Rebellion, and Reconciliation." Panels included "Ferguson: What Does This Moment Mean for America?" and "#Words Matter: Making Revolution Irresistible." As Smithsonian reported at the time, "It was somewhat of a refrain at the symposium that museums can provide 'safe,' or even 'sacred' spaces, within which visitors [can] wrestle with difficult and complex topics." Then-director Lonnie Bunch expanded on this mindset in an interview, telling Smithsonian, "Our job is to be an educational institution that uses history and culture not only to look back, not only to help us understand today, but to point us towards what we can become." For more context on the museum's collections, mission and place in American history, visit Smithsonian's "Breaking Ground" hub and NMAAHC's digital resources guide.

Historical examples of allyship offer both inspiration and cautionary tales for the present. Take, for example, Albert Einstein, who famously criticized segregation as a "disease of white people" and continually used his platform to denounce racism. (The scientist's advocacy is admittedly complicated by travel diaries that reveal his deeply troubling views on race.)

Einstein's near-contemporary, a white novelist named John Howard Griffin, took his supposed allyship one step further, darkening his skin and embarking on a "human odyssey through the South," as Bruce Watson wrote in 2011. Griffin's chronicle of his experience, a volume titled Black Like Me, became a surprise bestseller, refuting "the idea that minorities were acting out of paranoia," according to scholar Gerald Early, and testifying to the veracity of black people's accounts of racism.

"The only way I could see to bridge the gap between us," wrote Griffin in Black Like Me, "was to become a Negro."

Griffin, however, had the privilege of being able to shed his blackness at will-which he did after just one month of donning his makeup. By that point, Watson observed, Griffin could simply "stand no more."

Sixty years later, what is perhaps most striking is just how little has changed. As Bunch reflected earlier this week, "The state of our democracy feels fragile and precarious."

Addressing the racism and social inequity embedded in American society will be a "monumental task," the secretary added. But "the past is replete with examples of ordinary people working together to overcome seemingly insurmountable challenges. History is a guide to a better future and demonstrates that we can become a better society-but only if we collectively demand it from each other and from the institutions responsible for administering justice."
Editor's Note, July 24, 2020: This article previously stated that some 3.9 million of the 10.7 million people who survived the harrowing two-month journey across the Middle Passage between 1525 and 1866 were ultimately enslaved in the United States. In fact, the 3.9 million figure refers to the number of enslaved individuals in the U.S. just before the Civil War. We regret the error.

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158 Resources for Understanding Systemic Racism in America

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In a short essay published earlier this week, Smithsonian Secretary Lonnie G. Bunch wrote that the recent killing in Minnesota of George Floyd has forced the country to "confront the reality that, despite gains made in the past 50 years, we are still a nation riven by inequality and racial division."

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Our lives, our cultures, are composed of many overlapping stories. Novelist Chimamanda Adichie tells the story of how she found her authentic cultural voice -- and warns that if we hear only a single story about another person or country, we risk a critical misunderstanding.

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NOEL KING, HOST:

Immigration policy is polarizing - travel bans, family separation, defining who qualifies for asylum. But one thing a lot of people agree on - the U.S. immigration system is broken. Last month, the senior editor of the Atlantic, David Frum, wrote a cover story proposing that the U.S. cut legal immigration by half. He talked about the story with our co-host Rachel Martin.

(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED BROADCAST)

DAVID FRUM: I don't think most Americans understand how small the benefits of immigration are, the economic benefits, to the legal residents of the United States.

KING: Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Jose Antonio Vargas is an undocumented immigrant. He wrote the book "Dear America: Notes Of An Undocumented Citizen." He responded to Frum's argument in a lecture at the University of Chicago last night. Rachel talked to Vargas earlier this week, and he told her that a conversation about immigration must also be a conversation about race.

JOSE ANTONIO VARGAS: A cursory reading of U.S. history will tell you that you cannot divorce race from immigration and from who gets to be a citizen. So when they asked me to give this lecture in Chicago, how do I take, you know, advantage of the opportunity that we have to have this conversation that connects race and immigration and talk about how you cannot discuss immigration policy - who gets to go in, who we bar from coming in and then who gets to be, quote, unquote, "a citizen" - until you connect those two things together. This idea that, you know, how much immigration is too much, well, that's a question that we've been asking since the beginning of this country. And to not talk about race and how that is connected to the issue of immigration, to me, is journalistically irresponsible.

RACHEL MARTIN, BYLINE: Do you agree that there are, though, real problems with the overall immigration system? I mean...

VARGAS: Oh, my God. Yes.

MARTIN: ...The immigration courts overflowing, huge backlog.

VARGAS: Absolutely. To me, not only is it broken, but this seems deliberate. You know, both parties have had opportunities to actually act and actually insist on some sort of policy change, but that has not happened. Meanwhile, David in this piece and a lot of news sources, you know, whenever they talk about immigrant labor, they leave out significant facts. According to the Social Security Administration, undocumented workers in the past decade have contributed $100 billion into the Social Security fund. I mean, that fact did not make it into David Frum's Atlantic cover story.

MARTIN: This is such a multilayered conversation and issue. But so much of what prevents a change in the immigration laws is the inability to focus on the specific laws and rules. And so to that end, I mean, do you think that the asylum laws need to be stricter?

VARGAS: I think the asylum laws need to be re-examined. I think the immigration system, as I said, is not only broken, I think it's - I don't think that's an accident, right? I think that needs to be really figured out. Like, who should we let in? For me, part of the reason why I came out was to actually help to force these questions, right? Like, for example, I don't know why I haven't gotten deported. I have no idea. I don't understand how other immigrants can get deported, and I can't.

I actually - during part of my reporting on this issue, I actually called ICE myself back in 2012. And I asked them, you know, hey, I came out as undocumented a few months ago. I haven't heard from you. And this was when Obama was president. And in that year, in 2011, he deported 400,000 people. And I wasn't one of them.

MARTIN: David Frum, who is a vocal Trump critic, agrees with President Trump on this idea of getting rid of a rule that says one member of the family who immigrates to the U.S. can then bring other relatives in. Critics of this policy call it chain migration. Proponents call it family reunification. I mean, Frum says that should stop.

VARGAS: What I find interesting - you know, you made that point, that Frum is a vocal Trump critic - this kind of opinion-oriented punditry. You know, I want facts. I want context. I want opinions to be based from facts and context. His story actually asked some hard questions that we have to grapple with - right? - but not using the kind of context and not reporting the kind of facts that we need to grapple with those questions.

MARTIN: It sounds like - I mean, they're very fundamental disagreements with Frum on a variety of levels. But the main problem, as you see it, is just you don't believe his data.

VARGAS: The data, the - then the arguments. Like, I remember when I was reading the piece, you know, the - one of the things that stood out to me was this argument that, in many ways, immigrants are to be blamed for what employers are doing. There's a line that says immigrants are enabling employers to behave badly. So we are now blaming the people that employers hire so they can have labor. Are we then blaming the people who actually don't have power to set the policies and redefine what the laws even are and who they're for?

MARTIN: The title of your book is "Dear America: Notes Of An Undocumented Citizen," though. The word citizen is important.

VARGAS: I actually think it's the unifying conversation that unites all Americans of all backgrounds. Like, what does it mean to be a citizen in this country? So for the people listening who are, you know, U.S. citizens because they were born here, you know, congratulations, right? The accident of birth (laughter). Then what? How do we realize that our equalities are tied to one another? I've been traveling all across the country in the past eight years, talking to everybody who wants to talk to me, including people who want me detained and deported. And one of the things I ask most of the time is, where are you from?

(Laughter) I remember I was at this event at the University of Georgia in Athens. This was, like, in 2012. And I asked this to a young man - because, you know, people of color always get asked where we're from. Like, where are you from from? And so I have this habit now of asking white people where they're from. So I asked him. And he said, well, you know, I'm American. I said, yes, I know. And then he goes, I'm white. Well, white is not a country. You know, like, where are you from?

And then how did your, you know, ancestors get here? What papers did they have? Was there a visa process we don't know about? Was there a multi-billion-dollar enforcement agency like ICE, you know, trying to lock people up because they didn't have papers? And he said, I don't know. You know, what a privilege not to have to know. What a privilege to have to say, oh, I'm a citizen because I'm born here. But all these other people, you know, they got to go earn it. What does that mean exactly?

MARTIN: Jose, thank you so much for talking with us.

VARGAS: Thank you so much for having me.

(SOUNDBITE OF AVISHAI COHEN'S "ELLI")

KING: That was Jose Antonio Vargas. He's a Pulitzer Prize-winning writer and activist.

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You Cannot Divorce Race From Immigration, Jose Antonio Vargas Says

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NOEL KING, HOST: Immigration policy is polarizing - travel bans, family separation, defining who qualifies for asylum. But one thing a lot of people agree on - the U.S. immigration system is broken. Last month, the senior editor of the Atlantic, David Frum, wrote a cover story proposing that the U.S.

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Alicia Garza, Co-founder of Black Lives Matter

In America, immigrant justice has always been inextricably linked to racial justice. From its beginnings, the founders of this country limited citizenship to "free white people." In the 1960s, Black civil rights activists won protections based on race and national origin, inspiring Congress to open up immigration to people from all over the world. And today, Black and brown people are disproportionately targeted by police and by deportation forces, and Asian and Latinx people are seen as permanently foreign. Without racial justice, there cannot be justice in our immigrant communities.

Start Difficult Conversations

We are here today because Black people have stood up for their rights in every generation of this young nation's history.

Our updated Guide to Difficult Conversations helps address anti-Blackness within our communities and highlights the centuries of work that Black Americans have done to lay claim to basic citizenship, let alone justice for all.

The film Just Mercy is a powerful way to start difficult conversations with your family and friends. The death penalty, like policing, has been used to control and destroy Black lives from the very founding of the country. Use our discussion guide with the film to spark change.

Watch our 2015 film White People: A Documentary, and check out our talkback featuring Soraya Nadia McDonald, Wesley Lowery, Lucas Nydam, Megan Red-Shirt Shaw, and producer Jose Antonio Vargas on how the film holds up five years later, confronting white supremacy, and more. Use the new Discussion Guide to unpack topics like white privilege, reverse racism, and the changing face of America.

Why Immigrant Justice is Racial Justice

As an organization rooted in immigrant freedom, we know it is our responsibility to look at the world through a lens of racial equity. To learn more about the ways that Define American is helping change the narrative, you can:

Make sure to follow Black-led immigrant justice organizations like UndocuBlack Network, Black Alliance for Just Immigration (BAJI), and Black Immigrant Collective to stay engaged with their work; and visit Movement for Black Lives for resources, events, and actions.

Support Define American's Work

Your contribution provides practical and accessible resources about holding uncomfortable conversations that address common misconceptions about Black communities. Help us continue our work to change the narrative.

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Immigrant Justice is Racial Justice - Define American

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Alicia Garza, Co-founder of Black Lives Matter In America, immigrant justice has always been inextricably linked to racial justice. From its beginnings, the founders of this country limited citizenship to "free white people." In the 1960s, Black civil rights activists won protections based on race and national origin, inspiring Congress to open up immigration to people from all over the world.

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John Hope Franklin Center at Duke University

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Our campaign supports teachers with free lessons and resources for teaching about racism and anti-racist struggles.

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Blogs that can help White teachers develop their antiracist knowledge and skills:

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Blogs that can help White teachers develop their antiracist knowledge and skills:

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“A Letter to White Teachers of My Black Children,” By Afrika Afeni Mills

“The Things They Made Me Carry,” by Thu Anh Nguyen

“What’s Your Pledge?” by Melinda Tsapatsaris

“Getting Names Right,” by Ali Michael

“Dear Student, You’re White,” by Julia Donnelly Spiegelman

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I Know My People Are Strong: Black Lives Matter At School

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Racism in America: A History in Three Acts

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Whatever you do, don't give up. People are counting on us to radicalize as many accomplices as we possibly can. The change must start with our own families.

We all have our spheres of influence. Most of us don't have huge platforms where we can reach millions of people and sway their political beliefs. But many of us have families and friends who we can reach. And we should be trying to reach them. It's absurd to expect Black people to educate and convince white people and non-Black people of color that their lives matter and that our silence is violence. It's on us to do that work in our own communities-and those communities start at home.

The Why:

I am no stranger to the difficulty of confronting your parents, aunts, uncles, or grandparents about political differences. You can ask anyone in my family about how many times I have been moved to hysterical sobs because they just wouldn't agree with me. That doesn't mean that I've stopped trying and political moments like this one are the perfect opportunity to finally get them to see the light. My family's group chat is popping off in a way I simply never imagined it would just one or two years ago! That may seem like a small thing, but every single person who is radicalized against the white supremacist status quo in this country is a win against a powerful and violent enemy.

In non-Black POC communities, anti-Black racism is rampant. If we can get through to our families and teach them to be actively anti-racist and pro-Black, we can genuinely save lives. I would be remiss not to point out that the shop that called the police on George Floyd was Palestinian-owned. In Arab communities, there is a toxic aspiration to whiteness paired with virulent anti-Blackness which is so dangerous. The owner of Cup Foods has since sworn never to involve police in nonviolent incidents. I'm glad that he has made this promise, but it's a lesson we should teach our families before the bloodshed happens.

The How:

COVID-19 has taken a lot away from us, but it has given us Zoom workshops. SO MANY ZOOM WORKSHOPS. This is a really cool way to start a conversation with your family. Invite your parents to attend the same workshop or talk as you and then have a debrief about it afterward. My mom tuned in to some of the Believers Bail Out programming during Ramadan and it spurred some really interesting conversations about abolition.

Family book clubs! This is similar to the above in that it gets the conversation going around an outside source material. There are a ton of accessible reads about radical politics. Try starting with "Are Prisons Obsolete?" by Angela Davis, or "As Black As Resistance" by Zoé Samudzi and William C. Anderson. Both are short and available online for less than $3. You can read them together and talk about the main themes, applying them to current events and your own lives.

WhatsApp: If you're based in the U.S., I don't know if all of your immigrant families believe everything they read on WhatsApp, but mine sure does. Go ahead and start a chain message about anti-imperialism and let's see what happens (I have not yet tested this, but am very interested in your stories).

Show them video proof of the points you are trying to make. Some people are visual learners, rather than big readers. If that's your family, show them videos that illustrate your point, using shorter captions to give them context. Then discuss what you've seen in the videos.

Confront them when they post something on social media or say something in your group chats that is incorrect. If they post a video about cops kneeling with protestors, educate them about how that is positive PR by police who went on to attack unarmed protestors minutes later. If they send one of the unsubstantiated WhatsApp rumors to you, tell them why that's not true and help them learn to fact check information. Don't just roll your eyes and move on. It's important to call this behavior out when we see it.

The What (to do if they're not quite there yet):

Be patient. It is not easy work to radicalize a family member-and if you're like me, there will be tears. But remind yourself you are doing the right thing. If you are not Black, you're using your privilege in a direct way to make small, but tangible changes. Remember that you likely had an unlearning curve. Don't lie to yourself because I sure did and my liberal girlboss days still haunt me.

If you haven't been able to get your parents to scream "Fuck the police!" with you quite yet, there are other ways they can be of service to our causes. If your family gives charitably, direct them to bail funds and legal defense funds. Ask them to donate to them for your birthdays and for religious holidays instead of buying you gifts. Even if they haven't grasped all of the concepts and gotten completely radicalized, they can still participate in fundraising efforts and use their money in service of the radical politics they'll one day hold (with your help).

Bring them to actions with you! A drive-through car protest is a good, relatively safe way to introduce your family to the importance of standing with oppressed groups against a white supremacist state that is hurting us all. Being around so many other people who believe in change might be the thing that pushes them over the edge.

Whatever you do, don't give up. People are counting on us to radicalize as many accomplices as we possibly can. The revolution could use a few more overbearing immigrant moms if you ask me.
JOIN WEAR YOUR VOICE ON PATREON - Every single dollar matters to us-especially now when media is under constant threat. Your support is essential and your generosity is why Wear Your Voice keeps going! You are a part of the resistance that is needed-uplifting Black and brown feminists through your pledges is the direct community support that allows us to make more space for marginalized voices. For as little as $1 every month you can be a part of this journey with us. This platform is our way of making necessary and positive change, and together we can keep growing.

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Radicalizing Your Family Against White Supremacy Is Essential for Liberation

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We all have our spheres of influence. Most of us don't have huge platforms where we can reach millions of people and sway their political beliefs. But many of us have families and friends who we can reach. And we should be trying to reach them.

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A Letter to White Teachers of My Black Children - Teaching While White

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I am a Black mom. I know it's sometimes hard to decide whether to say Black or African-American. I used to identify as African-American because I loved hearing the reference to my ancestral homeland in my description of myself. But then to say African-American reduces the majestic continent of