# data[].attributes.body
https://www.investopedia.com/financial-edge/0811/the-cost-of-unemployment-to-the-economy.aspx

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
While economists and academics make convincing arguments that a certain natural level of unemployment cannot be erased, elevated unemployment imposes high costs on the individual, society, and the country.

Worse yet, most of the costs are of the dead loss variety, where there are no offsetting gains to the costs that everyone must bear. Depending on how it's measured, the unemployment rate is open to interpretation. In addition, underemployment can be extremely detrimental to the economy of society as well. Unemployment numbers include people who are working at low-paying or low-skill jobs that do not provide enough full-time hours for benefits or enough to earn a living wage.

Global and national emergencies can trigger both unemployment and underemployment. For example, when the Covid-19 pandemic hit, it left more than 10 million Americans jobless in its first two weeks. The situation was so serious that the Coronavirus Aid, Relief, and Economic Security (CARES) Act expanded unemployment benefits to self-employed and part-time workers through Pandemic Emergency Unemployment Assistance and provided up to 39 weeks of benefits beginning on or after Jan. 27, 2020, and ending on or before Dec. 31, 2020.

Key Takeaways

Costs to the Individual

The costs of unemployment to the individual are not hard to imagine. When a person loses their job, there is often an immediate impact on their standard of living. Before the Great Recession, the average savings rate in the U.S. had been drifting down toward zero (and sometimes below). There are anecdotal reports that the average person is only a few weeks away from serious financial trouble without a paying job.

Even those eligible for unemployment benefits and other forms of government assistance find it is not enough as these benefits often only replace 50% or less of their regular income. That means these people are consuming far less than usual. However, the economic consequences can go beyond just less consumption. Many people will turn to retirement savings in a pinch, and draining these savings has long-term ramifications.

Prolonged unemployment may lead to an erosion of skills, basically robbing the economy of otherwise useful talents. At the same time, the experience of unemployment (either direct or indirect) may alter how workers plan for their futures-prolonged unemployment can lead to greater skepticism and pessimism. On a similar note, the absence of income created by unemployment can force families to deny educational opportunities to their children and deprive the economy of those future skills.

Last but not least, there are other costs to the individual. Studies have shown that prolonged unemployment harms workers' mental health and can worsen physical health, and shorten lifespans.

Costs to Society

The social costs of unemployment are difficult to calculate but no less real. When unemployment becomes a pervasive problem, there are often increased calls for protectionism and severe restrictions on immigration.

Protectionism can not only lead to destructive tit-for-tat retaliation among countries but reductions in trade harm the economic well-being of all trading partners.

Other social costs include how people interact with each other. Studies have shown that times of elevated unemployment may correlate both with less volunteerism and higher crime.

Costs to the Country

The economic costs of unemployment are probably more obvious when viewed through the lens of the national checkbook. Unemployment may lead to higher payments from state and federal governments for unemployment benefits, food assistance, and Medicaid.

Unemployment is also a dangerous state for the U.S. economy. Almost 70% of what the U.S. economy produces goes to personal consumption and unemployed workers.

Even those receiving government support cannot spend at prior levels. The production of those workers leaves the economy, which reduces the gross domestic product (GDP) and moves the country away from the efficient allocation of its resources. For those who subscribe to Jean-Baptiste Say's theory that the production of goods creates its own demand, that is a serious issue.

It is also worth noting that companies pay a price for high unemployment as well. Unemployment benefits are financed largely by taxes assessed on businesses.

How Does a High Unemployment Rate Affect the Economy?

A high unemployment rate affects the economy in many ways. Unemployed people tend to spend less, may accrue more debt, and unemployment may lead to higher payments from state and federal governments for things like food stamps.

How Do I Get Unemployment Benefits?

You have to apply for unemployment benefits through your state. You can find your state's guidelines via the U.S. Department of Labor website, CareerOneStop. Some states will allow you to file a claim over the phone or online, other states make you file a claim in person. Make sure to have your contact information, like your social security number and information about your former employer on hand.

Should I Use My Retirement Savings if I Am Unemployed?

If you find your unemployment benefits running out or your benefits don't stretch enough to pay the bills, you could be tempted to pull money out of a retirement account. However, it isn't always the best idea. If you withdraw early, you will be hit with a 10% percent penalty tax, plus state and federal taxes, unless you meet certain eligibility requirements to waive the penalty tax. You could consider a loan from your retirement account, which does not incur penalities.

The Bottom Line

Governments worry about the consequences of inflation, but unemployment is likewise a serious issue. Apart from the social unrest and disgruntlement that unemployment can produce in the electorate, high unemployment can have a self-perpetuating negative impact on businesses and the country's economic health.

Worse still, some of the more pernicious effects of unemployment are subtle and long-lasting. Consumer and business confidence are key to economic recoveries, and workers must feel confident in their future to invest in developing the skills-and building the savings -that the economy needs to grow in the future. The unemployment costs go far beyond the accumulated sums handed out as unemployment insurance benefits.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
While economists and academics make convincing arguments that a certain natural level of unemployment cannot be erased, elevated unemployment imposes high costs on the individual, society, and the country. Worse yet, most of the costs are of the dead loss variety, where there are no offsetting gains to the costs that everyone must bear.

# data[].attributes.body
https://tradingeconomics.com/canada/unemployment-rate#:~:text=Unemployment%20Rate%20in%20Canada%20averaged,statistics%2C%20economic%20calendar%20and%20news.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Canada Unemployment Rate - November 2022 Data - 1966-2021 Historical

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The unemployment rate in Canada was at 5.1% in November of 2022, decreasing slightly from the 5.2% in the prior month and beating market estimates of 5.3%, signaling that the Canadian labor market remains tight. The number of unemployed individuals fell by 23.8 thousand to 1,049,000, largely due to lower joblessness for women aged lower than 24 years and men aged older than 50.

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.conferenceboard.ca/hcp/Details/Economy/unemployement-rate.aspx#:~:text=It%20is%20also%20linked%20to,%2Desteem%2C%20and%20social%20exclusion.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
International Ranking

Canada benchmarked against 15 countries

Key Messages

Canada achieves a "B" grade, ranking in 8th place out of 16 peer countries.

The unemployment rate in Ireland remains sharply elevated, a legacy of the 2008-09 financial crisis and the bursting of its housing bubble.

France also has a growing unemployment problem, receiving the lone "C" grade and ranking 15th.

Putting the unemployment rate in context

Canada's unemployment rate in 2012 had declined from the recent 8.3 per cent peak during the 2009 recession. Moreover, mass unemployment has become less of a national priority. In 1983, the unemployment rate in Canada reached an all-time high of 12 per cent. A more robust economy following the recession in the early 1990s, as well as a tightening of the rules for employment insurance claims, helped Canada to cut that rate in half. It reached a 32-year low in 2007.

High unemployment tends to hurt growth in labour productivity and gross domestic product (GDP). It is also linked to higher rates of poverty, homelessness, income inequality, crime, poorer health outcomes, lower self-esteem, and social exclusion.

How is the tepid economic recovery affecting unemployment?

Unemployment rates rose in all comparator countries, including Canada, during the 2009 global economic recession. The biggest jump in unemployment was in Ireland, where the rate effectively doubled, from 6 per cent in 2008 to 11.8 per cent in 2009. Ireland's unemployment rate continued to rise, hitting 14.8 per cent in 2012. Unemployment also rose sharply in the United States-from 5.8 per cent in 2008 to 9.3 per cent in 2009. The U.S. shed nearly 8 million jobs in 2008 and 2009, primarily in manufacturing and construction.

The situation in the U.S. has been slow to turn around, with unemployment still hovering above 8 per cent in 2012-not including the unemployed who are no longer searching for as job, and are therefore not counted in the labour force survey. Most other comparator countries have seen their unemployment rates decline since the 2009 recession, although Denmark, France, Ireland, the Netherlands, and the U.K. had a higher unemployment rate in 2012 than in 2009, indicating the ongoing fragility of these economies, largely because of the financial turmoil in the heavily indebted European Union countries like Greece, Italy, and Spain.

Should Canada aim for zero unemployment?

The aim should be that every Canadian who wants to work and is able to work should be able to find a job. Unemployment, especially on a repeated or prolonged basis, has disturbing consequences for individuals, their families, and the communities in which they live.

But "full employment" in economic terms does not necessary mean zero unemployment. Rather, it is the lowest possible unemployment rate with the economy growing and all factors of production being used as efficiently as possible. There will always be unemployment caused by mobility within the labour force-people moving between jobs, switching careers, or relocating geographically. Structural shifts in the economy-often the result of technological change-also contribute to some level of unemployment. When, for example, the introduction of computer desktop publishing led to the elimination of traditional typesetting, typesetters lost their jobs. Some were able to retrain for other jobs, but others found themselves unemployed. The only way a country could ever eliminate this type of unemployment is by eliminating all technological advancement that results in structural shifts. Obviously, no country should aspire to this.

Does low unemployment ensure a stronger economy?

Not necessarily. Countries with extremely low unemployment rates often face labour shortages. A 2007 study by the Norwegian Labour and Welfare Organization found that about 44 per cent of Norwegian enterprises were struggling to hire staff at that time. One in every four Norwegian enterprises was badly in need of more workers. Labour shortages can severely constrain economic growth and potential.

Why is Norway a special case?

Norway has the highest GDP per capita, the lowest unemployment rate, and one of the lowest average hours worked per week of the 16 peer countries. The low unemployment rate is due to demographic factors (even creating labour shortages for some skills) and the economy performing near its full potential.

Shorter working hours are often a positive by-product of rising income (or GDP) per capita. In short, as people have more money, they choose to work less and enjoy more leisure time. Reducing hours worked can create jobs for other people, helping to bring down the unemployment rate. Norwegians work 27.1 hours per week, while Canadians work an average of 32.9 hours per week.

Has Canada ever been a class leader?

No. Despite the recent decline in unemployment, Canada has not improved its position very much relative to most of the other 16 peer countries, which have also reduced their unemployment rates over the past four decades.

In absolute terms, Canada's unemployment rate is considerably lower today than it was 30 years ago. Unemployment reached a high of 12 per cent in 1983. By 2008, the unemployment rate was 6.2 per cent, and in 2012 it was 7.2 per cent.

Why did Sweden and Finland's grades deteriorate?

Sweden and Finland suffered a significant grade drop in this category in the 1990s and 2000s. Sweden went from an "A" in the 1980s to a "C" in the 1990s and 2000s. Finland fell from a "B" in the 1970s and 1980s to a "D" in the 1990s and 2000s. Both Finland and Sweden began the 1970s with unemployment rates below 2 per cent, but now have an unemployment rate around 7.7 per cent.

Finland went through a deep depression in the 1990s-partly due to the collapse of trade with the Soviet Union in 1991-during which unemployment rose from 4.5 per cent in 1990 to 17.9 per cent in 1994, the highest of any of the comparator countries in four decades. Sweden had a similar story. Between 1990 and 1993, GDP fell by a total of 4.3 per cent, causing the worst economic crisis in Sweden since the 1930s, and unemployment soared.

Why was Canada's unemployment rate persistently higher than the U.S. rate for 30 years?

For a brief time in the mid-1970s, unemployment in the U.S. was higher than in Canada, largely a result of the more severe effects of the 1974-75 recession in the United States. By 1981, however, unemployment rates in the two countries were identical, at 7.6 per cent. But the parity would not last long.

Canada was hit hard by the economic downturn of 1981-82. Although overall GDP growth in the 1980s was nearly identical in the two countries and both economies rebounded by the end of the decade, Canada experienced a simultaneous growth of its labour force, increasing the number of people available to work. Mostly this was due to higher participation of women in the workforce, as a result of the coming of age of Canada's baby boomers, as well as an influx of immigrants. Canada's inability to accommodate the larger labour force triggered an unemployment gap with the U.S., one that would carry Canada into the next decade.

The 1990s began with a recession that was much more severely felt in Canada than in the United States. The gap in unemployment, which averaged 2.8 percentage points in the 1980s, widened to 3.8 percentage points in 1993. The recovery that followed has sometimes been referred to as a "jobless recovery" in Canada. Employment was slow to rebound, despite growth in output. By the end of the decade, however, employment growth in Canada was substantially higher than in the United States. Sluggish economic conditions in the U.S. in the 2000s reduced and overturned the gap. Canada's unemployment rate has been lower than the U.S. rate since 2009.
Use the drop-down menu in the chart to compare Canada's unemployment rate with those of its peers.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
International Ranking Canada benchmarked against 15 countries Canada achieves a "B" grade, ranking in 8th place out of 16 peer countries. The unemployment rate in Ireland remains sharply elevated, a legacy of the 2008-09 financial crisis and the bursting of its housing bubble.

# data[].attributes.body
High unemployment is tough for people who don't get employed because unemployment can have many physical and mental consequences. For example, if they don't get employed in the job they audition for, they could start eating a lot of junk food because they are in depression and they will also be mentally stable because of everything that is related to their unemployment like their family. In some situations, they are the only people in the family that are supposed to make money and if they don't get the job everything will go down financially for them. Also, high unemployment also has an effect on the country because they will have now to sometimes finance the people that are in need after their unemployment so the government will lose some money in that process.

# data[].attributes.body
Inadequate housing isn't only for indigenous people but also for a lot of people around the world. For example in South Africa, the housing challenges are very difficult because in this country, the products and everything start to get more expensive but the salary doesn't change so this cause the fact that people can't buy anything anymore like home and then after, they have to go somewhere else where the house will not be as good as it was last time. Also, with crowded living conditions, it's very difficult to live in those conditions because if there's a disease somewhere, it will be easy for it to spread, and people will catch it more easily. When it's winter, the temperature gets colder and it can sometimes be the cause of a lot of death in those little houses.

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.jhc.co.za/news/housing-challenges-south-africans-are-facing

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The housing challenges South Africans are facing Housing is a fundamental human right, and everyone deserves to have a roof over their heads. However, it is a sad reality that many families in South Africa, particularly middle to low-income areas or single-family homes, struggle...

Housing is a fundamental human right, and everyone deserves to have a roof over their heads. However, it is a sad reality that many families in South Africa, particularly middle to low-income areas or single-family homes, struggle to afford this necessity. According to this article, the Department of Human Settlement has an estimated backlog of 2 million houses. While this number is already so high, there is an average of six people per family, which then leaves about 12 million people in need of housing.

This is an alarming number of people and continues to put people at a disadvantage. Housing plays a huge role in someone's life. Healthy homes promote mental wellness and physical health, and it also plays a huge role in childhood development and education.

This article will discuss the current challenges and what causes these housing problems in South Africa.

High housing demand

As mentioned above, there is already a backlog in housing, which is one of the biggest problems we face. Many South Africans need proper housing but instead, find themselves living in unhealthy circumstances and informal settlements. On top of the backlog, urban areas are under severe strain due to rapid urbanisation.

As the years go by, more people are moving to urban areas to look for a better life with more fruitful opportunities. This fact has caused more strain on an already strained system with a backlog of 2 million houses to build. Housing delivery challenges are one of the biggest issues in South Africa.

Cost of living

The cost of living in South Africa continues to be a problem, especially with the recent pandemic. More people have lost their jobs, and families are finding it hard to survive. But, the cost of living doesn't only affect what people are going to eat, but where they live.

Our economy plays a major role in the housing crisis in South Africa. While the cost of living and food prices soar, salaries are still stagnant. This becomes a problem as many people are not in the financial position to purchase a house. When you look at the cost of owning a house, particularly in big cities like Johannesburg, it is out of reach for many middle to low-income earners. Most people then opt for a flat rental; however, with the latest pandemic and financial strain, this has led people to either move back home or people never being able to better their lives and leave an informal settlement. This is why we feel strongly about tackling housing challenges and ensuring that we offer affordable flats in Johannesburg for middle to low-income earners because we understand the importance of affordable housing and the benefits it can bring to families.

How does JHC help?

While the housing challenges faced in South Africa are widespread, we strive to tackle housing challenges within the city. The Johannesburg Housing Company works with several partnerships and stakeholders to help deliver affordable housing for people residing in Johannesburg. Our property is within the inner city, making it a solution to the housing shortages faced within the country. We offer affordable flats in Newtown Johannesburg and other areas. With the help of the National Department of Human Settlements and the Gauteng Department of Human Settlement, we have been able to develop more rental housing units for middle to low-income families, single parents, young couples, professionals, students and the elderly.

Final thoughts

At JHC, we are passionate about doing our part to help within the country and trying our best to help in any way possible. While South Africa still has a long way to go with its housing challenges, we believe that we, our stakeholders and partnerships, are working to better the lives of South Africans. So, if you or a family member is looking for an affordable housing solution that can afford you better opportunities within Johannesburg, contact us today. We are always happy to answer any questions you may have for us. You can also browse our website as we have a news page that can give you additional information you may need before joining JHC.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The housing challenges South Africans are facing

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The housing challenges South Africans are facing Housing is a fundamental human right, and everyone deserves to have a roof over their heads. However, it is a sad reality that many families in South Africa, particularly middle to low-income areas or single-family homes, struggle...

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.housingforhealth.com/the-guide/health-housing/reducing-the-negative-impacts-of-crowding/

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Crowded living conditions, the close proximity of a group of people, increase the risk of the spread of infectious diseases, such as respiratory infections, meningococcal disease, rheumatic fever and tuberculosis.

The better planning of the house and the surrounding living environment can reduce crowding, and access to functioning health hardware, such as hot water, showers and clothes washing facilities, can reduce the health impacts of crowding.

Crowding of a house may be a regular, temporary and desirable event. A party, ceremony or sports carnival may all be important cultural events involving large numbers of people. This should not be confused with long term, involuntary crowding together of one large family into a very small house or several families into one house due to lack of available housing or poverty.

At the beginning of any housing project, estimate the number of people likely to be using the houses, especially at peak times. This can be difficult to calculate when there is a general lack of housing in the surrounding community and people need to share the resources that any functioning house can provide. The number of bedrooms, square metre area of the house or housing management rules may not be a good indicator of the future population of the house.

As the following example shows, estimated population per house cannot be calculated by simply dividing a community's population by the number of houses in the community.

In a community with 300 people and 50 houses, it could be assumed that an average of six people live in each house. Consultation with the community may reveal that only 25 of the 50 houses have health hardware working, and residents of the 'non-functional' houses have to use the houses in which health hardware is working, which means the average house population would be 12 people. If a sports carnival is held in the community or during the annual wet season (when lack of easy access to smaller surrounding communities is stopped by flooded roads and people relocate to the main towns for 3-4 months), the population could double or treble and the demand on working houses to could increase to 24 - 36 people per house.

Beware of estimating house population by dividing the community population by house numbers because this could mean that houses will not be designed to have sufficient space and health hardware, and the residents will experience increased health risks.

It is also possible that specific parts of a house can become crowded at particular times. For example, in extreme climatic conditions, all members of the household are likely to congregate in the one room of the house that can be cooled or heated and this can lead to the increased spread of infection, even in small households.

Even if all houses in a community are fully functional, some families will choose to live in large, multi-generational households. These families will not necessarily consider their house to be crowded, but could suffer health effects if the health hardware is not adequate for the number of people living in the house. A large household population can also cause health hardware to fail prematurely simply because it is used more.

Many people using a house may lead to high power bills and the choice between making rental payments, buying food or paying for power. Lack of power may mean losing access to all the health hardware services provided by the house and a greater health impact. Therefore, energy efficiency, in house design and specification, should be seen as playing an important part in reducing crowding and maintaining health.

More houses may reduce the negative impacts of over-crowding, however the example above shows that it is also necessary to design for peak populations. This can be achieved by providing more health hardware in houses, ensuring access is possible to the health hardware, developing the yard and edges of houses to provide more household service, cooling and heating several rooms in the house, providing additional sleeping areas for guests, and ensuring the health hardware in most houses in a community is functioning most of the time through regular maintenance.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Reducing the negative impacts of crowding - Housing for Health - the guide

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Crowded living conditions, the close proximity of a group of people, increase the risk of the spread of infectious diseases, such as respiratory infections, meningococcal disease, rheumatic fever and tuberculosis. The better planning of the house and the surrounding living environment can reduce crowding, and access to functioning health hardware, such as hot water, showers and clothes washing facilities, can reduce the health impacts of crowding.

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.rwjf.org/en/library/research/2011/05/housing-and-health.html

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Where we live is at the very core of our daily lives.

Most Americans spend about 90 percent of their time indoors, and an estimated two-thirds of that time is spent in the home. Very young children spend even more time at home, and are especially vulnerable to household hazards. Factors related to housing have the potential to help-or harm-our health in major ways. This issue brief focuses on three important and interrelated aspects of housing and their links to health: the physical conditions within homes; conditions in the neighborhoods surrounding homes; and housing affordability, which not only shapes home and neighborhood conditions but also affects the overall ability of families to make healthy choices.

How Does Housing Affect Health?
Healthy homes promote good physical and mental health. Good health depends on having homes that are safe and free from physical hazards. In contrast, poor quality and inadequate housing contributes to health problems such as chronic diseases and injuries, and can have harmful effects on childhood development. Poor indoor air quality, lead paint, and other hazards often coexist in homes, placing children and families at great risk for multiple health problems. For example:

Lead poisoning irreversibly affects brain and nervous system development, resulting in lower intelligence and reading disabilities.

Substandard housing such as water leaks, poor ventilation, dirty carpets and pest infestation can lead to an increase in mold, mites and other allergens associated with poor health.

Cold indoor conditions have been associated with poorer health, including an increased risk of cardiovascular disease. Extreme low and high temperatures have been associated with increased mortality, especially among vulnerable populations such as the elderly.

Residential crowding has been linked both with physical illness, such as tuberculosis and respiratory infections, and with psychological distress among both adults and children.

Neighborhood Conditions and Health
Along with conditions in the home, conditions in neighborhoods where homes are located also can have powerful effects on health. Social, physical and economic characteristics of neighborhoods have been increasingly shown to affect short- and long-term health quality and longevity.

A neighborhood's characteristics may promote health by providing places for children to play and for adults to exercise that are free from crime, violence and pollution. Access to grocery stores selling fresh produce-as well as having fewer neighborhood liquor and convenience stores and fast food outlets-can make it easier for families to find and eat healthful foods. Social and economic conditions in neighborhoods may improve health by affording access to employment opportunities and public resources including efficient transportation, an effective police force and good schools.

Not all neighborhoods enjoy these opportunities and resources, however, and access to neighborhoods with health-promoting conditions varies with household economic and social resources. Concentration of substandard housing in less advantaged neighborhoods further compounds racial and ethnic as well as socioeconomic disparities in health.

Housing Affordability and Health
Housing is commonly considered to be "affordable" when a family spends less than 30 percent of its income to rent or buy a residence. The shortage of affordable housing limits families' and individuals' choices about where they live, often relegating lower-income families to substandard housing in unsafe, overcrowded neighborhoods with higher rates of poverty and fewer resources for health promotion (e.g., parks, bike paths, recreation centers and activities).

The lack of affordable housing affects families' ability to meet other essential expenses, placing many under tremendous financial strain. High housing-related costs place a particular economic burden on low-income families, forcing trade-offs between food, heating and other basic needs. One study found that low-income people with difficulty paying rent, mortgage or utility bills were less likely to have a usual source of medical care and more likely to postpone treatment and use the emergency room for treatment. Another study showed that children in areas with higher rates of unaffordable housing tended to have worse health, more behavioral problems and lower school performance.

Public and Private Housing Policies
Substandard housing is much more of a risk for some families than others; housing quality varies dramatically by social and economic circumstances. Families with few financial resources are most likely to experience unhealthy housing and typically least able to remedy them, contributing to disparities in health across socioeconomic groups. In light of evidence about the many ways housing can affect health, strategies must be multifaceted ─ focusing on physical quality of housing, health-promoting conditions in neighborhoods, and access to affordable housing for all. The below approaches include strategies affecting multiple aspects of housing and involve a range of actors, from local to state to national government and non-governmental agencies and groups.

Sustaining and expanding Healthy Homes initiatives at the federal, state and local levels, including public-private collaborative programs

Support for high utilities costs through the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program and similar programs that assist households with unaffordable heating, cooling, and electricity bills

Strengthening enforcement of fair housing laws, including the Fair Housing Act and other state and local regulations prohibiting racial discrimination in housing markets

Exploring private initiatives, such as Habitat for Humanity, to create affordable, healthy housing

Continuing federal involvement in lending and fairness standards for banking and loan institutions, and improving banking and lending procedures to create equal opportunities for credit

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Where we live is at the very core of our daily lives. Most Americans spend about 90 percent of their time indoors, and an estimated two-thirds of that time is spent in the home. Very young children spend even more time at home, and are especially vulnerable to household hazards.

# data[].attributes.body
There has been a high suicide rate among indigenous people since long long time ago. Most of those suicide happened because the childrens were getting taken away from their families toattend to a boarding school, where the teachers would try to assimilate them to become more "Canadian". They werent allowed to speak theeir native language and if so, big consequences were given to them. Also, because of all of this suffering, many of them tried to escape from the school but they were always getting catch. So, the after decided to kill themselves to stop this suffering and there was a lot of them who commited this act. According to CVSD, the rate among First Nations people (24.3 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk) was three times higher than the rate among non-Indigenous people (8.0 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk). The main causes of them killing themselves were the consequences of colonialism, discrimination, community disruption and the loss of culture and language.

# data[].attributes.body
https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/99-011-x/99-011-x2019001-eng.htm

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Skip to text

Text begins

Start of text box
Mental wellness resources and crisis help for First Nations people, Métis and Inuit
End of text box

Acknowledgments

We would like to acknowledge the review of preliminary findings and/or draft versions of the report by Indigenous organizations, including Inuit Tapiriit Kanatami, the Métis National Council, and the National Association of Friendship Centres, and federal departments including Indigenous Services Canada and Crown Indigenous Relations and Northern Affairs Canada. The analysis and the report were greatly strengthened by the suggestions and recommendations provided in the process. We also thank Jodie Golden, Public Health Agency of Canada ( PHAC) for reviewing the draft report for safe messaging.

Abstract

Suicide rates have consistently been shown to be higher among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit in Canada than the rate among non-Indigenous people; however, suicide rates vary by community, Indigenous group, age group and sex. The historical and ongoing impacts of colonization, forced placement of Indigenous children in residential schools in the 19th and 20th centuries, removal of Indigenous children from their families and communities during the "Sixties scoop" and the forced relocation of communities has been well documented. These resulted in the breakdown of families, communities, political and economic structures; loss of language, culture and traditions; exposure to abuse; intergenerational transmission of trauma; and marginalization, which are suggested to be associated with the high rates of suicide. While suicide among Indigenous people has been examined previously, studies were based on a decades-old cohort or used an area-based geozones approach. Past studies also examined suicides among only one or two Indigenous groups using the same methodology. Finally, they did not examine suicide among Indigenous people for some geographies such as on and off reserve, rural areas and small, medium and large population centres.

This article attempts to fill some of these knowledge gaps using the 2011 Canadian Census Health and Environment Cohort (CanCHEC), resulting from a record integration between the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS) and the Canadian Vital Statistics Database (CVSD). It presents suicide rates for the 2011 to 2016 time period among self-identifying First Nations, Métis, Inuit, and non-Indigenous people in private dwellings in Canada. It also explores the influence of socioeconomic factors in the disparity in risk of suicide between First Nations people, Métis, Inuit and non-Indigenous people in Canada.

Suicide rates among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit were significantly higher than the rate among non-Indigenous people. The rate among First Nations people (24.3 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk) was three times higher than the rate among non-Indigenous people (8.0 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk). Among First Nations people living on reserve, the rate was about twice as high as that among those living off reserve. However, suicide rates varied by First Nations band, with just over 60% of bands having a zero suicide rate. The rate among Métis (14.7 Note E: Use with caution deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk) was approximately twice as high as the rate among non-Indigenous people. Among Inuit, the rate was approximately nine times higher than the non-Indigenous rate (72.3 versus 8.0 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk). Suicide rates and disparities were highest in youth and young adults (15 to 24 years) among First Nations males and Inuit male and females.

Socioeconomic factors, including household income, labour force status, level of education, marital status and geographic factors such as living on or off reserve (First Nations people) and community size (Inuit) accounted for a notable proportion of the disparity in risk of death by suicide among First Nations people (78%), Métis (37%) and Inuit (40%) adults, 25 years or older. However, due to limitations of the data, the role of other previously-identified factors such as historical and intergenerational trauma, community distress, cultural continuity, family strength and mental wellness were not explored here.

The findings from this study could contribute further to the understanding of suicide among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit in Canada, particularly with respect to the variability in suicide rates and socioeconomic factors associated with the disparity in suicide risk.

Introduction

First Nations people living on and off reserve, Métis and Inuit, die by suicide at a higher rate than non-Indigenous people. These suicides not only result in loss to family, friends and peers leading to immense grief and bereavement, but also to the community and society at large, in particular when the deceased is a young person. The impact of suicide is more widespread and severe in small Indigenous communities where many people are related and many experience similar personal and collective adversity.

The suicide rate for children and youth was previously reported to be 10 times higher among males and 22 times higher among females between 2005 and 2007 in areas with a high percentage of First Nations people compared with low-percentage areas. In Inuit Nunangat, the Inuit homeland made up of the Inuvialuit Region (northwest part of Northwest Territories), Nunavut, Nunavik (Northern Québec), and Nunatsiavut (Northern Labrador), the suicide rate among children and youth was 33 times higher than for the rest of Canada between 2004 and 2008. In fact, suicide is one of the leading causes of death among children and youth in areas with a high proportion of First Nations people and in Inuit Nunangat.

In adults, the suicide rates (1991 to 2006) among First Nations people and Métis have been reported to be twice as high as that among non-Indigenous adults. The suicide rate among adults in Inuit Nunangat (1999 to 2003) was four times higher than the rate among all adults in Canada; the disparity was greater among men than women.

It is important to note, however, that national level suicide rates may underestimate regional or community level differences. For example, previous reports have shown that suicide rates among First Nations youth in British Columbia range from 0 to 633 deaths per 100,000 people by tribal council. In fact, the majority of these tribal councils had a zero or very low suicide rate. A similar regional variance has been seen among Inuit communities in Nunavut. The suicide rate varied from under 50 deaths per 100,000 in Whale Cove to just over 250 deaths per 100,000 people in Qikiqtarjuaq.

Several representatives of Indigenous peoples and governments, communities and government agencies have developed programs, policies or strategies to address the high suicide rate among First Nations people, Inuit and Métis. Development and evaluation of these require timely data on suicide rates. Many existing estimates of suicide rates are based on an older cohort (1991 Census cohort), which excluded non-tax filers and those under 25, or are from studies that used an area-based geozones approach. The latter classified areas with higher proportions of First Nations residents as First Nations "identity areas" or examined mortality rate in Inuit Nunangat as a proxy for the rate among Inuit. These approaches may have led to under or over estimation of suicide rates. In addition, past reports have only estimated suicide rates among one or two Indigenous groups using the same methodology. Finally, there are gaps in knowledge of suicide rates among Indigenous people for certain geographical areas, including urban areas and on or off reserve.

This article presents suicide rates among self-identifying First Nations, Métis, Inuit and non-Indigenous peoples, who lived in private dwellings (i.e., excluding those who were in collective dwellings and institutions), for the 2011 to 2016 time period. These findings are based on the 2011 Canadian Census Health and Environment Cohort (CanCHEC), which was developed by integrating records in the the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS) and the Canadian Vital Statistics - Deaths Database (CSVD from 2011 to 2016). Suicides that occurred over the follow up period of 5.63 years (from Census day on May 10, 2011 to end of follow-up on December 31, 2016) were used to generate age-standardized and age-specific mortality rates. These are presented as estimated number of deaths by suicide per 100,000 person-years at risk. The person-year concept is often used in cohort studies and represents unit of time when individuals are at risk of dying, and can be roughly understood as persons per year. Specifically, the article (1) presents suicide rates among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit alongside comparisons with the suicide rates of non-Indigenous people to explore disparities, a better understading of which could inform prevention strategies, (2) presents the estimated proportion of First Nations bands that experienced no suicides as an estimate of the variability in suicide rates, and (3) explores the role of socioeconomic and geographic factors in explaining the excess mortality from suicide among the three groups.

Results

Suicide among First Nations people in Canada

In the current analyses, among the 851,280 First Nations people (based on population estimates using the 2011 CanCHEC and its weights), including status and non-status individuals, living on and off reserve and in private dwellings in 2011, an estimated 1,180 people died by suicide between 2011 and 2016. This resulted in an age-standardized suicide rate of 24.3 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk (Table 1), which was three times higher than the suicide rate among non-Indigenous people (8.0). The suicide rate was higher among males than females (29.6 versus 19.5, respectively). This pattern is similar to that seen among non-Indigenous people among whom males (12.3) also had a higher suicide rate than females (3.9). However, these numbers indicate that the disparity in suicide rates - measured by dividing the suicide rate among First Nations people by that among non-Indigenous people (or rate ratios [ RR]) - between First Nations and non-Indigenous peoples is higher among females than males (RR = 5.0 among First Nations females and RR = 2.4 among First Nations males; Table 1).

﻿

Suicide rates were highest among youth aged 15 to 24 (48.7; non age-standardized) (data not shown) when compared with other age groups. Suicide rates were lower among the older age groups. They were significantly higher among First Nations people than non-Indigenous people in most age groups under 45 years of age, but the disparities were widest among those under 15 years ( RR = 8.9) and 15 to 24 years ( RR = 6.3) (data not shown). This was particularly apparent among females between 15 and 24 years of age ( RR = 12.0; Table A.1 in appendix).

The suicide rate was nearly twice as high among First Nations people living on reserve than among First Nations people living off reserve (non age-standardized rate of 34.1 versus 19.5, respectively). Among on-reserve First Nations people, suicide rates were highest for males aged 15 to 24 years (78.8) (Chart 1). Rates were lower in the older age groups among both males and females on reserve (Table A.2 in appendix). Disparities were particularly elevated among 15 to 24-year-old First Nations females living on reserve ( RR = 15.8) in comparison to non-Indigenous females across Canada. Disparities were smaller in the older age groups, but continued to be seen until age 55 for females and age 45 for males. For those aged 55 and older, suicide rates were not statistically different between on-reserve First Nations and non-Indigenous people. A similar comparison to rates among First Nations people living off reserve was not done since most age-specific estimates were not published due to low cell counts or precision (table A.2 in appendix).

No significant differences were seen in the suicide rates among First Nations people (on and off reserve combined) by province and territory. However, in every province, the suicide rate among First Nations people was higher than the non-Indigenous rate (Atlantic provinces were grouped together to increase sample size; suicide rates were not reportable for the non-Indigenous population in Yukon, Northwest Territories and Nunavut). And, the rate ratios were notably higher in the Prairie provinces. It was 4.6, 4.5 and 3.5 in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta, respectively. In other provinces, it ranged from 1.9 to 2.6. Suicide rates did not differ significantly by type of population centre. It was 28.8 among First Nations people in rural areas, 22.9 Note E: Use with caution among those in small population centres and 18.8 Note E: Use with caution among those in large population centres. The suicide rate among First Nations people in each of these areas was significantly higher compared with non-Indigenous rates (9.3 for rural areas, 9.0 for small population centres and 7.2 for large population centres).

These national and provincial level estimates, while useful, underestimate the variability in the suicide rates among individual First Nations communities. Suicide rates were estimated at the band level using a geographic approach (for more details, please refer to the methods section). Of the just over 600 First Nations bands in Canada, 555 were associated with reserves that were enumerated in the 2011 NHS and with individuals in the CanCHEC cohort. Just over 60% of First Nations bands had experienced no suicides between 2011 and 2016. The proportion of bands without suicides, when examined in the context of the overall on-reserve suicide rate among First Nations people (34.1) highlights the obscuring of variability in the national level estimate. This proportion of bands with zero suicide rate varied by province and territory. A larger proportion of bands in the Atlantic provinces (55%), Ontario (71%), Saskatchewan (53%), British Columbia (78%), Yukon (80%) and Northwest Territories (74%) had zero suicide rates. In the other provinces, the proportion ranged from 39% to 44%. It should be noted that 31 reserves were incompletely enumerated in the 2011 Census many of which were in Ontario and Québec (a brief description of these reserves can be found in the methods section), and were not included in this analysis. Also, band members who did not live on their band's reserve at the time of the Census were not included in the analysis.

Socioeconomic factors have previously been shown to be associated with suicide among Indigenous people in North America. To examine if similar patterns were evident in the 2011 CanCHEC cohort, the role of individual socioeconomic factors such as household income, labour force status, level of education, marital status and geographic factors such as living on or off reserve on risk of death by suicide were examined for First Nations people aged 25 years or older. After adjusting for age and sex, the risk of suicide among First Nations adults was twice as high as that among non-Indigenous adults (hazard ratio [HR] = 2.0; Table A.4 in appendix). Adjusting for household income resulted in a decrease in risk by 35%. After further adjusting for labour force status, level of education and marital status, First Nations adults were still at a higher risk of suicide than non-Indigenous adults ( HR = 1.4). Together, these factors accounted for 66% of the excess suicide risk. Further adjusting for living on and off reserve resulted in a HR of 1.2, which was not significantly different from 1.0. Together, all these factors accounted for 78% of the excess suicide risk among First Nations adults.

Suicide among Métis in Canada

Based on the current analysis, of the 452,985 self-identifying Métis (based on population estimates using the 2011 CanCHEC and its weights) who lived in private households in 2011, approximately 415 individuals died by suicide in the 2011 to 2016 period. As a result, the suicide rate was 14.7 Note E: Use with caution deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk (Table 2), which was nearly twice as high as the rate among non-Indigenous people (8.0). The rate among Métis males (22.6 Note E: Use with caution ) was more than three times higher than the rate among Métis females (7.2 Note E: Use with caution ). The suicide rate was nearly twice as high among Métis (22.6 Note E: Use with caution ) as non-Indigenous males (12.3). However, the suicide rates for Métis (7.2 Note E: Use with caution ) and non-Indigenous females (3.9) were not significantly different from each other.

﻿

Among the provinces and territories, because of low counts when broken down, suicide rates for Métis could only be generated for Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia combined (Ontario and west). In these provinces, the rate among Métis (13.4 Note E: Use with caution ) were higher than that among non-Indigenous people (7.6). Suicide rates among Métis in rural (16.5 Note E: Use with caution ), small (12.8 Note E: Use with caution ) and large population centres (15.5 Note E: Use with caution ) were not significantly different. The rate among Métis in large population centres was higher than the rate among non-Indigenous people (7.2; marginally significant). Suicide rates could not be published for medium population centres due to low cell counts.

Among Métis adults over 25, after adjusting for age and sex, the risk of suicide was twice as high as that among non-Indigenous adults (hazard ratio = 1.9; Table A.4 in appendix). Adjusting for household income, labour force status, population centre type of place of residence, level of education and marital status accounted for 37% of excess suicide risk. The risk of suicide was 1.6 times higher among Métis than non-Indigenous people after adjusting for these factors.

Suicide among Inuit in Canada

There were approximately 59,220 Inuit in Canada in 2011 who lived in private households (based on population estimates using the 2011 CanCHEC and its weights). Among them, there were an estimated 250 deaths by suicide between 2011 and 2016. This lead to a suicide rate of 72.3 deaths per 100,000 person-years at risk (Table 3). This was nine times higher ( RR = 9.0) than the suicide rate among non-Indigenous people (8.0). The suicide rate was three times higher among Inuit males than Inuit females (109.3 versus 35.4 Note E: Use with caution , respectively).

﻿

Suicide rates among Inuit were highest in youth; the highest suicide rate was seen among Inuit males between 15 and 24 years of age (363.2; non age-standardized) living in Inuit Nunangat (Chart 2). Publishable estimates could only be produced for Inuit females between the ages of 15 and 24 and 25 to 34. Suicide rate among females 15 to 24 years of age was 108.9 Note E: Use with caution , which was 33 times higher than non-Indigenous females of that age (Table A.3 in appendix).

Rates among Inuit were also compared by Inuit Nunangat region. Rates were significantly higher among Inuit in Nunatsiavut (188.2 Note E: Use with caution ; non age-standardized) than those in Nunavik (98.1) and Nunavut (94.0). Rates among Inuit in Inuvialuit region could not be published due to low reliability of estimates.

The national, Inuit Nunangat and Inuit regional level estimates underestimate the variation in rates among individual Inuit communities. Among the 50 Inuit communities, 11 communities had a suicide rate of zero. However, for most communities (66%), estimates were too unreliable to be published. It should be noted that some deaths may not have linked to the NHS and others may not have been in Vital Statistics at the time of data integration. The latter shortcoming has previously been reported by Jack Hicks. These exclusions may have biased the estimate of number of communities without suicides.

In multivariate analyses, among Inuit adults 25 years and older, the risk of death by suicide was 4.8 times higher than the risk among non-Indigenous adults, after accounting for age and sex (Table A.4 in appendix). After further adjusting for household income, labour force status, level of education and marital status, the hazard ratio decreased to 3.4 suggesting that these factors accounted for 37% of the excess risk of death by suicide among Inuit. After adjusting for size of community (population centre type), Inuit adults were still at 3.3 times higher risk of suicide than non-Indigenous adults ( HR = 3.3). All combined, these factors accounted for 40% of the excess risk of suicide among Inuit adults.

Discussion

The report is the first to examine suicide rates among all three Indigenous peoples, including First Nations people, Métis and Inuit, of different age groups and living in different geographies using one methodology. However, gaps in knowledge remain. Further research is needed to assess long-term trends and estimate the role of other risk and protective factors of suicide among Indigenous peoples, which should be done in consultation with First Nations people, Métis and Inuit, as recommended by the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.

In the current analysis, the suicide rates among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit were many times higher than the non-Indigenous rate during the 2011 to 2016 time period. The rates were highest among Inuit and, specifically, adolescents and young adults. The suicide rate among First Nations people living on reserve was higher than that among those living off reserve, and among males than females. The higher suicide rate among males has been attributed to their tendency to use more lethal methods and to the differential effect of specific stressors in the two sexes. However, greater disparities were observed among First Nations females, where higher suicide rates were seen when compared with non-Indigenous females. These patterns are similar to what has been previously reported.

Of particular concern is the high rate of suicide among Indigenous children under 15. The suicide rate among First Nations boys, nationally, was four times higher than among non-Indigenous boys. It was ten times higher among First Nations boys living on reserve. As with other national trends, this rate may obscure regional differences. Previously reports have suggested that in some remote First Nations communities in Ontario, under-15 suicide rates were nearly 50 times higher than non-Indigenous rates. And, among Inuit communities of Nunatsiavut, the age-specific disparity was largest among 10 to 19-year-olds relative to their non-Indigenous counterparts outside Inuit Nunangat ( RR = 15.8). Also, rate of death by suicide among Inuit children 10 to 14 years of age appears to be increasing since 1989 although significant fluctuations are seen across time. In line with these rates among children, suicidal ideation among grade 5 to 8 school children in Saskatoon was nearly twice as high among Indigenous children as non-Indigenous children after accounting for mental health, cognitive abilities and bullying experiences. While risk factors for suicide among children are numerous and complex, a recent report suggests that Inuit children and youth in Nunavut experience a lack of mental health services that are specific to them, culturally relevant and of adequate quality.

And, while time trends were not examined here, suicide attempts among First Nations people in British Columbia have been reported elsewhere to be declining. Risk of self-inflicted injury hospitalization among Registered Indians, and disparity between them and their non-Indigenous counterparts decreased between 1991 to 2010. However, this is in contrast to trends in remote First Nations communities in Ontario. There, Indigenous youth suicide was previously reported to be on the rise because of the emergence of suicide among communities that previously did not experience it, exposure to suicide or suicide attempts among family members and peers, and increase in clusters of suicides.

Methods

Data

The 2011 Canadian Census Health and Environment Cohort (CanCHEC) used here is a population-based integrated dataset that follows the non-institutional (household) population enumerated in the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS) for different health outcomes such as mortality, cancer, and hospitalizations. Briefly, record integration for the 2011 CanCHEC was carried out using Statistics Canada's Social Data Linkage Environment (SDLE). The SDLE helps create linked population data files for social analysis through integration to the Derived Record Depository (DRD), a dynamic relational database containing only basic personal identifiers. Survey and administrative data are linked to the DRD using a generalized record integration software that supports deterministic and probabilistic integration.

The NHS is a voluntary survey, conducted in May 2011, of approximately 4.5 million (30%) private dwellings randomly selected from the 2011 Census of Population. The NHS covers all persons who usually live in Canada, including permanent and non-permanent residents, and individuals living on First Nations reserves, Métis settlements or Inuit communities. There were 36 incompletely enumerated First Nations reserves in the 2011 NHS. In 13 of these communities, enumeration was delayed because of forest fires in Northern Ontario and occurred at a later date. The NHS excludes residents of institutions (for example, hospitals, nursing homes, penitentiaries) and collective dwellings (for example, work camps, hotels, shelters).

Records for approximately 6.7 million NHS respondents were eligible for integration; 97% linked to the DRD using a probabilistic approach based on telephone number, surnames, given names, birthdate, and place of residence. No differences in integration rates were found by collection mode, province, sex, or birth decade. To ensure representativeness of the linked cohort, weights were calculated to adjust for non-integration.

To protect the confidentiality of Census respondents, data made available for analysis did not contain personal identifiers such as name, and address. In addition, estimates based on small cell counts (fewer than five deaths or fewer than 10 total individuals) were suppressed.

Variables

Self-reported Indigenous identity, age, sex, household income, labour force status, highest level of education, marital status and province of residence variables were available in the 2011 NHS dissemination dataset. Variables for the Inuit Nunangat regions were generated using Standard Geographical Classification (SGC) codes. Similarly, a variable for on and off-reserve areas of residence was generated using SGC. A binary suicide variable was created using ICD-10 codes in the "Underlying cause of death" variable in the CVSD. Generation of suicide and person-years at risk variables are described in the following section.

Estimation of weighted suicide rates

For suicide rate estimates, each person's time at risk of death by suicide was split into single years of follow-up, and within each year of follow-up, into durations before and after birth date. In the process, each person was aged on his or her birthday. This allows for the appropriate categorization into age groups for computing suicide rates. Weighted age-standardized suicide rates (ASMRs) (see figure 1 for a brief description of this measure) and their 95% confidence intervals were estimated. Those under the age of one were excluded from the analysis due to under-representation of this group in the integrated dataset. Briefly, ASMRs were computed by dividing the count of cohort members who died by suicide in the follow-up period by the total person-years at risk. Age standardization was done with age-specific mortality rates in 5-year age groups using the 2011 total Indigenous population as the reference population. Weighted age-specific suicide rates generated without age standardization were used for comparisons between age groups within an Indigenous group or between an Indigenous group and the non-Indigenous population. These rates were also used to compare suicide rates in the on and off-reserve First Nations populations since their age structures were somewhat similar in 2011 (median age: 23.9 and 27.1 years, respectively). Suicides were identified using the following International Statistical Classification of Diseases and Related Health Problems 10th Revisions ( ICD-10) codes: X60-X84, Y87.0. For each member of the cohort, person-years of follow-up were calculated as the number of days from the beginning of the study period to the date of death or end of study divided by 365.25. Variance was calculated using 500 bootstrap weights.

Description for Figure 1
﻿

Figure 1 is a schematic showing the method used to estimate the suicide rate using number of deaths as the numerator and person-years as the denominator. The schematic illustrates a hypothetical example with seven individuals who were "followed" from May 10, 2011 (Census day) to December 31, 2016 (end of follow-up period) to see if they had died. In this example, three of the seven individuals died during follow-up. Person 1, 4 and 7, who died during the follow-up period, each contributed 3.0, 1.5 and 4.2 person-years at risk, respectively, to the denominator. The others, who were alive as of December 31, 2016, each contributed 5.6 person-years to the denominator. In all, the seven individuals contributed 31.1 person-years to the denominator. The crude mortality rate is calculated by dividing the number of deaths by the total person-years contributed by the seven individuals, and multiplied by 100,000. In this hypothetical example, the crude suicide-related mortality rate is 9,646.3 deaths per 100,000 person-years of follow-up.

Age-standardized and age-specific suicide rates, expressed as the number of deaths by suicide per 100,000 person-years at risk, were generated by sex, Indigenous identity and select geographic areas. Indigenous identity, as self-reported in the 2011 NHS Survey, included: First Nations, Métis, Inuit, Multiple Indigenous identity, Indigenous identity responses not indicated elsewhere and non-Indigenous. However, in this paper, only estimates for single identity groups are presented. Geographic areas studied include: province/territory; on or off-reserve; rural areas or small, medium and large population centres, and for Inuit, inside/outside Inuit Nunangat and by the four regions of Inuit Nunangat (Nunatsiavut, Nunavik, Nunavut, and the Inuvialuit region), as well as outside Inuit Nunangat. Rate ratios, or the ratio of suicide rate among First Nations people, Métis or Inuit over suicide rate among non-Indigenous people were computed to examine the magnitude of disparity in the Indigenous group compared to the non-Indigenous population. To estimate variance of the rate ratios, variance and covariance of the mortality rates in the Indigenous group of interest and non-Indigenous population were estimated using PROC RATIO in SAS-callable SUDAAN. Variance of the rate ratios was then computed using Taylor linearization and the variance and covariance estimates from PROC RATIO, and used in generating 95% confidence intervals.

Hypothesis testing was done to identify suicide rates that were significantly different from one another using p<0.05. The weighted number of suicides and suicide rates were not published if (1) the unweighted number of suicides in a cell was less than five, (2) the weighted population count in the cell were less than 10, or (3) coefficient of variance (CV) was greater than 33.3% (40% for those under 15 years). Weighted numbers of suicides were also randomly rounded to base five. ASMRs with CV greater than 16.6% and less than or equal to 33.3% are presented with an "E" to indicate that these should be used with caution.

Estimation of suicide rate by First Nations band

For estimating suicide rates by First Nations band, reserve CSDs associated with each band were grouped. Reserves that were shared by multiple bands were grouped separately. This was done for seven reserves. Three of these had a population of 10 or less. And, one was incompletely enumerated in the 2011 NHS. This grouping resulted in about 600 First Nations bands. Of these, 561 included individuals that were in the 2011 CanCHEC. Others were associated with reserves that were incompletely enumerated in the 2011 NHS or had participated in the 2011 Census and not the NHS. In the end, 555 bands were included in the analysis. Suicide rates were computed by First Nations band, from which the number and percentage of bands with a reportable zero suicide rate were identified. The percentage of bands with a zero suicide rate were calculated with and without the reserves that were associated with multiple bands and were found to be similar.

Multivariate analysis

To examine the role of socioeconomic and geographic factors in the excess risk of suicide among Indigenous people relative to non-Indigenous people, Cox proportional hazards modelling was performed. Analyses were restricted to those 25 years and older to allow for the use of labour force status, level of education and marital status as covariates. For this analysis, age at baseline on Census day, was used since other covariates also had the same reference period. Hazard ratios for suicide were estimated among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit (with non-Indigenous people as the reference group). Covariates were entered sequentially into the model in this order: age group together with sex, household income quintile (based on after-tax income adjusted for economic family size), labour force status (employed, unemployed and not in the labour force), highest level of education (less than high school, high school, post-secondary education below Bachelor's level and university degree), marital status (never legally married or single, legally married and not separated, separated but still legally married, divorced or widowed) and living on or off reserve (for First Nations people) or in population centres or rural areas (for Métis and Inuit). Household income quintiles were generated for each province and territory separately to account for regional differences. In secondary analysis, household income was used as a continuous variable or household income quintiles were generated at the national level and used in place of the original income quintile variable to examine the robustness of the influence of this predictor on the relative risk of death by suicide among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit. Covariates were chosen based on previous literature on the relationship between socioeconomic factors and suicide. and the availability of related variables in the 2011 NHS data.

From the hazard ratios (age and sex-adjusted and additionally adjusted for socioeconomic factors), the percent of excess risk of suicide among First Nations, Métis and Inuit people accounted for by household income, labour force status, highest level of education, marital status and geography was computed. The proportion of excess mortality explained was calculated as the difference between the age and sex-adjusted and the final hazard ratios, divided by the former minus 1. Analyses were not carried out separately by sex due to sample size limitations.

Assessing validity of suicide rates

Suicide rates based on the linked 2011 CanCHEC cohort were compared with previously generated estimates using different methodologies to assess validity.

The non age-standardized suicide rate for the total population of Canada between 2009 and 2013 was previously estimated to be 11.4 deaths per 100,000 people; in comparison, in the CanCHEC cohort, the overall suicide rate was 10.5 deaths per 100,000 person years between 2011 and 2016. While there are no published rates of suicide for First Nations people, Métis and Inuit for the 2011 to 2016 period, suicide rates for all individuals in Inuit Nunangat, which is home to 73% of Inuit in Canada, was previously estimated to be 83.5 deaths per 100,000 people. In the 2011 CanCHEC cohort, the rate was 83.5 deaths per 100,000 person years at risk. However, the estimates by Inuit Nunangat region between 2011 and 2016 (167.3 Note E: Use with caution in Nunatsiavut, 87.5 in Nunavik and 83.1 in Nunavut) were somewhat different in comparison to previous estimates from the 2009 to 2013 period (185.4, 98.3, 79.0, respectively). While, the estimates are similar, there are several potential reasons for this discrepancy between the two sets of estimates. While there is some overlap in time periods for the two estimates (2009 to 2013 for previous estimates and 2011 to 2016 for the estimates in this report), they are not identical. There is some year-to-year fluctuation in suicides rates. For example, in Nunavut, previous estimates suggest that the rate ranged from 58.2 to 108.5 deaths per 100,000 people. Some deaths that occurred between 2011 and 2016 were not linked to the 2011 NHS. Also, the CanCHEC cohort excludes institutional population (e.g., nursing homes, jails), and those living in collective dwellings (e.g., motels, hotels, rooming houses) at the time of census collection and those that were not enumerated by the 2011 NHS. The denominators used in the two studies are also different; in the previously published tables, the suicide rates are per 100,000 people; in the current study, the rates are per 100,000 person years.

Limitations

Several limitations of the analysis should be noted. Suicide rates presented in this article may underestimate the true rates because of (1) exclusion of the institutional population and population living in collective dwelling, (2) exclusion of persons not enumerated by the 2011 NHS including the homeless among whom Indigenous people are overrepresented, (3) non-integration of some deaths between 2011 and 2016 to the 2011 NHS, (4) potential integration error, (5) potential misclassification of suicides in the CVSD to avoid stigmatization or as a result of misclassification as an accident, or inability in ascribing a cause, etc., and (6) potentially missing deaths, due to processing delays, in Vital Statistics at the time of data integration. Furthermore, Indigenous identity in the Census is self-reported, which may have led to underestimation or overestimation of suicide rates in some Indigenous groups. Also, 36 Indian reserves and Indian settlements were incompletely enumerated in the 2011 NHS, which could have resulted in under or over-estimation of suicide rates. Most (29) of these reserves were in Québec and Ontario, with the rest in Saskatchewan, Alberta and British Columbia. Among the ones in Québec and Ontario, some are proximal to Census Metropolitan Areas (CMA) while others were rural or remote. The former includes Kahnawake, Kanesatake and Wendake. Mortality rates for small areas and small subgroups of the population may experience substantial year-to-year random fluctuations since death is a relatively rare event, particularly death by suicide. Finally, baseline socioeconomic and demographic factors used in the multivariate analysis may not reflect conditions at the time of death. This may have led to some biases in the findings.

Appendix

﻿ ﻿ ﻿ ﻿ ﻿ ﻿

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Suicide among First Nations people, Métis and Inuit (2011-2016): Findings from the 2011 Canadian Census Health and Environment Cohort (CanCHEC)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The article presents suicide rates for the 2011-2016 time period among self-identifying First Nations, Métis, Inuit, and non-Indigenous people in private dwellings in Canada. It also explores the influence of socioeconomic factors in the disparity in risk of suicide between First Nations people, Métis, Inuit and non-Indigenous people in Canada.

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.sac-isc.gc.ca/eng/1576089685593/1576089741803

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Suicide prevention in Indigenous communities

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Suicide prevention and mental wellness services for Indigenous communities. If you're experiencing emotional distress and want to talk, call the Hope for Wellness Help Line at 1-855-242-3310. It's toll-free and open 24 hours a day, 7 days a week or connect online at hopeforwellness.ca.

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.suicideinfo.ca/resource/mental-health-and-suicide-in-indigenous-communities-in-canada/

# data[].attributes.body
The lack of clean drinking water for Indigenous people affects their health because, in this dirty water, there are a lot of contaminants that can make them sick or even have cancer. The lack of clean water culturally affects them because they don't have the same spiritual connection to the water if it's not clean and it lowers the importance of water in those communities. they also use it for medicine but not anymore because it isn't clean. It also can cause skin infections when there shower because it's not good water and it could cause many other skin problems. For the boil water advisories, according to Cupe, Some First Nations have endured decades of boiling their water before it’s safe to drink. Members of Shoal Lake 40 First Nation lived under a long-term boil water advisory for 24 years, from 1997 until 2021, when the construction of effective roads made the building and upkeep of a new water treatment plant possible.

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.theindigenousfoundation.org/articles/lack-of-clean-drinking-water-in-indigenous-communities

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Written by: Kasey McDonald, Sena Yenilmez, Kelsey Roote, Nudrat Karim, Shreya Shah, Lazaya Villenueve, and Jennifer Wu.

Introduction:

Water and sanitation is a basic human right, recognized as such by the United Nations- yet dozens of Indigenous communities across what is currently Canada do not have access to clean drinking water. In 2015, the Canadian government committed to end all of the long-term drinking water advisories in Indigenous communities by March 2021. However, there are still 51 long-term drinking water advisories in place with the government pushing back its deadline to end water advisories to 2026.

Why is Clean Water inaccessible to Indigenous communities?

Despite Canada possessing the world's third largest freshwater reserves, many Indigenous communities are not supplied with clean safe drinking water, a crisis that has been going on for decades.

In Canada, drinking water advisories are issued to warn people not to drink unsafe water. These are issued when there are problems with the water treatment system or the water has viruses, bacteria, parasites or chemical pollutants causing diseases and health problems.
Some reasons why these water advisories exist: Remote areas:
Governments only give a certain amount of money when it comes to this issue and some reserves may be more remote from a water source or a city, causing it to be more costly for the reserves affected and some reserves do not have the funds to support themselves and keep up continuous maintenance. Reserves that are remote from cities facing lack of clean water also have to worry about the access they have to water due to the fact that some reserves have no sources of water nearby, so they have to travel great lengths just to get unsafe water. Retrieving the materials needed for the water systems can also be a huge factor due the remoteness of a reserve, communities may lack certain types of equipment or transportation needed to ensure that everything runs smoothly and they have safe water systems in place.
Contamination:
Indigenous communities frequently have their waterways and lands polluted by effluence, typically from major corporations. For example, Grassy Narrows had a chemical plant dump around 10 tons of toxic mercury into a river upstream from the community resulting in more than half a decade of unsafe water and ecological damage.
Marginalization:
Indigenous peoples are often pushed to the side when it comes to making decisions, or when they have problems in their own communities that they need help with. When Indigenous peoples speak out about the lack of clean water they have they are often faced with broken promises. Canadian governments are aware that Indigenous reserves do not have clean drinking water but unfortunately they do not seem to do anything about it whatsoever. In addition, the pollution of waterways disproportionately affects Indigenous communities because of systemic and environmental racism, as well as institutions failing to uphold the duty to consult.
Maintenance of Systems:
Indigenous communities without clean water often lack the finances to maintain the water systems in the future. Governments provide only a certain amount of funds to Indigenous reserves for the issue of clean water and the maintenance of the systems, but quite often these funds aren't enough for the long term maintenance which causes barriers on the water supply in the long run.

How does this impact Indigenous communities?

These types of contaminants found in the drinking water are cancer causing. The exposure to this type of water on reserves can cause health issues ranging from gastrointestinal disorders to an increased risk of cancer.

The daily hardship of living under a water advisory for years means that some people become frustrated and drink it without boiling or otherwise treating it-risking exposure to contaminants.

Skin infections, psoriasis, eczema, or other skin problems

Financial burden

Conflict within band councils and First Nations communities due to lack of direction on who funds the drinking water and water systems - government or band?

⅕ First Nations household in Ontario relies on a private well for drinking water, and 57 percent of households rely on a household septic system. The cost to monitor quality and maintain the safety of these systems can be difficult to afford.

The cost to fix failed systems is often very high.

Restricted access to traditional food systems (fish).

Lowers quality of life.

For Indigenous peoples, many are environmental stewards. Contaminated water not only impacts Indigenous communities, but also has an adverse effect on the general environment surrounding these communities. This causes the overall quality of life to become lowered.

Cultural rights - Damaging the spiritual connection and importance of water.

We see water as medicine, not being able to drink your own water is damaging.

Ceremonies, customary fishing and hunting practices, and ways of teaching children and sharing traditional knowledge are impacted when water is contaminated.

Poor water and sanitation situation contributes to the severe housing shortage in reserves.

How can we help?

Volunteer with organizations to build infrastructure and provide safe drinking water for Indigenous communities

Raise awareness on the crisis through social media

Sign the following petitions (on Change.org):

Stop Call to Action: Support Neskantaga First Nation & End Long-Term Drinking Water Advisories

Stop the Underfunding of Water Plants on Indigenous Reserves

Clean water for Indigenous communities drinking from the Great Lakes Basin

Educate yourself and others on the severity of the issue

Educate yourself on the Indigenous communities near you that are under a water advisory and spread awareness in your community

Play a role in preventing the building of infrastructure that has the potential to further harm the water sources for Indigenous communities- stand with Indigenous peoples to fight off threats like pipeline development

Call government officialsand demand change

Hold companies and corporations that are prolonging the crises accountable (ex. Reed Pulp and Paper Mill who have caused the water contamination for Grassy Narrows and Wabaseemoong First Nations and Domtar who is not taking solid steps to resolving the crisis in those communities).

Recap:

Food, water, and air--these are the three most basic requisites to life. In a world in which there are robot dogs, talking toilets, spaceships on Mars exist, shouldn't humanity have moved past its fundamental issues? Not really, and the reason is just as repetitive as you might think: institutionalized racism.

Though water and sanitation are basic human rights, recognized as such by the United Nations, dozens of Indigenous communities across what is currently Canada do not have access to clean drinking water. In 2015, the Canadian government committed to end all of the long-term drinking water advisories in Indigenous communities by March 2021. However, there are still 51 long-term drinking water advisories in place with the government pushing back its deadline to end water advisories to 2026.

Despite Canada possessing the world's third largest freshwater reserves, many Indigenous communities are not supplied with clean, safe drinking water--a crisis that has been going on for decades. In Canada, these drinking water advisories are normally issued to warn people not to drink unsafe water, such as water treatment issues contaminated by viruses, bacteria, parasites or chemical pollutants.

Specifically, Indigenous communities are vulnerable to water contamination due to a few factors: marginalization, contamination, remote areas and maintenance of systems. Governments only allot limited funding to combat water contamination. Some water reserves are remote from a water source or city, resulting in more costly maintenance. Rural communities also have to travel great lengths just to receive contaminated water due to the lack of safe water nearby, especially since many communities lack certain types of equipment or transportation needed to ensure the safety of water systems.

Indigenous communities frequently have their waterways and lands polluted by effluence, typically from major corporations. For example, a Grassy Narrows chemical plant dumped around ten tons of toxic mercury into a river upstream from the community, resulting in more than half a decade of unsafe water and ecological damage.

On top of that, Indigenous peoples are often pushed to the side when it comes to making decisions or when they have problems in their own communities. When native peoples speak out about the lack of clean water, they are often faced with broken promises; the Canadian government is aware that Indigenous reserves do not have clean drinking water but has thus far failed to propose solutions or take accountability. The lack of federal support only worsens the current situation, as many Indigenous communities without clean water lack the finances to maintain the water systems in the future. The government only provides a certain amount of funds to Indigenous reserves for the issue of clean waters, but often these funds aren't enough for long term maintenance. Most importantly, the pollution of waterways disproportionately affects Indigenous communities because of systemic and environmental racism, as well as institutions failing to uphold the duty to consult.

Clean water matters because the types of contaminants found in the drinking water are often associated with cancer, gastrointestinal disorders, skin infections, and other health conditions. Lack of clean water restricts indigenous access to traditional food systems from historically significant bodies of water and also increases the financial burden on native peoples. One fifth of First Nations households in Ontario rely on a private well for drinking water, and 57 percent of households rely on a household septic system. Culturally, many Indigenous people see the water on native lands as medicinal, possessing a spiritually significant quality. When water is contaminated, ceremonies, customary fishing and hunting practices, and ways of teaching children traditional knowledge are impacted.

So how can we help Indigenous people? Firstly, we can send letters to Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and tell him it's time to end drinking water advisories in Indigenous communities. Try to volunteer with organizations to build infrastructure and provide safe drinking water for Indigenous communities. Hold companies and corporations that are prolonging the crises accountable--such as Reed Pulp and Paper Mill--who have caused the water contamination for Grassy Narrows and Wabaseemoong First Nations. As always, try and raise awareness on the crisis through social media! Additionally, please donate to the following organizations if possible: Water First, True North Aid, and Water For People Canada. Below we've listed the following petitions to sign:

Stop Call to Action: Support Neskantaga First Nation & End Long-Term Drinking Water Advisories

Stop the Underfunding of Water Plants on Indigenous Reserves

Clean water for Indigenous communities drinking from the Great Lakes Basin

Research Sources:

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Lack of Clean Drinking Water in Indigenous communities - The Indigenous Foundation

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Written by: Kasey McDonald, Sena Yenilmez, Kelsey Roote, Nudrat Karim, Shreya Shah, Lazaya Villenueve, and Jennifer Wu. Introduction: Water and sanitation is a basic human right , recognized as such by the United Nations- yet dozens of Indigenous communities across what is currently Canada do

# data[].attributes.body
https://cupe.ca/water-life-fight-clean-drinking-water-continues#:~:text=Some%20First%20Nations%20have%20endured,new%20water%20treatment%20plant%20possible.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Water is life: The fight for clean drinking water continues

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
For hundreds of years, many First Nation, Inuit and Métis communities have struggled with access to clean drinking water, as well as other necessities like quality food and safe housing. The current federal government has zeroed in on ending long-term boil water advisories in First Nation communitie…

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/apr/30/canada-first-nations-justin-trudeau-drinking-water

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Curve Lake First Nation, a forested community in southern Canada, is surrounded on three sides by fresh water.

But for decades, residents have been unable to safely make use of it. Wary of crumbling infrastructure and waterborne illness, the community instead relies on shipments of bottled water. The community's newly elected chief, aged 34, has lived her whole life without the guarantee of clean water flowing from the tap.

"The emotional and spiritual damage of not having clean water, having to look at all of the water surrounding us on a daily basis and unable to use it, is almost unquantifiable," said Chief Emily Whetung.

Amid mounting frustration, Whetung and other Indigenous leaders have launched national class-action lawsuits against the federal government. Arguing the federal government failed to provide clean water and forced communities to live in a manner "consistent with life in developing countries" they are suing the government for C$2.1bn (US1.7bn) damages - the costs associated with years of bottled water trucked and a water treatment system for the whole community.

Despite being one of the most water-rich nations in the world, for generations Canada has been unwilling to guarantee access to clean water for Indigenous peoples. The water in dozens of communities has been considered unsafe to drink for at least a year - and the government admits it has failed.

In 2015, Justin Trudeau, then campaigning for the country's top job, made an ambitious promise to end the scourge of unsafe water in more than 100 First Nations communities across the country. But today the federal minister overseeing the issue acknowledges the government has missed its March deadline on its own five-year promise, and says he has "no credible excuse" for how communities that have gone decades without clean water still lack access.

"It's unacceptable in a country that is financially one of the most wealthy in the world, and water rich, and the reality is that many communities don't have access to clean water," the federal Indigenous services minister, Marc Miller, told the Guardian in an interview.

The land surrounding Naskantaga First Nation as seen from a plane descending into the reservation. Photograph: Chris Donovan

Access to drinking water is something few Canadians ever have to think twice about. But the vast geography of Canada and the disparate locations of 630 First Nations communities - some accessible only by plane - makes setting up water treatment infrastructure a logistical challenge.

As a consequence of colonial-era laws, Indigenous communities have been barred from funding and managing their own water treatment systems, and the federal government bears responsibility for fixing problems.

"If you are anywhere else in Canada and you turn on the tap, then you are protected by safe drinking water regulations," said Amanda Klasing, a water researcher at Human Rights Watch. "If you live on reserve, no such regulations exist. There are no safe drinking water protections."

Certain communities, like Curve Lake, have issues with E coli in their water. Others, like Grassy Narrows, struggle with a legacy of toxic heavy metals, a remnant of negligent industry. In some cases, water is tainted by parasites and bacteria that occur naturally. In others, reactions between organic material and chemicals used to purify water can create unsafe water.

In consequence, the government issues advisories warning against using the water, and some have been in place for decades. The community of Neskantaga in northern Ontario, has been under a water advisory since 1995, researchers found, despite having a water treatment plant. In Manitoba, Shoal Lake 40's water advisory has been in place since 1997. Plans for a water treatment plant were scrapped in 2011 after the federal government balked at the cost of the project.

In those communities, children have sores and skin diseases like eczema. Others struggle with gastrointestinal disorders.

Tara Sakanee runs a bath at her home in Neskantaga. She says the water is usually varying degrees of yellow in colour and complains of itching and dry skin after showers. Photograph: Chris Donovan

For Whetung, Curve Lake's battle to get clean water encapsulates the struggles of many First Nations communities.

When Curve Lake's water treatment plant was built in 1983, it was intended to serve a population of only 56 and had a shelf life of 20 years. Despite quickly outgrowing the capacity of the plant, decades of bureaucracy have stalled the community's ability to upgrade their infrastructure. As a result, the community has dealt with multiple drinking water advisories over the years, including a recent boil-water advisory that lasted nearly two years.

An inspection of the plant by Ontario's ministry of environment found a filter that wasn't removing pathogens and malfunctioning ultra-violet treatment. While the ministry determined the community was in urgent need of a new plant, there was nothing the province could do: the plant was the responsibility of the federal government, which deemed the risk to be lower. The federal government has approved design plans for a new facility, but construction is still years away.

Until that plant is built, the shipments of bottled water will continue.

"Water is life," said Whetung. "It's what we grow our children in when they're in the womb. And we can't use any of what we have access to."

Since he first took office, Trudeau's government has made significant progress on the issue, investing more than C$2bn. In 2016, there were 105 communities with long-term drinking water advisories in place -meaning the water had been unsafe to use or consume for at least a year. As of late April, that number is down to 52 advisories in 33 communities.

A Curve Lake First Nation official, Richard Taylor, stands in a water treatment facility in October 2019. Photograph: Julien Besset/AFP via Getty Images

The federal government says the figure remains high because of delays arising from the coronavirus pandemic, and it has pledged another C$1.5bn in funding.

But a scathing report from Canada's auditor general at the end of February found that the federal government had failed to invest sufficient resources in the task and that much of the work was lagging even before the pandemic hit.

"I am very concerned and honestly disheartened that this longstanding issue is still not resolved," the auditor general, Karen Hogan, told reporters, warning it would be years before some communities have their advisories lifted. "Access to safe drinking water is a basic human necessity. I don't believe anyone would say that this is in any way an acceptable situation in Canada in 2021."

The auditor also found that a number of the drinking water advisories that the government lifted were the result of interim measures rather than long-term upgrades.

And the crisis may run deeper. Experts caution that federal monitoring does not include wells, even though 20% of First Nations communities rely on them to supply water to most homes. Nor does the government track waterborne illnesses in First Nations communities, or potential deaths that could be related to water quality.

"It seems unbelievable that there are communities that have dealt with drinking water advisories for more than two decades," said Charles Hume, an elder with the Champagne and Aishihik First Nations. "We're not looked at the same ... we're actually the last on the totem pole."

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Dozens of Canada's First Nations lack drinking water: 'Unacceptable in a country so rich'

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Indigenous leaders are suing the Canadian government for not providing clean water - and ministers admit they have failed

# data[].attributes.body
There's a high level of children in foster care because most of those children are still affected by what happened to their ancestors back in the days when they were trying to assimilate them and it was very traumatizing for them. This trauma was transmitted to their children and it went like that for multiple generations causing multi-generational trauma especially because of the residential schools. Also, because of those effects, more indigenous kids go into foster care and they sadly lose their culture that is very important especially right now because the culture of the ingenious people is slowly starting to fade away if the government helps finance these people to have a society as well organized as the others in Canada, they will become more structured and have a better lifestyle as a society and will after be able to raise their kids without letting them go in foster care.

# data[].attributes.body
https://crgreview.com/the-development-of-indigenous-children-in-foster-care/#:~:text=Children%20today%20still%20face%20the,being%20disconnected%20to%20their%20culture.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.provider_name
Contemporary Review of Genocide and Political Violence

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
by Bianca Teodora Hutanu

In Canada, Indigenous children constitute over half of the children in foster care, while they only represent 7.7% of the country's child population, according to Census 2016 (Indigenous Services Canada, 2021). The trauma that these communities faced from generation to generation (intergenerational trauma) stems from their mistreatment at residential schools since they first opened in the 1870s, and the "sixties scoop" which saw drastic increases of Indigenous children being misappropriated into foster care till this day (Restoule, 2013, p.4). While the last residential school closed in 1996, First Nation community members with the help of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) continue to uncover the unmarked graves of countless children at various residential school sites in different provinces (Restoule, 2013, p.4; Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015, p.11). These schools were managed by Catholic churches and funded by the federal government, with the intent of assimilating this population into the dominant "European" culture. Indigenous children in these residential schools were forced to deny their language, culture, spirituality, and traditional knowledge out of the fear of being physically and emotionally abused (Blackstock, 2009, pp.29-30). The abusive nature of residential schools impeded the proper development of Indigenous children in foster care.

Children today still face the aftermath from colonization and attempts to assimilate Indigenous peoples, this developing into intergenerational trauma (Blackstock, 2009). This contributed to the elevated numbers of Indigenous children in foster care, which can lead to them being disconnected to their culture. As culture plays a major role in healing, art therapy can be implemented as an effective way of healing for these children because it can empower them by staying in touch with their traditions and helping them regain their cultural heritage (Muirhead and de Leeuw, 2012). To provide context for why art therapy can be an effective therapy tool for Indigenous children in foster care, this article will explore the impact of residential schools on Indigenous children, as well as how the trauma of their experiences has negatively impacted the generation of Indigenous youth. The positive effects of healing methods that incorporate Indigenous practices (like the reintegration of Indigenous art making through art therapy) for children in foster care will then be examined.

To begin, it is important to acknowledge that the land now known as Canada is populated by diverse groups of Indigenous peoples that have lived there for thousands of years (Blackstock, 2009, p.28). Despite having distinct linguistic, cultural, and political systems, depending on their ecological setting, Indigenous peoples share some common beliefs like interdependence of all living, and sense of community. This is reflected in their way of parenting and educating children. Traditionally, the entire community, especially Elders participate in raising children and contributing to their healthy development. However, colonial authorities considered Indigenous ways of parenting inadequate compared to European parenting practices (Blackstock, 2009, p.29). Colonizers passed the Indian Act, to not only impose their ways of thinking, but also to assimilate "Indians" (Blackstock, 2009). The Act dictated that children between 5-15 years of age would be forcefully removed from their families and taken to residential schools (Blackstock, 2009). This negatively impacted the development of these children. As the transactional model of development suggests, "the development of a child is [...] a product of the continuous dynamic interactions between the child and the experience provided by his or her family and social context" (Sameroff & Fiese, 2000, p. 10, as cited in Davies, 2010b, p.4) Removed from their primary care givers and placed in the alien and abusive environment of residential schools, the institutionalisation of these children robbed them of their proper transactional development.

Additionally, the lack of funding for residential schools greatly impacted the health of Indigenous children. The Residential schools were poorly constructed establishments built with the cheapest materials, leading to unsanitary conditions that promoted the proliferation of diseases like tuberculosis and smallpox (Blackstock, 2009, p.29). Clergy members also physically, sexually, and emotionally abused Indigenous children, as they forced them to give up anything that made them "Indian." This led to lasting trauma. Recent neurobiological research suggests that abuse and neglect cause trauma to a child due to their ongoing feelings of anxiety and helplessness. (Davies, 2010a, pp.51-52) Compared to a child that had proper care, children with pasts of chronic abuse have higher concentrations of stress hormones. As such they are hypersensitive to nonverbal cues that could indicate potential violence, a tendency which can interfere with other brain activities (Davies, 2010a). According to The Psychobiology of Maltreatment in Childhood, these early exposures to stressors lead to neurochemical changes that promote "stereotyped and maladaptive responses to future stressors and may interfere with normal development" (Watts-English, 2006, as cited from Davies, 2010a, pp.49-50).

Residential schools that have negatively impacted Indigenous children can further impact the quality of their parenting and interactions with their future generations. Further studies show that the maltreatment that Indigenous parents faced in residential schools as a child "may negatively influence the quality of parental interaction with children, and contribute to unresolved or prolonged grief, depression, substance abuse, and other behavioral health issues" (Brave Heart et al. 2011, p.284). As such, it is very important to address the trauma that parents have faced to avoid further disseminating intergenerational trauma which can cause difficulties with interpersonal communication, trust, relationship building and parenting (Chase, 2011, Brave Heart et al. 2011, p.287). Addressing the trauma caused by residential schools could help parents improve their parenting skills and reduce the perpetuation of behavioral health risks for children (Brave Heart et al. 2011). However, with the lack of funding in the reserves and health care services, it can be difficult for Indigenous people who need therapy or other kinds of treatment to access the help they need.

As the child's brain matures over the years, the transactions within their environment and especially their care giver impacts their brain development, especially up to ages 3-4 when the brain shows a greater deal of plasticity and is more reactive to influences from their surroundings than in later development (Davies, 2010a, p.43). As positive influences can be optimal for children, negative factors have a greater impact due to the plasticity of the young brain which makes it more vulnerable to neglectful caregiving, abuse and trauma (Davies, 2010a). Therefore, parents with trauma who would otherwise transfer some of that trauma to their childrenneed healing for healthier caregiving practices. Through studies, Indigenous scholars, clinicians, and prevention specialists recognise the validity of incorporating traditional Indigenous culture and customs when developing interventions for recovery through healing approaches (Brave Heart, 2011, p. 287).

Furthermore, programs like the one implemented by the institute of Winnipeg Holistic Expressive Arts Therapy (WHEAT) may provide a potential solution by allowing Indigenous peoples to have culturally appropriate therapy services that can use family-centred approaches depending on their needs (Jamal, 2020, paras. 3). Art is an important part of the First Nation's culture and could also benefit children in foster care as an effective way of healing. It can represent a positive and significant outcome in the struggle against colonial oppression(Pirrel, 2021,paras. 2). Art can empower children in foster care, by encouraging them to stay in touch with their traditions and keeping engaged with other children, which can further support them though regaining their cultural heritage. Additionally, it could also have a positive impact on their cognitive development. As studies from the Michigan State University show, art engages with children's senses and supports their social-emotional and multisensory skills (Rymanowicz, 2015). Using materials such as crayons or chalk could help them develop their fine motor muscles, and as they practice drawing how they feel , drawings can help children conceptualize their ideas and further develop their critical thinking as well (Rymanowicz, 2015).

As children in art therapy are actively engaging with the professional and other children, this will help them understand their feelings and it can be a great way to relief their traumas and constant stress by expressing their emotions (Muirhead and de Leeuw, 2012, p.5). There are other artistic activities that are more culturally engaging, such as the creation of functional items decorated with beads, like clothing or even the making of items with a spiritual significance, like totem poles or masks, depending on their communities (Muirhead and de Leeuw, 2012, p.5). Art therapy can also be practiced through singing and story telling, both of which are significant parts of the First Nations culture (Muirhead and de Leeuw, 2012). This can help them face the difficulty of accessing the health care system, which is not as culturally sensitive, through a more holistic approach of healing that incorporates indigenous traditions, especially since culture is a big part of their identity (Muirhead and de Leeuw, 2012, p.6).

An important step to reconciliation, especially between professionals like non-Indigenous Social Workers, Art therapists or other professionals and Indigenous children in foster care, would be to acknowledge the ongoing oppression and offer more culturally appropriate services without imposing Euro-Western values upon these children (Blackstock, 2009). It is important to be mindful that Indigenous culture is very diverse, and practices may vary between different communities, so actively listening to children and being aware of their practices is important. Therefore, for a better awareness, Indigenous professionals are necessary in engaging with Indigenous communities to promote strength and resilience. Art therapy sessions for indigenous children should create a safe space for them to practice a culturally appropriate activity that they can share as they engage with their environment, if the children are ready to share their experiences and emotions. Engaging with others can bring different communities together and leave the room open for discussion to further share various healing practices.

Although the proper development of Indigenous children was impeded by the maltreatment that they endured in residential schools; as that trauma is passed down intergenerationally, children today still face consequences from the attempted assimilation done by the colonizers. It is imperative to not let these past mistakes reoccur, especially since the number of Indigenous children in foster care is rising and many of them can be misappropriated into care:"overall, Status Indian children were 15 times more likely to be placed in child welfare care than non-Aboriginal children" (Blackstock, 2009, p.30). Therefore, culturally appropriate programs, such as art as a form of healing should be implemented by and for Indigenous communities. Being aware of the oppression that is continuously being perpetuated is important, to take active steps towards accommodating Indigenous children that are already in foster care without it impeding on their development. Spreading awareness within professionals working at child welfare programs and working with Indigenous peoples will further impede misappropriation into care.
References
Brave Heart, M. Y. H. P. D., Chase, J. P. D., Elkins, J. P. D., & Altschul, D. B. P. D. (2011).

Historical trauma among indigenous peoples of the americas: concepts, research, and clinical considerations. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 43(4), 282-290. https://doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2011.628913

Blackstock, C. (2009). The occasional evil of angels: learning from the experiences of aboriginal

peoples and social work. First Peoples Child & Family Review, 4(1), 28-37. https://doi.org/10.7202/1069347ar

Chase, J.A. (2011). Native American elders' perceptions of the boarding school experience on

Native American parenting: An exploratory study. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Smith College. https://scholarworks.smith.edu/theses/390/

Davies, D. (2010a). Child Development: A practitioner's guide. Brain Development Chapter.

Davies, D. (2010b). Child Development: A practitioner's guide. Introduction to Part 1:

Perspectives on Development.

Indigenous Services Canada. (2021, July 6). Reducing the number of Indigenous children in

care. Government of Canada. Retrieved November 5, 2021, from https://www.sac-isc.gc.ca/eng/1541187352297/1541187392851

Jamal, M. (2020). Canada's first Indigenized art therapy program is supporting cultural healing

in Indigenous communities. The Pigeon. https://the-pigeon.ca/2020/09/23/indigenized-art-therapy/

Muirhead, A. and de Leeuw, S. (2012). Art and Wellness: The Importance of Art for Aboriginal

Peoples' Health and Healing. National Collaborating Center for Aboriginal Health. https://www.ccnsa-nccah.ca/docs/emerging/FS-ArtWellness-Muirhead-deLeeuw-EN.pdf

Pirrel, C. (2021). Indigenous Matrilineality: Resisting Annihilation Through Arts And

Spirituality. Contemporary Review of Genocide and Political Violence. https://crgreview.com/indigenous-matrilineality-resisting-annihilation-through-arts-and-spirituality/

Restoule, K. (2013). An overview of the Indian Residential School System. The Union of Ontario Indians. http://www.anishinabek.ca/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/An-Overview-of-the-IRS-System-Booklet.pdf.

Rymanowicz, K. (2015) The art of creating: Why art is important for early childhood

development. Michigan State University Extension.

https://www.canr.msu.edu/news/the_art_of_creating_why_art_is_important_for_early_childhood_development

Sameroff, A. J., & MacKenzie, M. J. (2003). Research strategies for capturing transactional

models of development: The limits of the possible. Development & Psychopathology, 15, 613-640.

Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (2015). Canada's Residential Schools: Missing Children and Unmarked Burials. McGill-Queen's University Press, 4. https://publications.gc.ca/collections/collection_2015/trc/IR4-9-4-2015-eng.pdf

Watts-English, T., Fortson, B. L., Gibler, N., Hooper, S. R., & DeBellis, M. D. (2006). The

Psychobiology of Maltreatment in Childhood. Journal of Social Issues, 62(4), 717-736. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4560.2006.00484.x

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The Development of Indigenous Children in Foster Care

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
by Bianca Teodora Hutanu In Canada, Indigenous children constitute over half of the children in foster care, while they only represent 7.7% of the country's child population, according to Census 2016 (Indigenous Services Canada, 2021).

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-57646170

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The revelations that there are hundreds of indigenous children buried in unmarked graves at the sites of former residential schools have shaken Canadians. They have also increased calls for changes to the country's foster care system, where indigenous children are vastly overrepresented.

Christine Miskonoodinkwe-Smith, from Peguis First Nation in Manitoba, was taken by child services when she was about a year old, along with her sister, and adopted by a non-indigenous family in the province of Ontario.

The loss of family and cultural connections can be devastating to children in care.

"Not knowing your culture just drives an anger inside you," says Miskonoodinkwe-Smith, who is of Saulteaux descent. "It separates you from your very own identity in a way, because you have to live in two worlds. You're living in a non-indigenous world, but then you know there's another worldview, which is your culture."

Her adoptive parents eventually became emotionally and physically abusive and gave her up when she was 10, but kept her biological sister. She spent the rest of her youth with other non-indigenous foster families and in group homes.

She didn't get a chance to learn about her culture until her 20s.

"Once I started going to pow-wows and cultural events, it really made me change inside," said Miskonoodinkwe-Smith, now a writer living in Toronto.

"It made me more aware of the issues around what indigenous people have been through."

The grim discovery of approximately 215 children found buried in unmarked graves at the site of a former residential school near Kamloops, British Columbia in May, and similar discoveries at other sites like at the Cowessess First Nation in Saskatchewan, has brought renewed attention to the treatment of indigenous children in Canada.

Residential schools operated for over a century, part of an historical programme to forcibly assimilate indigenous youth into white society.

Many campaigners are now highlighting the links between that system and the estimated 40,000 indigenous children and youth in foster care, according to figures from the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), a national advocacy organisation.

Census data shows that more than half of the children in Canadian foster homes are indigenous, despite them making up less than 8% of the country's child population.

The child welfare system is run primarily by individual provinces, and the figures vary. In Manitoba, approximately 90% of children in care are indigenous.

Concerns about Canada's foster care system, and the unjust treatment of indigenous children, are not new.

For over two decades, Cindy Blackstock, an activist and member of the Gitxsan First Nation, has fought for the rights of indigenous children in care.

"The reasons why indigenous kids go into care are driven by poverty, poor housing, substance misuse and mental health and domestic violence, due to the multi-generational trauma of residential schools," says Blackstock, the executive director of the First Nations Child and Family Caring Society.

Blackstock has led successful legal battles for reforms to the system - and is still fighting Ottawa over the compensation for those affected by on-reserve child welfare practices.

What are residential schools?

The removal of children from indigenous homes has been a part of Canadian life since its early days as a European colony. By the late 19th Century, it had become government policy.

Beginning in the 1880s, some 150,000 First Nations, Métis, or Inuit children were taken away from their families to be placed in residential schools. The last of these institutions closed in 1996.

A landmark Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), which delivered its final report in 2015, found that sexual and physical abuse at residential schools was widespread. It estimated that at least 4,000 indigenous children died in those schools, mainly from disease or malnourishment.

The disproportionate removal of indigenous children by welfare agencies was part of the legacy of residential schools, which deprived their pupils of positive parenting, self-worth and a sense of identity, said the TRC.

"Children who were abused in the schools sometimes went on to abuse others," the commission wrote.

"Many students who spoke to the Commission said they developed addictions as a means of coping. Students who were treated and punished like prisoners in the schools often graduated to real prisons."

As the residential school system was wound down in the middle of the 20th Century, new child welfare policies were enacted that allowed government officials to take thousands of indigenous children into care, with little or no warning to their families.

This period, which lasted into the 1980s, has become known as the "Sixties Scoop".

Although it was curtailed with new regulations, and a greater emphasis on indigneous-led child welfare agencies, the disproportionate flow of indigenous children into the foster care system has continued.

Canada's minister of indigenous services, Marc Miller, says there are now more indigenous children in care across the country than were ever in residential schools at any one given time.

Racism in the modern child welfare system has been well-documented and systematic, he says.

That could include officials applying rules inconsistently in a way that negatively affects indigenous people, or a refusal to let indigenous children engage with their culture.

What's being done?

The goal for child welfare officials should be to give indigenous families the help they need to keep their children in spite of any challenges they may face, says Jeffrey Schiffer, the executive director of Native Child and Family Services of Toronto, an indigenous-led agency providing culture-based programmes.

"After decades and decades of families being torn apart by systems of residential schooling and later foster care, it is so important that we provide circumstances in which families can stay together, and learn about indigenous culture and language, '' he says.

Only 3% of the calls the organisation receives result in a child being removed from their parent or guardian, says Schiffer.

When a child is removed, the focus is on trying to place them with extended family or community members.

The federal government must also fix widespread social problems that lead to situations in which children are removed from their parents, Blackstock says.

Indigenous leaders point to high child poverty rates, higher than average suicide rates, and chronic infrastructure problems with water and housing on reserves as key issues.

The Liberal government has worked to increase funding for indigenous youth since Prime Minister Justin Trudeau took power in 2015, says Miller.

"It isn't the end of the story, but it works towards moving that system away from the heavy hand of the law, to one that is really lifting up prevention alternatives."

There are some other slow changes taking place.

Cowessess First Nation made the recent discovery of approximately 750 unmarked graves at the site of the former Marieval Indian Residential School.

On Tuesday, it signed a multimillion dollar agreement with the federal and provincial governments that would give the First Nation management over child and family services, which Chief Cadmus Delorme said will reflect "our culture, values, and priorities".

That partnership was possible due to new legislation - passed in 2019 - affirming indigenous peoples' right to enact jurisdiction over child and family services in their own communities. Cowessess is the first to ink such a deal under the law.

At the formal signing ceremony, Delorme said: "The end goal is one day, there will be no children in care."

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Why Canada is reforming indigenous foster care

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The residential school legacy has been linked to the overrepresentation of indigenous children in care.

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/manitoba/census-indigenous-children-care-1.6590075

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
A Winnipeg mother says she was scarred for life when her first child was taken away at birth by social workers, who told her she was unfit to parent her newborn daughter because she was just 17 at the time.

"I don't know how one could fully heal from that trauma," said the woman, now 41, whom The Canadian Press has agreed not to identify because of her family's involvement in the child welfare system. "Having a baby taken away from birth ... the bond is broken."

New census data suggests Indigenous children continue to be overrepresented in the child welfare system.

Statistics Canada released data from the 2021 census that says Indigenous children made up 53.8 per cent of all children in foster care.

This has gone up slightly from the 2016 census, in which 52.2 per cent of children in care under age 14 were Indigenous. At the time, only about eight per cent of kids that age in Canada were Indigenous.

More than three per cent of Indigenous children living in private households in 2021 were in foster care compared to the 0.2 per cent of non-Indigenous children. Nationally, Indigenous children accounted for 7.7 per cent of all children 14 years of age and younger.

Statistics Canada says because of difficulties in collecting census data on First Nations and in other Indigenous communities, some caution should be exercised in comparing census years.

In recent years, there has been a significant push from Indigenous leaders and child welfare advocates across the country to address the myriad systemic issues contributing to the overrepresentation of Indigenous children in care. But experts say factors like colonialism, chronic underfunding of child welfare systems, discriminatory practices and poverty remain.

The child welfare system was part of the Winnipeg mother's life since before she was born. Some of her siblings were taken from her mother, a residential school survivor, as part of the Sixties Scoop. She was allowed to stay with her mother, but she doesn't know why.

The pain of having her daughter taken was repeated when her second and third children became permanent wards of the province.

She used alcohol to cope with a family member's death at the time, she said. Her children were living with their father when workers apprehended them due to poverty, she said.

Years later, when the woman's granddaughter went into the system and she became pregnant with her fourth child, she knew she needed to break the cycle. She started working with First Nations advocates and parenting groups to learn more about the culture that was stripped from her.

"I've done so much healing. I learned about our grief and loss and about positive coping skills," said the woman, who is now caring for her granddaughter and four-year-old son.

"Learning my culture and traditions really saved me."

There are about 10,000 children in care in Manitoba and about 90 per cent are Indigenous.

The Winnipeg mother said while there have been some improvements in the child welfare system thanks to First Nations authorities and social workers, prevention is still lacking.

"It should be about keeping families together and empowering the parent.... They need something to keep the families together."

Mary Teegee, executive director of Carrier Sekani Family Services in British Columbia, said generations of children have been ripped from their parents through the residential school system and the Sixties Scoop, and are being raised without the support of their families, culture or communities.

This has contributed to addictions, mental health issues and trauma, she said.

"This isn't just because Indigenous people can't take care of their children. It's because of generation after generation of attacks on family, class and nation structures."

Cora Morgan, the First Nations family advocate for the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs, said without proper investments in prevention and healing, government reforms alone won't get to the root of the issue.

"Right now we've been in a situation where government dictates how things are going to happen," she said.

"There needs to be free will of our nations to be able to bring children home."

Justin Trudeau's Liberal government introduced Indigenous child welfare legislation in 2019 and it came into force in 2020.

The legislation is supposed to affirm the rights of First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples to exercise jurisdiction over child and family services with the goal of reducing the number of Indigenous children in care.

Indigenous Services Canada says as of July, 37 groups have sent notices of intention to exercise legislative authority and 27 have requested to enter into co-ordination agreements. Out of this, two First Nations have entered into co-ordination agreements with the federal and provincial governments.

Experts say it's too soon to tell what effect the legislation will have on reducing the number of Indigenous kids in care.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
More than half the children in care are Indigenous, census data suggests | CBC News

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
A Winnipeg mother says she was scarred for life when her first child was taken away at birth by social workers, who told her she was unfit to parent her newborn daughter because she was just 17 at the time.

# data[].attributes.body
There's a higher rate of murder and violence against indigenous women compared to non-indigenous women because the indigenous people suffered more violence thought their history because of what happened in the past and all the violent acts that were made to them. It then after went on through generations and violence was more part of the indigenous culture because of all the trauma that happened before. Indigenous men are now putting all of their violence on the women because of that and most of these women are sexually or physically abused by an adult during their childhood or even when they're older. This should stop as soon as possible because women shouldn't be abused like that and they should be treated like human beings.

# data[].attributes.body
https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/85-002-x/2022001/article/00004-eng.htm

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
by Loanna Heidinger, Canadian Centre for Justice and Community Safety Statistics

Release date: April 26, 2022

On this page
Start of text box
Highlights
End of text box
First Nations, Métis and Inuit (Indigenous) peoples are diverse and have unique histories, languages, cultural practices and spiritual beliefs. Indigenous peoples are overrepresented as victimsNote of violence in Canada. The disproportionately high rates of violence and victimization of Indigenous peoples is rooted in the traumatic and destructive history of colonialization that impacted and continues to impact Indigenous families, communities and Canadian society overall ( Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada 2015). Indigenous peoples were subjected to racist and oppressive laws and regulations that suppressed language and religion, destroyed culture, and dismantled Indigenous families and communities ( Sharma et al. 2021). Across multiple generations, Indigenous peoples were and continue to be subjected to the detrimental harms of colonialism.

Indigenous women, in particular, have faced and continue to face high rates of violence, as reflected by the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls ( National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls 2019). In order to understand the disproportionate experience of violence among Indigenous women, it is important to highlight the damaging history of colonialization which shifted the role of Indigenous women in the household and in Indigenous communities ( Sharma et al. 2021). Prior to colonialization, women held a significant place in Indigenous societies. Indigenous women were highly valued individuals holding positions of leadership and decision making power. However, colonialization forcibly altered traditional matrilineal views while contributing to the normalization of violence against Indigenous women. In particular, policies such as the Indian Act denied Indigenous women of many rights and excluded Indigenous women from community governance ( Sharma et al. 2021).

Experiences of violent victimization are concerning and have a profound impact on outcomes such as social, economic, and emotional well-being; however, a large proportion of violent crime is not reported to authorities, such as the police ( Cotter 2021b; Perreault 2015). For Indigenous women, the issue of reporting is complex and may be largely impacted by the mistrust in police and criminal justice systems. In particular, a history of colonialization and ongoing structural and systemic realities negatively impacted relations between Indigenous women and authorities in Canada ( Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada 2015). In addition, Indigenous women may face unique barriers to reporting experiences of violent victimization or seeking help following victimization, including a lack of access to culturally appropriate resources, inaccessibility of support services, a general distrust of law enforcement, and perceived lack of confidentiality in the justice system ( Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada 2015).

This Juristat article will present the most current self-reported data on the lifetime (since age 15)Note prevalence of violent victimization, as well as the prevalence of violent victimization in the past 12 months, of IndigenousNote womenNote in Canada. Where possible, results are provided separately for First Nations, Métis and Inuit Indigenous identity groups. The article further highlights experiences of childhood abuse and maltreatment, and explores the intersectionality of violent victimization with other demographic and socioeconomic factors. In addition, the article assesses perceptions of safety and neighbourhood disorder, and confidence and trust in the police and the justice system among Indigenous women. Lastly, homicide data highlights the prevalence and characteristics among homicide of Indigenous women in Canada. The article uses data from multiple sources including the 2018 Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS), 2019 General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians' Safety (Victimization), and five years (2015 to 2020) of data from the Homicide Survey.

Start of Text Box 1

Text box 1
Defining and measuring violent victimization

End of text box 1

More than six in ten Indigenous women experience violence in their lifetime

According to the SSPPS, lifetime violent victimization includes any experience of physical or sexual assault or any threat of physical or sexual assault experienced since age 15. Experiences of physical or sexual assault can have lasting detrimental implications for victims, their families, their communities, and society as a whole.

Indigenous women are overrepresented as victims of various types of violence ( Brownridge et al. 2017; Burczycka 2016; Heidinger 2021). Generations of Indigenous peoples continue to be impacted by the negative consequences of colonialization and related policies that resulted in violence and trauma that continues to be perpetuated across multiple generations ( National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls 2019). Results from the SSPPS confirms that Indigenous women are overrepresented in lifetime experiences of violent victimization. More than six in ten (63%) Indigenous women have experienced physical or sexual violence committed by an intimate partner or a non-intimate partner in their lifetime, such as an acquaintance, colleague or stranger. In comparison, the prevalence of lifetime violence was lower among non-Indigenous women (45%; Table 1A; Chart 1A).Note

Chart 1A start

Chart 1A end

Almost six in ten (56%) Indigenous women have experienced physical assault while almost half (46%) of Indigenous women have experienced sexual assault in their lifetime. In comparison, about a third of non-Indigenous women have experienced physical assault (34%) or sexual assault (33%) in their lifetime. When asked about violence experienced in the previous year, Indigenous women were almost twice as likely to have experienced physical assault (6.2% versus 3.5% among non-Indigenous women; Table 2A; for results by Indigenous identity group see Table 2B).

Two-thirds of First Nations and Métis women experience physical or sexual assault in their lifetime

When looking at victimization by Indigenous identity group, about two-thirds of First Nations (64%) and Métis (65%) women have experienced violent victimization, physical or sexual assault, in their lifetime ( Table 1B; Chart 1B). Of note, differences between reported experiences of violent victimization among Inuit (45%) versus non-Indigenous (45%) women were not statistically significant. Some studies suggest that a history of trauma and violence stemming from colonialization and related policies have contributed to the intergenerational violence that place Inuit women at a greater risk of growing up in abusive households where violence becomes a normalized part of interpersonal relationships and may be expected or perceived as acceptable ( Brassard et al. 2015; National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls 2019; Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada and Comack 2020; Perreault 2020; Williams 2019).This normalization of violence may contribute to the decreased likelihood of viewing oneself as a victim of violence and the overall underreporting of violence among Inuit women ( Gone 2013; Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada and Comack 2020), which may explain similar reported victimization rates among Inuit and non-Indigenous women.

Chart 1B start

Chart 1B end

Across all provinces, violent victimization was higher among Indigenous women

In each of the Canadian provinces and regions outside of the territories, Indigenous women were more likely than non-Indigenous women to have experienced violent victimization in their lifetime. This was the case for Indigenous women in the Atlantic provinces (64% versus 45% of non-Indigenous women in Atlantic provinces), Central Canada (62% versus 43%), the Prairies (61% versus 48%), and British Columbia (65% versus 50%). In the territories there was no significant difference in the reported prevalence of lifetime violent victimization between Indigenous (62%) and non-Indigenous women (61%; Table 3).Note

Start of Text Box 2

Text box 2
Intimate partner and non-intimate partner violence

Chart 2 start

Chart 2 end

End of text box 2

Intersection of Indigenous identity with other factors increases prevalence of violent victimization

Various demographic and socioeconomic factors, such as age, intersect and may be associated with a higher prevalence of violent victimization. While, lifetime violent victimization was higher among Indigenous women overall, the intersectionality of Indigenous identity with other socio-economic and demographic factors may contribute to differences in the prevalence of lifetime violent victimization among Indigenous women.

Among Indigenous women, those with a disability (74%) were more likely than Indigenous women without a disability (50%) to have experienced lifetime violent victimization. In addition, Indigenous women with a disability were more likely than non-Indigenous women with a disability to have experienced lifetime violent victimization (74% versus 57%, respectively). In the 12 months preceding the survey, Indigenous women with a disability (12%) were two and a half times more likely than Indigenous women without a disability (5.0%) to have experienced violent victimization ( Table 6).

Experiences of homelessness among Indigenous women associated with lifetime violent victimization

According to the SSPPS, 9.4% of Indigenous women have ever experienced homelessness-that is, having to live in a shelter, on the street, or in an abandoned building. This proportion was almost five times larger than the proportion among non-Indigenous women (1.9%). Furthermore, about a quarter (26%) of Indigenous women ever had to temporarily live with family or friends or anywhere else because they had nowhere else to stay compared with one in ten (10%) non-Indigenous women.

Among Indigenous women who reported experiencing homelessness, the vast majority (91%) also experienced lifetime violent victimization compared with six in ten (60%) Indigenous women who had not experienced homelessness. Similarly, Indigenous women who ever had to temporarily live with family or friends or anywhere else because they had nowhere else to live (85%) were more likely than Indigenous women who did not have to temporarily live elsewhere (55%) to have experienced violent victimization in their lifetime ( Table 6).

Indigenous women six times more likely to have ever been under the legal responsibility of the government

A history of colonialization and forced assimilation has impacted Indigenous families negatively and contributed to the financial hardship and neglect present in a disproportionate number of Indigenous families and communities ( Truth and Reconciliation report 2015). The legacy of the wide spread apprehension of Indigenous children, and placement of these children into systems that failed to protect them, has had lasting harms. In particular, Indigenous children were forcibly removed from families and communities and placed in residential schools intended to dismantle Indigenous culture and identity. Experiences of sexual, physical, and emotional abuse and maltreatment were rampant in residential schools and contributed to a learned behaviour of violence ( Sharma et al. 2021).

As residential school systems were dismantled, the apprehension of thousands of Indigenous children continued. During the Sixties Scoop, large numbers of Indigenous children were forcibly removed from their families and placed in adoptive or foster homes ( Sharma et al. 2021). While the last residential school in Canada closed in 1996, Indigenous children continue to be removed from their homes and communities. The disproportionate number of Indigenous children in the child welfare system and the especially high rate of death among Indigenous children within this system further suggests that these systems continue the oppression and assimilation of Indigenous communities ( Truth and Reconciliation report 2015).

In certain circumstances, the government may assume the rights and responsibilities of a parent for the purpose of the child's care, custody and control, such as in foster care, group home under child protection or child welfare services, or residential school for Indigenous children. The SSPPS asked respondents if as a child, they were ever under the legal responsibility of the government.Note Results indicated that Indigenous women had disproportionately experienced placement in the child welfare system compared with non-Indigenous women. Notably, Indigenous women (11%) were almost six times more likely than non-Indigenous women (2.3%) to have ever been under the legal responsibility of the government ( Table 7A). Specifically, about one in six (16%) First Nations women were ever under the legal responsibility of the government, eight times higher than non-Indigenous women. The proportion of Métis (7.0%) and Inuit (6.9%) women ever under the legal responsibility of the government was over three times higher than non-Indigenous women ( Table 7B).

Being under the legal responsibility of the government was associated with a greater likelihood of lifetime violent victimization. About eight in ten (81%) Indigenous women who were ever under the legal responsibility of the government experienced lifetime violent victimization. In comparison, six in ten (60%) Indigenous women who were never under the legal responsibility of the government experienced lifetime violent victimization ( Table 8).

More than four in ten Indigenous women experienced physical or sexual abuse during childhood

In addition to being under the legal responsibility of the government, early childhood experiences of abuse and neglect can also increase the risk for violent victimization in adulthood ( Cotter 2021a; Perreault 2021; Whitfield et al. 2003).

A history of abuse and trauma rooted in experiences of colonialization continue to have a negative impact on Indigenous peoples ( Andersson and Nahwegahbown 2010). Experiences of trauma and displacement at an early age, linked to placement in residential schools and foster care systems where abuse and maltreatment were rampant, may further perpetuate violence through the cycle of intergenerational trauma and contribute to an increased risk of child abuse.

Results from the SSPPS indicate that Indigenous women are overrepresented as victims of childhood violence and maltreatment by an adult, such as a parent, other family member, friend, neighbour, or other adult. Overall, Indigenous women (42%) were more likely than non-Indigenous women (27%) to have been physically or sexually abused by an adult before the age of 15 ( Table 7A). In particular, more than four in ten First Nations (42%) and Métis (43%) women experienced physical or sexual assault by an adult during childhood ( Table 7B).

About three in ten (32%) Indigenous women have experienced physical abuse by an adult during childhood with about a third of First Nations (33%) and Métis (34%) women having experienced physical abuse before the age of 15. In comparison, about two in ten (22%) non-Indigenous women have experienced physical abuse by an adult during childhood.

Indigenous women (22%) were two times more likely than non-Indigenous women (11%) to have experienced sexual abuse by an adult before the age of 15. More specifically, about two in ten First Nations (22%) and Metis (22%) women have experienced sexual abuse during childhood.

All types of childhood maltreatment measured were more common among Indigenous women

Overall, Indigenous women have experienced childhood physical and sexual abuse by an adult at higher rates relative to non-Indigenous women; this was true for each of the specific forms of child maltreatment measured ( Table 7A; Chart 3). Indigenous women were more likely to have been slapped on the face, on the head or ears or hit with a hard object (26% versus 19% of non-Indigenous women) by an adult during childhood. Notably, Indigenous women were almost two times more likely to have been pushed, grabbed or shoved or had a hard object thrown at them (22% versus 12% of non-Indigenous women), or to have been kicked, bit, punched, choked, burned or physically attacked in some way (12% versus 5.2%) by an adult during childhood.

Chart 3 start

Chart 3 end

Furthermore, Indigenous women were three times more likely to have been forced into unwanted sexual activity by an adult (15% versus 5.0% of non-Indigenous women) and about twice as likely to have been touched in a sexual way by an adult (21% versus 11%) during childhood ( Table 7A).

One in ten Indigenous women had basic needs unmet during childhood

In addition to a higher prevalence of child abuse, the history of trauma and forced assimilation linked to experiences of colonialization may also negatively impact parenting patterns and impede the success of Indigenous families across generations through the cycle of abuse ( Truth and Reconciliation report 2015). Prior to colonialization, child-rearing in Indigenous communities involved a network of family, extended family and community. However, in addition to the loss of tradition, language and culture, colonialization resulted in the loss of family and community connections. In particular, residential schools contributed to the dismantling of Indigenous culture and traditional parenting patterns and resulted in a lack of parenting skills and positive parenting role models ( Lafrance and Collins 2013).

Harsh parenting during childhood, as defined in the SSPPS, includes having been slapped, spanked, made to feel unwanted or unloved, or been neglected or having basic needs unmet by parents or guardians. It is important to note that a disproportionately large proportion of Indigenous children have spent part or all of their lives in foster care; therefore, experiences of harsh parenting among Indigenous women may not have occurred by a parent or guardian within the birth family.

Overall, similar proportions of Indigenous women and non-Indigenous women have experienced harsh parenting during childhood (68% and 65%, respectively). However, during childhood, Indigenous women were more likely to have had a parent or guardian who made them feel unwanted or unloved (29% versus 22% of non-Indigenous women) and were two times more likely to have had a parent or guardian who did not take care of their basic needsNote (10% versus 4.1%; Table 7A; Chart 4). Experiences of having basic needs unmet may be the result of economic difficulties rather than parental neglect; however, the vast majority of women, both Indigenous and non-Indigenous, who did not have their basic needs met also experienced at least one other type of harsh parenting by a parent or guardian.

Chart 4 start

Data table for Chart 4
﻿

Indigenous women

percent

standard error

percent

standard error

Chart 4 end

More specifically, First Nations women (13%) were three times more likely, and Métis women (8.1%) were two times more likely, to have had a parent or guardian who did not take care of their basic needs during childhood compared with non-Indigenous women (4.1%; Table 7B). There were no significant differences for these experiences between Inuit women and non-Indigenous women.

Witnessing violence during childhood is another early childhood experience that can have detrimental consequences during adulthood. Indigenous women were overrepresented in experiences of hearing or witnessing violence during childhood. In particular, during childhood, Indigenous women were more likely to have heard or seen any of their parents or caregivers say hurtful or mean things to each other or to another adult in their home (54% versus 46% of non-Indigenous women) and two times more likely to have heard or seen any one of their parents, step-parents or guardians hit each other or another adult (25% versus 12%).

Experiences of childhood physical or sexual abuse associated with lifetime violent victimization

Childhood experiences of victimization and maltreatment are important risk factors for violent victimization in adulthood ( Brownridge et al. 2017; Burczycka 2017; Cotter 2021a; Perreault 2015). For Indigenous peoples in particular, the forced removal of children from homes and communities and the placement of Indigenous children in residential schools or foster homes resulted in many Indigenous children experiencing abuse and neglect. This dismantling of culture and identity coupled with experiences of childhood trauma and maltreatment has had long lasting consequences that continues to perpetuate across generations ( Andersson and Nahwegahbown 2010; Gone 2013). Results from the SSPPS further highlight the disproportionate prevalence of violence among Indigenous women with a history of childhood abuse and maltreatment.

Experiencing physical or sexual abuse by an adult during childhood was associated with a higher likelihood of lifetime victimization for women overall. However, Indigenous women who had experienced abuse by an adult during childhood were two times more likely to have experienced lifetime violent victimization (88%) compared with Indigenous women who had not experienced abuse during childhood (44%). Similarly, non-Indigenous women who had experienced childhood abuse by an adult were two times more likely to have experienced lifetime violent victimization (72%) than non-Indigenous women who had not experienced abuse during childhood (34%; Table 8).

Experiences of harsh parenting in childhood associated with increased risk of lifetime violent victimization

Experiencing harsh parenting by a parent or guardian during childhood was also associated with lifetime violent victimization. Approximately three-quarters (73%) of Indigenous women who had experienced harsh parenting by a parent or guardian during childhood experienced lifetime violent victimization, significantly larger than the proportion of Indigenous women who had not experienced harsh parenting (41%). This pattern was also evident among non-Indigenous women where a higher proportion who had experienced harsh parenting by a parent or guardian during childhood experienced lifetime violent victimization (56%) compared with the proportion of non-Indigenous women who had not experienced harsh parenting (23%; Table 8).

In addition, Indigenous women who witnessed violence before the age of 15 were more likely to experience lifetime victimization compared with Indigenous women who did not witness violence during childhood. In particular, Indigenous women who saw or heard any of their parents or caregivers say hurtful or mean things to each other or to another adult in their home were more likely to have experienced lifetime victimization (74%) compared with Indigenous women who had not experienced this type of violence (49%). Similarly, Indigenous women who saw or heard any one of their parents, step-parents or guardians hit each other or another adult were more likely to have experienced lifetime violent victimization (83%) compared with Indigenous women who had not experienced this type of violence (56%).

This pattern was also evident among non-Indigenous women. A higher proportion of non-Indigenous women who saw or heard any of their parents or caregivers say hurtful or mean things to each other or to another adult in their home experienced lifetime violent victimization (59%) compared with the proportion of non-Indigenous women who had not experienced this type of violence (32%). Non-Indigenous women who saw or heard any one of their parents, step-parents or guardians hit each other or another adult were also more likely to have experienced lifetime violent victimization (69%) compared with non-Indigenous women who had not experienced this type of violence (42%).

Start of Text Box 3

Text box 3
Homicide among Indigenous women in Canada

Chart 5 start

Chart 5 end

End of text box 3

Indigenous women more likely to perceive indicators of social disorder in their neighbourhood

The 2019 General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians' Safety (Victimization) included questions on perceptions of neighbourhood, including a measure of social cohesion and whether social or physical disorder were problems in participants' neighbourhoods. Perceptions of neighbourhoods can be reliable indicators of safety and trust within a social environment and can be used to gage the level of social order and control ( Gau and Pratt 2008).

According to the GSS on Victimization, a larger proportion of Indigenous women lived in communities where they were acquainted with their neighbours. Specifically, about half (48%) of Indigenous women reported residing in a neighbourhood where they know most or many of the people compared with about one-third (34%) of non-Indigenous women ( Table 11A). While knowing most or many people in a neighbourhood is a good indicator of social cohesion and a measure of neighbourhood community, integration and shared values, other neighbourhood factors, such as the level of neighbourhood disorder, may also contribute to an increased risk of victimization.

Neighbourhood disorder or social disorder is associated with higher victimization rates and lower levels of life satisfaction, and is linked to perceptions of neighbourhood safety, including elevated fear when walking alone at night or taking public transportation ( Cotter 2016; Perreault 2015). Neighbourhood disorder is often an indicator of the level of perceived safety and crime in neighbourhoods. Indigenous women were more likely to perceive indicators of social disorder in their neighbourhood, with about seven in ten (71%) Indigenous women reporting at least one small, moderate, or big problem in their neighbourhood. In comparison, almost six in ten (57%) non-Indigenous women perceived social disorder in their neighbourhood ( Table 11A). The measure of social disorder included indicators such as the extent of noisy neighbours or loud parties, garbage or litter lying around, people being attacked due to skin colour, ethnicity or religion, and people using or dealing drugs in their neighbourhood (Chart 6).

Chart 6 start

Chart 6 end

Similar proportions of Indigenous (13%) and non-Indigenous (17%) women felt somewhat or very unsafe when walking alone in their neighbourhood after dark. These proportions are based on respondents who walked alone after dark, and did not include about one-quarter of respondents who said they did not walk alone after dark in their neighbourhood. The choice to not walk alone in neighbourhood after dark may be due to concerns about safety.

Indigenous women twice as likely to have not very much or no confidence in police

Perceptions of police may be associated with the level of crime in a neighbourhood or community and as such are a critical aspect of public safety. Confidence and opinions about the police may be shaped by varying factors including direct personal experience, the influence of others, and the influence of the media ( Chow 2012). Negative experiences with police, such as experiences of discrimination or inequality, can impact perceptions of police, and how citizens view police may further influence reporting of crime and victimization ( Ibrahim 2020).

For Indigenous peoples, experiences of colonialization and the historical involvement of police in systems of oppression, such as residential schools, have tarnished the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the police ( Cao 2014). Other studies suggest that involvement with the criminal justice system and the overrepresentation of Indigenous peoples in the correctional system may further perpetuate the mistrust in police among Indigenous peoples ( Truth and Reconciliation report 2015).

While a large majority of Indigenous women indicated having a great deal of confidence in police (82%), the proportion was lower than among non-Indigenous women (91%). Moreover, Indigenous women (17%) were more than twice as likely to report having not very much or no confidence in the police compared with non-Indigenous women (8.2%; Table 11A; for results by Indigenous identity group see Table 11B).

Summary

This article examined violent victimization and perceptions of safety among Indigenous women, and provides an overall statistical overview of gender-based violence experienced by First Nations, Métis and Inuit women in Canada.

According to data from the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS), Indigenous women are overrepresented as victims of violence with more than six in ten (63%) Indigenous women having experienced physical or sexual violence in their lifetime compared with non-Indigenous women (45%). This overrepresentation of Indigenous women in experiences of violent victimization is linked to historical and continued experiences of violence and trauma linked to colonialization and related policies aimed at erasing Indigenous cultures and dismantling Indigenous families and communities.

Certain characteristics were associated with a higher likelihood of experiencing lifetime violent victimization among Indigenous women, including having a disability or ever having experienced homelessness. Childhood experiences, including experiences of abuse, maltreatment and neglect were also associated with a higher likelihood of lifetime violent victimization. Notably, Indigenous women who had ever been under the legal responsibility of the government were more likely to have experienced violent victimization compared with Indigenous women who were never under the legal responsibility of the government.

When looking at perceptions of neighborhood cohesion and disorder, data from the General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians' Safety (Victimization) found that while Indigenous women were more likely than non-Indigenous women to be acquainted with their neighbours, Indigenous women were also more likely to perceive indicators of social disorder in their neighbourhood. Compared with non-Indigenous women, Indigenous women were more than twice as likely to report having not very much or no confidence in the police.

Detailed data tables
Table 1A Physical and sexual assault committed by intimate partners and non-intimate partners since age 15 among women, by Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018 Table 1B Physical and sexual assault committed by intimate partners and non-intimate partners among women since age 15, by Indigenous identity group, Canada, 2018 Table 2A Physical and sexual assault committed by intimate partners and non-intimate partners in the past 12 months among women, by Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018 Table 2B Physical and sexual assault committed by intimate partners and non-intimate partners in the past 12 months among women, by Indigenous identity group, Canada, 2018 Table 3 Physical or sexual assault since age 15 among women, by region and Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018 Table 4 Intimate partner violence among women, since age 15 and in the past 12 months, by Indigenous identity and type of intimate partner violence, Canada, 2018 Table 5A Non-intimate partner violence among women since age 15 and in the past 12 months, by Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018 Table 5B Non-intimate partner violence among women since age 15, by Indigenous identity group, Canada, 2018 Table 6 Total violent victimization since age 15 and in the past 12 months among women by selected characteristics of victim and Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018 Table 7A Childhood abuse and maltreatment among women, by Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018 Table 7B Childhood abuse and maltreatment among women, by Indigenous identity group, Canada, 2018 Table 8 Violent victimization since age 15 and in the past 12 months among women, by experiences of childhood abuse and maltreatment, and Indigenous identity, Canada, 2018 Table 9 Homicides among women, by selected characteristics of victim and Indigenous identity, Canada, 2015 to 2020 Table 10 Homicides among women, by Indigenous identity and year, Canada, 2015 to 2020 Table 11A Perceptions of crime, neighbourhood and safety, and criminal courts among women, by Indigenous identity, Canada, 2019
Survey description
Table 11B Perceptions of crime, neighbourhood and safety, and criminal courts among women, by Indigenous identity group, Canada, 2019
Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces

In 2018, Statistics Canada conducted the first cycle of the Survey of Safety in Public and Private Spaces (SSPPS). The purpose of the survey is to collect information on Canadians' experiences in public, at work, online, and in their intimate partner relationships.

The target population for the SSPPS is the Canadian population aged 15 and over, living in the provinces and territories. Canadians residing in institutions are not included. This means that the survey results may not reflect the experiences of intimate partner violence among those living in shelters, institutions, or other collective dwellings. Once a household was contacted, an individual 15 years or older was randomly selected to respond to the survey.

In the provinces, data collection took place from April to December 2018 inclusively. Responses were obtained by self-administered online questionnaire or by interviewer-administered telephone questionnaire. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice. The sample size for the 10 provinces was 43,296 respondents. The response rate in the provinces was 43.1%.

In the territories, data collection took place from July to December 2018 inclusively. Responses were obtained by self-administered online questionnaire or by interviewer-administered in-person questionnaire. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice. The sample size for the 3 territories was 2,597 respondents. The response rate in the territories was 73.2%.

Non-respondents included people who refused to participate, could not be reached, or could not speak English or French. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized Canadian population aged 15 and older.

General Social Survey on Victimization

This article uses data from the General Social Survey (GSS) on Canadians' Safety (Victimization). In 2019, Statistics Canada conducted the GSS on Victimization for the seventh time. Previous cycles were conducted in 1988, 1993, 1999, 2004, 2009 and 2014. The main objective of the GSS on Victimization is to better understand issues related to the safety and security of Canadians, including perceptions of crime and the justice system, experiences of intimate partner violence, and how safe people feel in their communities.

The target population was persons aged 15 and older living in the provinces and territories, except for those living full-time in institutions.

Data collection took place between April 2019 and March 2020. Responses were obtained by computer-assisted telephone interviews (CATI), in-person interviews (in the territories only) and, for the first time, the GSS on Victimization offered a self-administered internet collection option to survey respondents in the provinces and in the territorial capitals. Respondents were able to respond in the official language of their choice.

An individual aged 15 or older was randomly selected within each household to respond to the survey. An oversample of Indigenous people was added to the 2019 GSS on Victimization to allow for a more detailed analysis of individuals belonging to this population group. In 2019, the final sample size was 22,412 respondents.

In 2019, the overall response rate was 37.6%. Non-respondents included people who refused to participate, could not be reached, or could not speak English or French. Respondents in the sample were weighted so that their responses represent the non-institutionalized Canadian population aged 15 and older.

Data limitations

As with any household survey, there are some data limitations. The results are based on a sample and are therefore subject to sampling errors. Somewhat different results might have been obtained if the entire population had been surveyed.

For the quality of estimates from the SSPPS and GSS on Victimization, the lower and upper bounds of the confidence intervals are presented. Confidence intervals should be interpreted as follows: If the survey were repeated many times, then 95% of the time (or 19 times out of 20), the confidence interval would cover the true population value.

Homicide Survey

The Homicide Survey collects police-reported data on the characteristics of all homicide incidents, victims and accused persons in Canada. The Homicide Survey began collecting information on all murders in 1961 and was expanded in 1974 to include all incidents of manslaughter and infanticide. Although details on these incidents are not available prior to 1974, counts are available from the Uniform Crime Reporting Survey (UCR) and are included in the historical aggregate totals.

Whenever a homicide becomes known to police, the investigating police service completes the survey questionnaires, which are then sent to Statistics Canada. There are cases where homicides become known to police months or years after they occurred. These incidents are counted in the year in which they become known to police (based on the report date). Information on persons accused of homicide are only available for solved incidents ( i.e., where at least one accused has been identified). Accused characteristics are updated as homicide cases are solved and new information is submitted to the Homicide Survey. Information collected through the victim and incident questionnaires is also accordingly updated as a result of a case being solved. For incidents involving more than one accused, only the relationship between the victim and the closest accused is recorded.

Due to revisions to the Homicide Survey database, annual data reported by the Homicide Survey prior to 2015 may not match the annual homicide counts reported by the UCR. Data from the Homicide Survey are appended to the UCR database each year for the reporting of annual police-reported crime statistics. Each reporting year, the UCR includes revised data reported by police for the previous survey year. In 2015, a review of data quality was undertaken for the Homicide Survey for all survey years from 1961 to 2014. The review included the collection of incident, victim and charged/suspect-chargeable records that were previously unreported to the Homicide Survey. In addition, the database excludes deaths, and associated accused records, which are not deemed as homicides by police any longer ( i.e., occurrences of self-defense, suicide, criminal negligence causing death that had originally been deemed, but no longer considered homicides, by police). For operational reasons, these revisions were not applied to the UCR.

Defining Indigenous identity for the Homicide Survey

Indigenous identity is reported by police to the Homicide Survey and is determined through information found with the victim or accused person, such as status cards, or through information supplied by victims' or accused persons' families, the accused persons themselves, community members, or other sources ( i.e., such as band records). Forensic evidence such as genetic testing results may also be an acceptable means of determining the Indigenous identity of victims.

For the purposes of the Homicide Survey, Indigenous identity includes those identified as First Nations persons (either status or non-status), Métis, Inuit, or an Indigenous identity where the Indigenous group is not known to police. Non-Indigenous identity refers to instances where the police have confirmed that a victim or accused person is not identified as an Indigenous person. Indigenous identity reported as 'unknown' by police includes instances where police are unable to determine the Indigenous identity of the victim or accused person, where Indigenous identity is not collected by the police service, or where the accused person has refused to disclose their Indigenous identity to police.

References

Armstrong, A. and B. Jaffray. 2021. "Homicide in Canada, 2020." Juristat. Catalogue no. 85-002-X.

Boyce, J. 2016. "Victimization of Aboriginal people in Canada, 2014." Juristat. Catalogue no. 85-002-X.

Burczycka, M. 2016. "Trends in self-reported spousal violence in Canada, 2014." In "Family violence in Canada: A statistical profile, 2014." Juristat. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 85-002-X.

Cao, L. 2014. "Aboriginal people and confidence in the police." Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice. Vol. 1. p. 1-34.

Conroy, S. 2021. "Family violence in Canada: A statistical profile, 2019." Juristat. Catalogue no. 85-002-X.

Cotter, A. 2016. "Canadians' perceptions of neighbourhood disorder, 2014. Spotlight on Canadians: Results from the General Social Survey." Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 89-652-X.

Cotter, A. 2021a. "Intimate partner violence in Canada, 2018: An overview." Juristat. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 85-002-X.

Cotter, A. 2021b. "Criminal Victimization in Canada, 2019." Juristat. Catalogue no. 85-002-X.

Heidinger, L. 2021. "Intimate partner violence: Experiences of First Nations, Métis, and Inuit women in Canada, 2018." Juristat. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 85-002-X.

Ibrahim, D. 2020. "Public perceptions of the police in Canada's provinces, 2019." Juristat. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 85-002-X.

Lafrance, J. and D. Collins. 2013. Residential School and Aboriginal Parenting: Voices of Parents. Native Social Work Journal. 4(1). p. 104-125.

National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. 2019. "Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls."

Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada and E. Comack. 2020. "Addressing Gendered Violence against Inuit Women: A review of police policies and practices in Inuit Nunangat." Report in Brief and Recommendations.

Perreault, S. 2020. "Gender-based violence: Sexual and physical assault in Canada's territories, 2018." Juristat. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 85-002-X.

Perreault, S. 2015. "Criminal victimization in Canada, 2014." Juristat. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 85-002-X.

Public Health Agency of Canada. 2020. "Family Violence Initiative."

Sharma, R., Pooyak, S., Jongbloed, K., Zamar, D., Pearce, M. E., Mazzuca, A., Schechter, M. T., Spittal, P. M., and Cedar Project Partnership. 2021. "The Cedar Project: Historical, structural and interpersonal determinants of involvement in survival sex work over time among Indigenous women who have used drugs in two Canadian cities." International Journal of Drug Policy. Vol. 87.

Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. 2015. " Honouring the truth, reconciling for the future: summary of the final report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada."

Williams, J., Gifford, W., Vanderspank-Wright, B., and J. Phillips. 2019. "Violence and health promotion among First Nations, Métis, and Inuit women: A systemic review of qualitative research." Trauma, Violence, & Abuse. p. 1-17.

Women and Gender Equality Canada. 2021. "Fact Sheet: Intimate Partner Violence."

World Health Organization. 2017. "Violence against women."

Notes

E use with caution

Note

Note

Note

Note

Note

Note

The regions provided in Table 6 are a combination of geographic regions, and provinces or territories. Some provinces and territories were combined to facilitate reporting due to small sample size, in particular the Atlantic Provinces, the Prairies, and the Territories.

Note

Note

Note

Note

Throughout Textbox 3, homicides among women refers to homicides of women and girls.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Violent victimization and perceptions of safety: Experiences of First Nations, Métis and Inuit women in Canada

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
This article examines the experiences Indigenous women in Canada, and where possible provides results for First Nations, Métis, and Inuit Indigenous identity groups. The focus is on experiences of violent victimization and perceptions of neighbourhood, safety, and the criminal justice system.

# data[].attributes.body
https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2022/oct/05/rate-of-first-nations-women-eight-times-higher-than-for-non-indigenous-counterparts

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Murder rates for Indigenous women are eight times higher than for their non-Indigenous counterparts, a Senate committee has been told.

But death rates among the cohort could be even higher, as the Australian Crime Institute only factors in cases of murder and not manslaughter.

The data was shared during hearings of a parliamentary inquiry into missing and murdered First Nations women and children.

A Senate committee is looking at the systems and circumstances that led to those deaths and disappearances, as well as reviewing current and historical practices used to investigate the murders.

Homicide rates are declining in Australia, but murder rates for Indigenous women are not following the same trajectory, crime institute deputy director Rick Brown said.

"It shows a very clear picture of systemic disadvantage no matter what indicator you take ... Indigenous people have poorer outcomes," Brown told the committee.

Senior members of the Australian federal police told the inquiry that police should be treating all members of the community the same, regardless of whether or not they are Indigenous.

There were cultural literacy training courses in place to ensure officers knew why Indigenous people may feel uncomfortable or unsafe around police, assistant commissioner Peter Crozier said.

Victorian Senator Lidia Thorpe, a Djab Wurrung, Gunnai and Gunditjmara woman, responded that the treatment of Aboriginal people by police was "not getting better".

"This is not an Aboriginal issue," she said. "The system is against Aboriginal people."

Crozier said he accepted police should improve, noting a one-size-fits-all approach would not necessarily work in all communities.

"We need to build that trust," he said. "If there are opportunities for different approaches ... all things are on the table."

The inquiry was established in August after a motion by Western Australian senator Dorinda Cox, a Yamatji-Noongar woman, as part of a joint push with Thorpe, her Greens senate colleague.

It heard on Wednesday that it was unlikely Indigenous legal services would ever receive enough funding to meet the needs of the communities they supported.

Sign up to Guardian Australia's Morning Mail

Our Australian morning briefing email breaks down the key national and international stories of the day and why they matter
Privacy Notice: Newsletters may contain info about charities, online ads, and content funded by outside parties. For more information see our Privacy Policy. We use Google reCaptcha to protect our website and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.

The commonwealth provided $440m over five years to Indigenous legal services, Esther Bogaart from the attorney-general's department said.

An additional $9.3m was given to services in August last year to better support families of dead Indigenous people and those with complex legal cases, she said.

But Bogaart acknowledged it was unlikely there would ever be enough money to match community needs.

The department was working closely with services so they could prioritise cases and ensure those most in need were supported, she said.

Bogaart conceded it meant some people would not receive the legal advice or representation they should have access to.

Submissions for the Senate inquiry close on 11 November. The committee is expected to hand down its report by 31 July next year.

In Australia, the crisis support service Lifeline is on 13 11 14 and the national family violence counselling service is on 1800 737 732. In the UK, Samaritans can be contacted on freephone 116 123 and the domestic abuse helpline is 0808 2000 247. In the US, the suicide prevention lifeline is 1-800-273-8255 and the domestic violence hotline is 1-800-799-SAFE (7233). Other international helplines can be found via www.befrienders.org

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Murder rate of First Nations women eight times higher than for non-Indigenous counterparts

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Murder rates for Indigenous women are eight times higher than for their non-Indigenous counterparts, a Senate committee has been told. But death rates among the cohort could be even higher, as the Australian Crime Institute only factors in cases of murder and not manslaughter.

# data[].attributes.body
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Missing_and_murdered_Indigenous_women#:~:text=From%202001%20to%202015%2C%20the,versus%200.82%20per%20100%2C000%20population.%22

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women ( MMIW) is an epidemic of violence against Indigenous women in Canada, the United States, and Latin America; notably those in the FNIM ( First Nations, Inuit, Métis) and Native American communities. Across Latin America, it is estimated that Indigenous women and girls are disproportionately the victims of femicide. According to a report prepared by the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues, representatives from Canada, Mexico, and the United States have resolved to work together as part of the North American Working Group on Violence Against Indigenous Women and Girls. A mass movement in the US and Canada works to raise awareness of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls ( MMIWG) through organizing marches; building databases of the missing; holding local community, city council, and tribal council meetings; and conducting domestic violence trainings and other informational sessions for police.

MMIW has been described as a Canadian national crisis and a Canadian genocide. In response to repeated calls from Indigenous groups, activists, and non-governmental organizations, the Government of Canada under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau established a national public inquiry, the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, in September 2016. According to the inquiry's backgrounder, between the years 1980 and 2012, Indigenous women and girls represented 16% of all female homicides in Canada, while constituting only 4% of the female population in Canada. The inquiry was completed and presented to the public on June 3, 2019.

A 2014 report by the RCMP, titled "Missing and Murdered Aboriginal Women: A National Operational Overview", found that more than 1,000 Indigenous women were murdered over a span of 30 years. From 2001 to 2015, the homicide rate for Indigenous women in Canada was almost six times as high as the homicide rate for other women, representing "4.82 per 100,000 population versus 0.82 per 100,000 population." In Nunavut, Yukon, the Northwest Territories, and in the provinces of Manitoba, Alberta and Saskatchewan, this over-representation of Indigenous women among homicide victims was even higher. The Native Women's Association of Canada (NWAC) has documented 582 cases since the 1960s, with 39% after 2000-though advocacy groups say that many more women have been missing in Canada, with the highest number of cases in British Columbia. Notable cases have included 19 women killed in the Highway of Tears murders, and some of the 49 women from the Vancouver area murdered by serial killer Robert Pickton.

In the US, Native American women are more than twice as likely to experience violence than any other demographic. One in three Indigenous women is sexually assaulted during her life, and 67% of these assaults are perpetrated by non-Indigenous perpetrators. The federal Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) was reauthorized in 2013, which for the first time gave tribes jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute felony domestic violence offenses involving both Native American offenders as well as non-Native offenders on reservations. In 2019, the House of Representatives, led by the Democratic Party, passed H.R. 1585 ( Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2019) by a vote of 263-158, which increases tribes' prosecution rights much further. The bill was not taken up by the Senate, which at the time had a Republican majority.

Law enforcement, journalists, and activists in Indigenous communities in both the US and Canada have fought to bring awareness to the connection between sex trafficking, sexual harassment, sexual assault, and the women who go missing and are murdered.

As a group that has been "socially, economically, and politically marginalized", Indigenous women have been frequent targets for hatred and violence. Underlying factors such as poverty and homelessness contribute to their victimization, as do historical factors such as racism, sexism, and the legacy of imperialism. The trauma caused by abuses under Canada's residential school system also plays a role.

Indigenous women are between 3 and 3 times more likely to be victims of violent crime than other women, and the violence they face is often more severe.

In Canada, according to activists, "thousands of cases" of missing and murdered Indigenous women over the last half-century were not properly investigated due to police bias. The 49 women murdered by serial killer Robert Pickton, who was eventually jailed in 2007, are cited as an example; with families claiming that Pickton was able to go on killing for so long because police had not taken the disappearances seriously because most of the women were sex workers and Indigenous.

A 2011 Statistics Canada report estimated that, between 1997 and 2000, the rate of homicides for Aboriginal women and girls was almost seven times higher than that of other female victims. Compared to non-Indigenous women and girls, they were also "disproportionately affected by all forms of violence." They are also significantly over-represented among female Canadian homicide victims, and are far more likely than other women to go missing.

A 2014 report by the RCMP, titled "Missing and Murdered Aboriginal Women: A National Operational Overview", found that more than 1,000 Indigenous women were murdered over a span of 30 years. In response to activists, the federal government-funded data collection on missing and murdered women, ending in 2010; the Native Women's Association of Canada (NWAC) has documented 582 cases since the 1960s, with 39% after 2000. Nevertheless, advocacy groups say that many more women have been missing, with the highest number of cases in British Columbia. Notable cases have included 19 women killed in the Highway of Tears murders, and some of the 49 women from the Vancouver area murdered by serial killer Robert Pickton.

In 2010, Jaime Black started the REDress project to represent the Indigenous women and girls that were missing, and her first dress was displayed in a Museum in Winnipeg. Red Dress Day is now May 5 in both Canada and US. In 2012, Sheila North Wilson, coined the hashtag #MMIW, for missing and murdered Indigenous women, while working for the Assembly of Manitoba Chiefs.

In response to repeated calls from Indigenous groups, activists, and non-governmental organizations, the Government of Canada under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau established the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls in September 2016. According to the April 22, 2016 background of the inquiry, between the years 1980 and 2012, Indigenous women and girls represented 16% of all female homicides in Canada, while constituting only 4% of the female population in Canada.

In the United States, Native American women are more than twice as likely to experience violence than any other demographic.[citation needed ] One in three Indigenous women is sexually assaulted during her life, and 67% of these assaults are perpetrated by non-Native perpetrators. Lisa Brunner, executive director of Sacred Spirits First National Coalition states:

What's happened through US Federal law and policy is they created lands of impunity where this is like a playground for serial rapists, batterers, killers, whoever and our children aren't protected at all.

The federal Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) was reauthorized in 2013, which for the first time gave tribes jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute felony domestic violence offenses involving both Native American offenders on reservations, as well as non-Native offenders. In 2019 the Democratic House passed H.R. 1585 ( Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2019) by a vote of 263-158, which increases tribes' prosecution rights much further. However, in the Republican Senate, its progress had stalled. Law enforcement, journalists, and activists in Indigenous communities-in both the US and Canada-have fought to bring awareness to this connection between sex trafficking, sexual harassment, sexual assault, and the women who go missing and are murdered.

In 2021, Biden Administration Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland announced the creation of the Missing and Murdered Unit within that department, following her appointment and confirmation, to help for missing and murdered Indigenous women.

Various groups have collected data from different periods of time and using different criteria. Available data suggest that the number of missing and murdered Indigenous women is disproportionately high compared to their percentage of the total population.

One of the most significant findings of the "National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls" report of June 2019 was that there was no "reliable estimate of the numbers of missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA persons in Canada." One reason is that Canada did not maintain a database for missing people until 2010, which made it difficult to determine the rate at which Indigenous women are murdered or go missing, or to compare their data to those of other populations.

In Canada, according to activists, "thousands of cases" of missing and murdered Indigenous women over the last half-century were not properly investigated due to alleged police bias. The 49 women murdered by serial killer Robert Pickton, who was eventually jailed in 2007, are cited as an example; with families claiming that Pickton was able to go on killing for so long because police had not taken the disappearances seriously because most of the women were sex workers and Indigenous.

The National Centre for Missing Persons and Unidentified Remains (NCMPUR) unit of the RCMP was established in 2010 in response to their investigations of murdered and missing Indigenous women, particularly in relation to what became known as the " Highway of Tears"-an area of intersecting highways around Highway 16 in British Columbia. In order to track a national picture of missing persons across Canada, the RCMP created the Missing Children, Persons and unidentified Remains (MCPIR) unit and developed an algorithm to collect and collate "all missing persons reports and related reports filed by police across Canada" into the Canadian Police Information Centre (CPIC). Since 2010, NCMPUR has published the "NCMPUR Fast Fact Sheet" to provide a "national breakdown of missing persons reports by province, age (child or adult), sex, and probable cause."

A database compiled as part of a 2013 Ph.D. thesis identified 824 missing or murdered Indigenous women between 1946 and 2013. A 2014 report from RCMP said that the "number grew to almost 1,200 between 1980 and 2012."

From 1980 to 2012, Indigenous women and girls represented 16% of all female homicides in Canada while being only 4% of the female population in Canada. A 2011 Statistics Canada report estimated that between 1997 and 2000, the rate of homicides for Indigenous women was almost seven times higher than other women.

While homicides for non-Indigenous women declined between 1980 and 2015, the number of Indigenous women who were victims of homicide increased from 9% of all female homicide victims in 1980, to 24% in 2015. From 2001 to 2015, the homicide rate for Indigenous women in Canada was almost six times as high as the homicide rate for non-Indigenous women, representing "4.82 per 100,000 population versus 0.82 per 100,000 population". In Nunavut, the Yukon, the Northwest Territories, and in the provinces of Manitoba, Alberta, and Saskatchewan, this over-representation of Indigenous women among homicide victims was even higher. According to a 2007 study by the Province of Saskatchewan-the only province to have systematically reviewed its missing persons files for cases involving Indigenous women-Indigenous women were found to have made up 6% of the province's population, and 60% of the province's missing women cases.

In the CBC investigative report, "Missing & Murdered: The Unsolved Cases of Indigenous Women and Girls", an interactive database was created that included more than 300 persons of unsolved cases of missing and murdered Indigenous women by February 2016. CBC investigated 34 cases in which families disagreed with authorities' determination that no foul play was involved; it found "suspicious circumstances, unexplained bruises and other factors that suggest further investigation is warranted."

In late 2013, the Commissioner of the RCMP initiated a study of reported cases of missing and murdered Indigenous women across all police jurisdictions in Canada. The result of the inquiry was a report ordered by the Stephen Harper administration, entitled "Missing and Murdered Aboriginal Women: A National Operational Overview", which was released on May 27, 2014, and dated back to 1951. The report stated that 1,181 Indigenous women were killed or went missing across the country between 1980 and 2012. Moreover, it reported that, over a 33-year period (1980-2012), there were 1,181 incidents and 225 unsolved cases. Among all female homicides (Indigenous and non-Indigenous), 80% were solved. Of the cases analyzed by the RCMP, 67% were murder victims, 20% were missing persons, 4% were suspicious deaths, and 9% were unknown.

In 2015, the RCMP published an updated report which showed that murder rates and the percentage solved (80%) were essentially unchanged since the 2014 report. The 2015 Update reported 106 unsolved homicide cases, 98 unsolved missing cases, and an overall resolution rate of 9.3% from the prior year: 11.7% for homicides and 6.7% for missing Aboriginal females.

The RCMP study was mostly limited to crimes committed in areas policed by the RCMP as the 2015 Update did not include homicide data from the "over 300 non-RCMP police agencies" that was included in the 2014 Overview.

The Forensic Document Review Project (FDRP) conducted as part of the National Inquiry into MMIWG (2019) found that the 2014 and 2015 RCMP reports identified "narrow and incomplete causes of homicides of Indigenous women and girls in Canada".

The Harper government, including Bernard Valcourt, who served as federal Minister of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development from 2013 to 2015, had rejected calls for an inquiry into missing and murdered Indigenous women, saying that there had been enough studies undertaken. They said they were addressing the problem "through broad public safety and criminal justice measures." Valcourt said in the fall of 2015, that the "deaths and disappearances came down to a lack of respect among aboriginal men on reserves for aboriginal women, and urged chiefs and councils to take action." During a private meeting between Valcourt and chiefs held on March 20, 2015, in Calgary, Valcourt released the statistics from the 2015 RCMP report. He infuriated the chiefs when he said that "up to 70 per cent of the murdered and missing indigenous women stems from their own communities," basing his claim on the conclusions of the 2015 RCMP report.

In response to Valcourt's statement, Chief Marshall Bernice Marshall sent an official request to the RCMP on March 26, 2015, in which she asked for the 2015 RCMP report, as well as access to data from the National Centre for Missing Persons and Unidentified Remains (NCMPUR). In his April 7, 2015 response to Marshall's request, then-RCMP commissioner Bob Paulson said that, while the May 27, 2014 report was online, the RCMP did not have the authority to release NCMPUR data. He added that the RCMP does not disclose statistics on the ethnicity of perpetrators under the Access to Information Act, to respect their "bias-free policing policy" as publicizing "ethnicity of [offenders] has the potential to stigmatize and marginalize vulnerable populations." Paulson then confirmed the statistics cited by Valcourt, saying:

The consolidated data from the nearly 300 contributing police agencies have confirmed that 70% of the offenders were of Aboriginal origin, 25% were non-aboriginal, and 5% were of unknown ethnicity. However, it is not the ethnicity of the offender that is relevant, but rather the relationship between victim and offender that guides our focus with respect to prevention...Aboriginal females were killed by a spouse, family member or intimate relation in 62% of cases; similarly, non-aboriginal females were killed by a spouse, family member or intimate relation in 74% of occurrences. Female homicide across all ethnicities is inextricably linked to familial and spousal violence; it is for this reason that RCMP analysis and prevention efforts have focussed on the relationship between the victim and offender.

Paulson copied this letter to Valcourt, then-Premier of Alberta Jim Prentice, Michelle Moody-Itwaru of the Assembly of First Nations (AFN), and Lorna Martin of the Native Women's Association of Canada (NWAC).

The 2016-2019 National Inquiry's Forensic Document Review Project (FDRP) found that the "often-cited statistic that Indigenous men are responsible for 70% of murders of Indigenous women and girls is not factually based"; and that "the statistics relied on in the RCMP's 2015 Report are inaccurate and provide a misleading picture of the relationship between offenders and victims in cases of homicides of Indigenous females. The empirical basis for the claim set out in the 2015 Report is an analysis of the narrow statistical data on 32 homicides of Indigenous women and girls within RCMP jurisdiction in 2013 and 2014."

The Native Women's Association of Canada (NWAC) database, which was created with federal funding in 2005, reported that from the 1960s to 2010, there were 582 missing and murdered Indigenous women. This was the first time a number had been given based on research. An initiative called Walk 4 Justice collected names of missing and murdered Indigenous women from 2008 to 2011, yielding over 4,000 names that they shared with the NWAC. There was confusion about the data produced by this informal initiative: a Walk 4 Justice activist contacted by CBC News said 'roughly 60 to 70 per cent' of the 4,000 or so people on her list were Indigenous."

In February 2016, Canada's Minister responsible for the Status of Women, Patty Hajdu, acknowledged that good data was lacking to estimate the number of MMIW, but pointed to NWAC data to indicate that the number could be as high as 4,000 MMIW in Canada from 1980 to 2012. The RCMP report estimated the number was 1,200. Hajdu said that historically there had been under-reporting by law enforcement of cases of murdered or missing Indigenous women.

The term "Highway of Tears" refers to the 700 kilometres (430 mi) stretch of Highway 16 from Prince George to Prince Rupert, British Columbia, which has been the site of the murder and disappearance of a number of mainly Indigenous women since 1969.

In response to the Highway of Tears crisis, the RCMP in BC launched Project E-Pana in 2005. It initiated an investigation of nine murdered women, launching a task force in 2006. In 2007, it added an additional nine cases, which include cases of both murdered and missing women along Highways 16, 97, and 5. The task force consists of more than 50 investigators, and cases include those from the years 1969 to 2006.

Government organizations and Indigenous organizations have different estimates of the number of victims along the highway, with police identifying 18 murders and disappearances, 13 of them teenagers, and other organizations placing the number as closer to 40. A reason for this numerical discrepancy is that for a disappearance or murder to be included in the RCMP's E-Pana project statistics, the RCMP requires for the crime to have happened within a mile of Highway 16, 97, or 5; their count rejects all cases that take place elsewhere along the route.

Many people hitchhike along this stretch of highway because they do not own cars and there is a lack of public transit. The Highway of Tears murders have led to initiatives by the BC government to dissuade women from hitchhiking, such as billboards along the highway warning women of the potential risks. Numerous documentaries have focused on the victims associated with this highway. The Canadian media often refer to the highway in coverage of missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls, and two-spirit people in Canada.[citation needed ]

Canadian National Inquiry into MMIWG

National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls

French: l'Enquête nationale sur les femmes et les filles autochtones disparues et assassinées

Participants

1,484 family members and survivors (testimony)

83 experts, knowledge-keepers, and officials (testimony)

819 other individuals (artistic expressions)

Budget

Duration

September 1, 2016 - June 3, 2019

Website

www.mmiwg-ffada.ca

After the 2015 Canadian federal election, the Liberal Government under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau upheld their campaign promise and announced the initiation of a national public inquiry on December 8, 2015.

From December 2015 through February 2016, the government held pre-inquiry meetings with a variety of people including families, front-line workers, representatives of the provinces and Indigenous organizations, in order to determine how to structure the inquiry.

The mandate and projected length of time of the inquiry were published on August 3, 2016. In addition to the inquiry's estimated cost of CA$ 53.8 million, the government announced $16.17 million over four years to create family information liaison units in each province and territory.

The National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls was officially launched on September 1, 2016. The inquiry was established as independent from the Government of Canada, and five commissioners were appointed to oversee the independent inquiry process: Marion Buller (chief commissioner), Michèle Audette, Qajaq Robinson, Marilyn Poitras, and Brian Eyolfson.

In February 2017, the National Family Advisory Circle, which included family members of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls from across Canada, was formed to help guide the inquiry.

An interim report was expected from the Inquiry in November 2017. The initial conclusion date for the inquiry was set as December 31, 2018; however, on June 5, 2018, the federal government announced the extension of the National Inquiry by six months.

Statements for the inquiry were gathered from across Canada from May 2017 to December 2018.

After a pre-formal public hearing (meant as a "truth-gathering" advisory meeting) in April 2017, complaints by observers began to arise about the inquiry's terms of reference, its composition and administration, and a perceived lack of transparency.

Community hearings were the first part of the inquiry's "truth-gathering process" taking place from May 31, 2017, to April 8, 2018, in 15 locations across Canada. Evidence was taken from 50 witnesses during the first hearings over three days in May 2017 at Whitehorse, Yukon.

In July 2017, the Assembly of First Nations asked the federal government to reset the inquiry, revisit its mandate, and extend its timeline to allow more data gathering.

Throughout 2017, a number of key staffers left the inquiry. For instance, executive director Michèle Moreau announced in June that she would leave her position at the end of July. Marilyn Poitras resigned as a commissioner in July as well, saying in her resignation letter to the Prime Minister:

It is clear to me that I am unable to perform my duties as a commissioner with the process designed in its current structure ... I believe this opportunity to engage community on the place and treatment of Indigenous women is extremely important and necessary. It is time for Canada to face this relationship and repair it.

On August 8, 2017, Waneek Horn-Miller, the inquiry's director of community relations, stepped down, and on October 8 that year, reported that the Inquiry's lead lawyer and research director had also resigned.

On November 1, 2017, the inquiry published its interim report, titled "Our Women and Girls are Sacred". In October 2018, the Inquiry announced the last of its public hearing dates, following which the commissioners would write a final report and submit recommendations to the Canadian government by April 30, 2019.

1

May 31, 2017 - April 8, 2018

Community Hearings

2a

August 2017

Knowledge Keeper and Expert Hearing (Indigenous Law)

2b

May-June 2018

Knowledge Keeper and Expert Hearings ( Human Rights; Racism),

3

May-June 2018

Institutional Hearings (Government Services; Police Policies and Practices)

4

September-October 2018

Hearings (Colonial Violence; Criminal Justice System, Family and Child Welfare; Sexual Exploitation)

Final report (June 3, 2019)

"Throughout this report, and as witnesses shared, we convey truths about state actions and inactions rooted in colonialism and colonial ideologies, built on the presumption of superiority, and utilized to maintain power and control over the land and the people by oppression and, in many cases, by eliminating them."

- Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, p. 54

The final report, entitled "Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls", which consists of volumes 1a and 1b, was released on June 3, 2019. In Volume 1a, Chief Commissioner of the Inquiry Marion Buller said that the high level of violence directed at FNIM women and girls is "caused by state actions and inactions rooted in colonialism and colonial ideologies."

In preparation for the final report and to fulfill their mandate, the Commission held numerous gatherings and 24 hearings across Canada, collected statements from 750 people, held institutional visits in 8 correctional facilities, led four Guided Dialogues, and held 8 validation meetings. In 15 community hearings, there were 468 family members and survivors of violence and, overall, 2,380 people participated. There were "147 private, or in-camera, sessions" where more than "270 family members and survivors shared their stories." There were 819 people whose creative artistic expressions "became part of the National Inquiry's Legacy Archive". The Inquiry also indicates that "84 Expert Witnesses, Elders and Knowledge Keepers, front-line workers, and officials provided testimony in nine Institutional and Expert and Knowledge Keeper Hearings."

Forensic Document Review Project (FDRP)

Families who gave testimonies to the National Inquiry expressed overwhelming concern that police investigations were "flawed" and that police services "had failed in their duty to properly investigate the crimes committed against them or their loved ones." In response, the Forensic Document Review Project ( FDRP) was established to review "police and other related institutional files." There were two FDRP teams: one for Quebec and one for the rest of Canada. The second team subpoenaed 28 police forces, issued 30 subpoenas, reviewed 35 reports, and obtained and analyzed 174 files consisting of 136,834 documents representing 593,921 pages.

The most significant findings identified by the FDRP were:

1. There is no "reliable estimate of the numbers of missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA persons in Canada."

2. The 2014 and 2015 RCMP reports on MMIWG identified "narrow and incomplete causes of homicides of Indigenous women and girls in Canada."

3. The "often-cited statistic that Indigenous men are responsible for 70% of murders of Indigenous women and girls is not factually based."

4. "Virtually no information was found with respect to either the numbers or causes of missing and murdered Métis and Inuit women and girls and Indigenous 2SLGBTQQIA persons."

5. "Indigenous communities, particularly in remote areas, are under-prioritized and under-resourced."

6. "There is a lack of communication to families and Indigenous communities by police services and a lack of trust of the police by Indigenous communities."

7. "There continues to be a lack of communication with and coordination between the police and other service agencies."

8. "Deaths and disappearances of Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people are marked by indifference. Specifically, prejudice, stereotypes, and inaccurate beliefs and attitudes about Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA persons negatively influence police investigations, and therefore death and disappearances are investigated and treated differently from other cases."

The final report issued 231 "Calls for Justice" to end violence against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people. The report stated that these recommendations were legal imperatives under international human rights law. The calls were directed variously at governments, institutions, industry, and all Canadians.

Section 2 ("Calls for Justice for All Governments: Culture") calls upon governments to:

Acknowledge Indigenous Peoples' inherent right to their culture

Recognize Indigenous languages as official languages

Make funds available to support the restoration of Indigenous cultures

Create educational opportunities that incorporate Indigenous language

Educate the general public and those within social services about Anti-Racism and Anti-Sexism and implement social movements based on confronting stereotypes

Support the increase in representation of Indigenous Peoples in media

Children and Youth

A number of the "Calls for Justice" relate specifically to children and youth.

Sections 12.5 to 12.10 of the "Call for Social Workers and Those Implicated in Child Welfare" introduce the themes of financial support, welfare services, access to their culture, and advocacy.

Provide financial support of resources and specialized care provided by the government to family or community members of missing children and murdered Indigenous women

Child welfare services will ensure a family member or close friend will care for Indigenous children. The new caregivers then receive financial support equal to the amount of a foster family.

All levels of government must ensure that Indigenous children have access to culture and language programs that align with their cultures

Provincial and territorial governments urged to put a halt to the culturally based targeted practice of taking away Indigenous children from mothers/families by the state via birth alerts and putting them in the welfare system due to Eurocentric values

Final report states that within one year, advocacy and accountability need to be addressed for Indigenous children and youth. Recommend that each jurisdiction appoint a Child and Youth Advocate

The immediate adoption of Canadian Human Rights Tribunal 2017 CHRT 14 to implement Jordan's Principle by federal, provincial and territorial governments in regards to all First Nations, Métis, and Inuit children.

A Call for all Canadians

Section 15 calls for participation from all Canadians. Within the eight subsections, it establishes that these are actions that are taken by citizens and not the state. This includes places such as the home, the workplace, and the classroom. Some of the actions listed in Section 15 that can be carried out by Canadians include:

Speaking out against violence against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people

Acknowledging and celebrating Indigenous peoples' history, cultures, pride, and diversity

Reading and understanding the final report itself and acknowledge the land lived upon

Allowing for Indigenous girls and women to generate their individual self-determined solutions.

Chapter seven of The Final Report found that, "There is substantial evidence of a serious problem demonstrated in the correlation between resource extraction and violence against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people. Work camps, or ' man camps,' associated with the resource extraction industry are implicated in higher rates of violence against Indigenous women at the camps and in the neighbouring communities." The report also found that Indigenous women did not have equitable access to the economic benefits of resource extraction.

"The truths shared in these National Inquiry hearings tell the story - or, more accurately, thousands of stories - of acts of genocide against Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA people."

- Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls, p. 50

According to a May 2019 article, the National Inquiry commissioners said in the report and publicly that the MMIWG crisis is "a Canadian genocide". Moreover, the chief commissioner, Marion Buller, said there is an ongoing "deliberate, race, identity and gender-based genocide."

The MMIWG inquiry report cited the work of Raphael Lemkin (1900-1959), who coined the term . Lemkin had explained that genocide does not exclusively mean the "immediate destruction of a nation", but signifies "a coordinated plan of different actions aiming at the destruction of essential foundations of the life of national groups, with the aim of annihilating the groups themselves." According to a Global News article, Canada's Crimes Against Humanity and War Crimes Act of 2000 "offers a broader definition, saying genocide can encompass not only acts of commission, but 'omission' as well."

A supplemental report of the "Canadian genocide of Indigenous Peoples according to the legal definition of 'genocide,'" was announced in Reclaiming Power and Place by the National Inquiry because of its gravity.

On June 3, 2019, Luis Almagro, secretary-general of Organization of American States (OAS), asked Foreign Affairs Minister Chrystia Freeland to support the creation of an independent probe into the MMIWG allegation of Canadian 'genocide' since Canada had previously supported "probes of atrocities in other countries" such as Nicaragua in 2018. On June 4, in Vancouver, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau said that, "Earlier this morning, the national inquiry formally presented their final report, in which they found that the tragic violence that Indigenous women and girls have experienced amounts to genocide."

On June 9, Conservative Party Leader Andrew Scheer denied the use of the word genocide, saying, "I believe that the tragedy that has happened to this vulnerable section of our society is its own thing. I don't believe it falls into the category, to the definition of genocide."

The National Crime Information Center reported 5,712 missing Indigenous women and girls in 2016. A study funded by the US Department of Justice found that,

National rates of homicide victimization against American Indian and Alaska Native women are second to those of their African American counterparts, but higher than those for white women. However, these national averages hide the extremely high rates of murder against American Indian and Alaska Native women present in some counties consisting primarily of tribal lands. Some counties have rates of murder against American Indian and Alaska Native women that are over ten times the national average.

Data on MMIW in the United States has been difficult to gather. The race, citizenship or ethinicity of Native Americans is often mis-identified on death certificates and law enforcement records. Less than half of incidents of violence against women are reported. Many times when Indigenous women and girls go missing, or when Indigenous murder victims are unidentified, forensic evidence has not been accurately collected or preserved by local law enforcement.[citation needed ] Cases have been allowed to quickly go "cold", and crucial evidence has been "lost", or never forwarded on from local law enforcement to the appropriate agencies.[citation needed ] As these cases go unreported, it allowed violence and murder to be inaccurately represented in statistical data against Indigenous women, but it has also allowed aggressors to go unpunished.[citation needed ]

A 1999 Bureau of Justice Statistics report on American Indians and crime did not provide information about missing or murdered Indigenous women.

The federal Violence Against Women Act was reauthorized in 2013, which for the first time gave tribes jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute felony domestic violence offenses involving Native American and non-Native offenders on reservations. 26% of Natives live on reservations. In 2019 the House passed H.R. 1585 (Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2019) by a vote of 263-158, which increases tribes' prosecution rights much further. However, in the Senate its progress has stalled.

In 2018, The Urban Indian Health Institute investigated reports of MMIW in 71 urban centers. They found 506 unique cases, with 80% of these cases occurring between 2000 and 2018. Of these cases, 128 (25%) were reported missing, 280 (56%) were murdered, and 98 (19%) were removed from a missing person database with no information as to whether the victim was found safe or deceased. The study found that many cities had poor data collection, and many jurisdictions did not respond to Freedom of Information Act requests for data, or responded with incomplete information; the study concluded that the 506 cases were 'likely an undercount'. The study used law enforcement records, state and national databases, media reports, public social media postings, and community and family member accounts to compile their report. They found that 153 cases did not exist in law enforcement data.

The study also surveyed media coverage of the cases investigated in the report. They found that one-third of the media outlets covering MMIW cases used 'violent language' that reflected 'racism or misogyny or racial stereotyping' in their portrayals of the victims.

Activism and proposed legislation has drawn the issue of MMIW to the attention of some lawmakers. In 2018 and 2019 many US states, including Washington, Minnesota, Arizona, and Wisconsin have begun to take steps toward passing legislation to increase awareness of this issue and to build databases that track missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls.

Currently, the federal laws surrounding violent crimes create difficulties in dealing with non-Native perpetrators on native lands.

According to the Supreme Court ruling in Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe (1978), tribal courts do not hold any jurisdictional powers over non-American Indians and Alaska Natives and therefore cannot prosecute or punish them for their crimes on reservations. Additionally, the Indian Civil Rights Act of 1968 limits the maximum punishment for any crime to a $5000 fine and up to one year in prison. All violent felonies committed on tribal lands can be prosecuted by the federal government through the FBI, because of the federal government's relationship with the sovereign tribal nations. Outside of Alaska, California, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Oregon, and Nebraska (States where Public Law 280 applies), state and county authorities do not have criminal jurisdiction on reservations. Bachman believes that this split in authority creates problems as law enforcement departments compete over jurisdictional powers based on the nature of the crime. This lowers the overall effectiveness of law enforcement, and provides enough immunity to non-citizens of the tribes (usually members of the dominant culture) for such crimes to have become commonplace. As noted in the movie, the FBI does not keep data on missing Indigenous women.

The US declared May 5, 2018, as a national day of awareness in order to raise concern for the crisis, and refocus attention on issues affecting Indigenous women. It hopes to improve relations between the federal and tribal governments.

Savanna's Act: The bill known as Savanna's Act was initially introduced in Congress in October 2017 by former Senator Heidi Heitkamp, but later reintroduced in January 2019 by Senator Lisa Murkowski. The purpose of Savanna's Act is to increase cooperation and coordination between "Federal, State, Tribal, and local law enforcement agencies" as this has been one of the major barriers to developing an accurate database. This bill would also implement training for Tribal agencies from the Attorney General as well as improve tribal access to databases (including the National Missing and Unidentified Persons System). In addition, data collection will be increased so that statistics more accurately represent missing and murdered Indigenous women. The bill was passed by Congress in September 2020, and signed into law by then U.S. president Donald Trump a month later.

Not Invisible Act: The Not Invisible Act (signed October 2020) requires the Department of the Interior and the Department of Justice to form a joint commission on violent crime in Native American communities.

House of Representatives Bill 1585: On March 7, 2019, Congress introduced this bill in the House of Representatives and this bill was to reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 and other specific reasons.

Washington State House Bill 2951: Effective May 7, 2018, this bill orders an inquiry into how to increase rates of reporting for missing Native American women in the state of Washington. The Washington State Patrol was given a deadline of June 1, 2019, to report to the legislature its results of the study. This includes analysis and data on the number of missing women in the state, barriers to use state resources, as well as recommendations on how to overcome them.

Arizona State House Bill 2570: On March 11, 2019, the Arizona State Legislature, House of Representatives passed Arizona House Bill 2570 "Establishing a Study Committee on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls". If approved in the Senate, the bill would seek to "establish a study committee to conduct a comprehensive study to determine how the State of Arizona can reduce and end violence against indigenous women and girls." The study committee would establish methods for tracking and collecting data, reviewing policies and procedures, reviewing prosecutorial trends, gather data on violence, identify barriers to providing more state resources, propose measures, as well as propose legislation to address the issues identified.

Wisconsin Assembly Bill 548: On October 14, 2019, Assembly Bill 548 was introduced to the Wisconsin State Assembly. This bill would create a Task Force on Missing and Murdered Tribal Women and Girls. This bill received a public hearing on March 3, 2020, but did not receive a vote and was not enacted into law. As the Legislature did not pass a bill to create this task force, Wisconsin Attorney General Josh Kaul, on Thursday, July 2, 2020, announced the creation of the Wisconsin Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls Task Force within the Wisconsin Department of Justice. Failed to pass pursuant to Senate Joint Resolution 1 on April 1, 2020.

Executive Order 13898, signed by then-U.S. president Donald Trump, formed the Task Force on Missing and Murdered American Indians and Alaska Natives, otherwise known as Operation Lady Justice, in order to address concerns of these communities regarding missing and murdered women and girls in the United States.

The task force was first authorized in November 2019 and strives to improve the criminal justice response to American Indian and Alaska Natives experiencing violence. Operation Lady Justice is co-chaired by Tara Sweeney (designee for the Secretary of the Interior) and Katharine Sullivan (designee for Attorney General). Additional members are Terry Wade, Laura Rogers, Charles Addington, Trent Shores, and Jean Hovland. Executive Director Marcia Good would assist the Operation Lady Justice task force. The Operation Lady Justice Task Force has specific mission objectives and must submit a written report to the President by November 26, 2020, to include accomplishments and recommended future activities.

Today, thousands of unsolved cases of missing and murdered Native Americans continue to cry out for justice and healing. On Missing and Murdered Indigenous Persons Awareness Day, we remember the Indigenous people who we have lost to murder and those who remain missing and commit to working with Tribal Nations to ensure any instance of a missing or murdered person is met with swift and effective action.

and detailing the commitments of his administration in this regard, both those already in progress and going forward.

Indigenous activists have been organizing protests and vigils relating to missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls, and two-spirit individuals for decades. The Native Women's Association of Canada was one of many organizations that created a database of missing and murdered Indigenous women. The community-based activist groups Families of Sisters in Spirit and No More Silence have also been gathering the names of missing and murdered Indigenous women since 2005. In 2015 the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada's Calls to Action also called for the federal government to establish a public inquiry into the issues of MMIW. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced the inquiry in December 2015.

The first Women's Memorial March was on February 14, Valentine's Day, 1992, in Downtown Eastside, Vancouver, an area notable for having numerous missing or murdered Indigenous women. The march was in response to the murder of a Coast Salish woman. The annual marches were intended to commemorate Indigenous women who have been murdered or have gone missing in order to build support for a national inquiry and program of response.

In 2016 the government announced it would undertake such an inquiry. During the annual Vancouver march, the committee and public stop at the sites where the women were last seen or known to have been murdered, holding a moment of silence as a sign of respect. The committee has drawn attention to the issue locally, nationally, and internationally. The committee is made up of family members, front-line workers, close friends, and loved ones who have suffered the losses of Indigenous women during recent decades.

This event has expanded. As of 2017, it was held annually on Valentine's Day in more than 22 communities across North America. The march intends to break down barriers among populations and raise awareness about the racial stereotypes and stigmas that contribute to the high rate of missing and murdered Indigenous women in Canada.

In 2002, the Native Women's Association of Canada, Amnesty International Canada, KAIROS, Elizabeth Fry Society, and the Anglican Church of Canada formed the National Coalition for our Stolen Sisters, an initiative designed to raise awareness about the MMIW crisis in Canada. In 2005 Indigenous women founded Sisters in Spirit, a research, education and policy program run by Indigenous women, with a focus on raising awareness about violence against Indigenous women, girls, and two-spirit persons. Sisters in Spirit collected the details of almost 600 cases of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women in Canada, including some historical cases that were not accepted by police, and cases where police closed the book on a woman's death despite lingering questions from family members. This was the first database of its kind in Canada in terms of its detail and scope, however the federal government stopped funding the program in 2010. Critics of the cut say it was meant to silence the Native Women's Association of Canada, the group behind the database. However, Sisters in Spirit vigils continue to be held across Canada every year on the 4th of October.

Bridget Tolley founded the Sisters in Spirit vigils in 2005 to honour of the lives of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women, Girls and two-spirit persons. This annual event is organized in partnership with the NWAC. In 2006, 11 vigils were held across the country and in 2014, there were 216 vigils. The annual Fort St. John, British Columbia vigil has been taking place since 2008, honouring missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls in northeast British Columbia. Sisters in Spirit continue to hold an annual, national vigil on Parliament Hill in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada.

In 2011 Bridget Tolley cofounded Families of Sisters in Spirit (FSIS) in response to the funding cuts to Sisters in Spirit. FSIS is a grassroots group led by Indigenous women dedicated to seeking justice for missing Indigenous women, girls, and two-spirit persons through public awareness and advocacy. FSIS differs from Sisters in Spirit insofar as FSIS is fully autonomous, all-volunteer, and accepts no government funding. Tolley is Algonquin from the Kitigan Zibi Anishinabeg First Nation. Her activism began after her mother, Gladys Tolley, was struck and killed by a Sûreté du Québec police cruiser while walking across a two-lane highway on the Kitigan Zibi-Anishinabeg First Nation on October 5, 2001. A police investigation into her death revealed no wrongdoing and deemed the case an accident. However, Tolley claims police failed to inform her family that her mother's case was closed, and that Montreal police were brought in even though the local Kitigan Zibi police department had jurisdiction over the scene and should have been called to secure it. Bridget Tolley has since campaigned for justice for her mother, demanding her case be reopened and subject to an independent investigation by the Province of Quebec. She remains a committed activist for social justice regarding police violence, education, housing, and child welfare.

In 2014, the body of 15-year-old Tina Fontaine was found dumped in the Red River in Manitoba, wrapped in a plastic bag and weighted down with stones. Since then, volunteer teams have gathered in boats to search the Winnipeg waterways for the remains of other missing and murdered women, girls, and men, in hopes of finding justice, or at least closure, for their grieving families and friends. Disposal of victims in water is a common tactic used by assailants, as water often washes away the forensic evidence necessary for a conviction.

Because resource extraction projects create threats to Indigenous women, water protectors and land defenders use red dresses, red handprints, and other references to the MMIW movement at the site of blockades or other direct action to raise awareness about this connection between exploitation of the earth and violence against Indigenous women.

The REDress Project is a public art installation dedicated to the remembrance of the Missing and Murdered Indigenous women. It consists of red dresses, hanging or laid flat in public spaces, with each empty dress symbolizing one of the missing and murdered. Canadian Jaime Black ( Métis) began the project in 2000. She told CTV News that "a friend of [hers], who is also an aboriginal, explained that red was the only colour spirits could see.

'So (red) is really a calling back of the spirits of these women and allowing them a chance to be among us and have their voices heard through their family members and community.'"

Walking with Our Sisters is a community-based art installation, commemorating murdered or missing women and children from Indigenous communities. The project is community-led, from the creation of the piece to the facilitation of the exhibit at different sites. The hope is to raise awareness on this issue and create a space for dialogue-based community discussions on this issue. It is a solely volunteer initiative.

The art project is a collection of moccasin vamps. A vamp is the extra layer of leather for the top lip of the moccasin, which is usually decorated with beadwork or quillwork in traditional patterns from the Indigenous woman's culture. The installation has more than 1763 pairs of adult vamps and 108 pairs for children. Each pair is custom made for each individual woman reported missing. The vamps from unfinished moccasins represent the unfinished lives of the missing or murdered women.

The project began in 2012, with a call to action issued on Facebook. People were asked to design and create these moccasin tops for their missing and murdered loved ones. By July 2013, the project leaders had received 1,600 vamps, more than tripling their initial goal of 600. Men, women, and children of all backgrounds responded to the call and became active in the project.

This installation consists of these moccasin vamps ceremonially placed on the floor of a public space in a sacred manner. It travels to select galleries and art exhibition halls. Patrons are asked to take off their shoes and respectfully walk alongside the vamps in the gallery, to ensure that the people they represent are not forgotten, and to show solidarity with the missing or murdered women. Booked until 2019, the installation is scheduled for 25 locations across North America.

Begun by the Native Women's Association of Canada in 2012, the Faceless Dolls Project encourages people to make dolls to represent missing and murdered women, and those affected by violence. The dolls are designed as "a process of reconstructing identity" for women who lose individuality in becoming victims of crime. The first dolls were made to commemorate the 582 MMIW documented by the Association. They are intended as an artistic reminder of the lives and identities of the affected women and girls. NWAC has brought this art project to universities and communities across Canada, where participants join in making dolls as a form of activism and raising awareness of the issue of MMIW.

At the 2014 Polaris Music Prize ceremony, Inuk musician Tanya Tagaq performed her number in front of a screen featuring a scrolling list of names of missing and murdered Indigenous women.

Since late 2015 Kristen Villebrun, a local activist in Hamilton, Ontario, and about ten other Indigenous women have been constructing stone monuments on the Chedoke Radial Trail. An inuksuk (plural inuksuit) is a human-built stone structure commonly used for navigation or as trail markers. Inuksuk translates to "in the likeness of a human". The Chedoke Radial trail connects to the Chedoke Creek, a watercourse in Hamilton.

The women began the project in October 2015 when they noticed that shadows cast by previously constructed inuksuit on the trail were lifelike and reminiscent of women. These activists saw an opportunity to use these structures as a way of drawing attention to the issue of the missing women. They have constructed 1,181 inuksuit, working for six hours a day, four days a week. The project has attracted many questions, with hundreds of people stopping to inquire about the inuksuit. The women welcomed the questions, and they announced their intention to continue to build the female inuksuit until the government undertook an official inquiry into missing Indigenous women. In December 2015 Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced he would initiate such an inquiry.

In February 2016, Lucy Annanack ( Nunavik) and a team of women built and placed another 1,200 inuksuit in Montreal, Quebec.

In October 2016 journalist Connie Walker and the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation launched a podcast titled Who Killed Alberta Williams? The eight-part podcast examines the missing and murdered Indigenous women crisis in Canada though the lens of a specific case, the murder of Alberta Williams in 1989 along the Highway of Tears in British Columbia. The series was nominated for a Webby Award.

In 2018, another season of the series, "Finding Cleo", profiled the case of Cleo Nicotine Semaganis.

In 2019 the podcast True Consequences covered the missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls issues in an interview with Cheyenne Antonio from the Coalition to Stop Violence Against Native Women.

Big Green Sky is a play commissioned and produced by Windsor Feminist Theatre (WFT), which debuted in May 2016 in Windsor Ontario. It was prompted by the outrage over the acquittal of Bradley Barton in his trial for the sexual assault and murder of Cindy Gladue. This play is a direct result of reaching out to Muriel Stanley Venne, Chair of the Aboriginal Commission on Human Rights and Justice, and President of the Institute for the Advancement of Aboriginal Women. Venne's report was submitted to United Nations rapporteur James Anaya. Venne created her report because she wanted to "influence decision-makers who have become very complacent and unconcerned about the lives of Indigenous women in our country."

The play is centred around an RCMP officer who is new to the area. She goes up North to see the aurora borealis or Northern Lights (the "green sky" of the title). While there, she finds out about the MMIW situation - a crisis that, she is shocked to realize, can be so deeply interwoven into the daily lives of so many ( FNIM) people, while remaining almost invisible (or at least ignored) by the mainstream population of the country. The play is being gifted by the WFT to any organization or individual wishing to bring awareness to this issue. It is being distributed without royalty fees, providing that all revenues and fundraising efforts be donated to local First Nations, Inuit or Métis (FNIM) women's initiatives.

Wind River is a 2017 neo-Western murder mystery film starring Jeremy Renner and Elizabeth Olsen as a white U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service tracker and a white FBI agent, respectively, who try to solve the murder of an Indigenous woman on the Wind River Indian Reservation in Wyoming. Gil Birmingham, Jon Bernthal, Graham Greene and Kelsey Chow also star.

In a High Country News article titled "Why do white writers keep making films about Indian Country?", Native reviewer Jason Asenap criticizes the film for perpetuating the "dying Indians" motif:

at least in Hollywood, the Indians die. To this day, the Indians die, and not just physically, but culturally. Simpson and Sheridan are invested in making us see how America has screwed Native people, but to the point of rubbing it in our faces. Is it so terrible to live in one's own homeland? It may be hard to get out, but it certainly feels condescending for a non-Native to write as much.

Documentary filmmaker Kim O'Bomsawin released the documentary film Quiet Killing (Ce silence qui tue) in 2018. The film won the Donald Brittain Award for Best Social or Political Documentary Program at the 7th Canadian Screen Awards.

The Moose Hide Campaign is a British Columbia-born movement that seeks to encourage both Indigenous, and non-Indigenous men and boys to stand up against violence, particularly violence towards women and children. Statistics indicate that when compared with non-Indigenous women, Indigenous women are three times as likely to suffer from domestic abuse. Additionally, in 2019 it was reported that 4.01% of homicide victims were identified as Indigenous females. The campaign, which started as a grassroots movement in Victoria, British Columbia in 2011, has since become nationally recognized. February 11 has been recognized as Moose Hide Campaign Day, and is dedicated to raising awareness regarding violence against women and children. On this day, a fast takes place as a dedication to ending violence against women and children. The purpose of the fast stems from the belief that change can happen and occur when community members are brought together through a ceremony, shifting behaviours and attitudes, leading to fundamental changes for better outcomes.

The Moose Hide Campaign was founded by Paul and Raven Lacerte, a father-daughter pair, who gave the moose hide pins to men of the community as a commitment to end violence against Indigenous women and children. The pins are small squares of tanned moose hide, that symbolize ending violence against women. These moose hide pins symbolize one's dedication and vow to protect Indigenous women and children from violence, honouring, respecting and protecting these people, while also working with others to end the cycle of violence. The idea to create the pin came from the two founders, who harvested and tanned the hide of a moose that came from their traditional territory (Nadleh Whut'en (Carrier) First Nation) along Highway 16, known as the Highway of Tears. The hides used to create the pins today typically come from moose hunts, or from animals killed as a result of road accidents.

Since the organization's beginning in 2011, more than two million moose hide pins have been handed out, and approximately 2000 communities have chosen to engage with the campaign. Throughout the years, various political members have endorsed the campaign, including Canada's prime minister Justin Trudeau and British Columbia's 36th and current premier John Horgan. The campaign has sparked numerous conversations regarding the violence women face, including the need for victim support systems, and steps towards creating safer communities for women. The organization behind the campaign also provides workshops and meeting spaces to start conversations. These gatherings provide both men and women with safe spaces to share their experiences, while also pledging to stand up against violence that targets Indigenous women and children. The goal of the Moose Hide Campaign is to break the cycle of violence, that disproportionately targets Indigenous women and children. In order to do this the campaign addresses the impacts of colonization that continue today, such as the Residential School System. The campaign also aims to bring awareness to the racism that is perpetrated towards Indigenous peoples. By actively speaking out against gender-based violence, and pledging to stand up against violence that targets Indigenous women and children, the Moose Hide Campaign promotes healthy relationships that include gender equity, while also combating toxic-masculinity by promoting positive ideas of men.

MMIW: Understanding the Missing & Murdered Indigenous Women Crisis in the United States

MMIW: Understanding the Missing & Murdered Indigenous Women Crisis in the United States is a graphic essay written by Columbia alumna Samantha Johnston and Ogapah artist and William and Mary alumna Mackenzie Neal. Published in October 2020, this essay focuses on the MMIW crisis and its causes in the United States specifically. It highlights issues of this crisis that are unique to the US, such as overlapping Indian country jurisdiction and the complexity of prosecuting crimes on federally recognized Indigenous land. The essay also addresses topics which contribute to the crisis that are not unique to the United States, including anti-Indigenous racism and stereotypes, increased economic vulnerability of Indigenous women, and the impacts of historical trauma.

1. "UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues calls for an Expert Group Meeting on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women". The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues has recommended that the governments of Canada, Mexico and the United States, in cooperation with UN entities, "organize an international expert group meeting, by 2021, on ongoing issues of violence against indigenous women and girls in the region, including trafficking as well as the continuing crisis of missing and murdered indigenous women."

2. ^ Gambino, Lauren (March 7, 2019). "REDress exhibit highlights epidemic of missing and murdered indigenous women". The Guardian.

3. ^ Hopkins, Ruth (September 11, 2018). "When the Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women Crisis Hits Home". Teen Vogue. With issues concerning jurisdictional power and poor communication between families and local, state, tribal, and federal authorities contribute to the epidemic of missing and murdered Indigenous women.

4. ^ Bailey, Jane; Shayan, Sara (2016). "Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women Crisis: Technological Dimensions". Canadian Journal of Women and the Law. 28 (2): 321-341. doi:10.3138/cjwl.28.2.321. S2CID 151717583.

5. Dalton, Jane (June 1, 2019). "Murdered and missing women and girls in Canada tragedy is genocide rooted in colonialism, official inquiry finds". The Independent. Archived from the original on May 15, 2022. State 'actions and inactions and ideology' blamed for allowing attackers to get away with violence over nearly 50 years

6. ^

7. Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (PDF) (Report). Vol. 1a. p. 728. ISBN 978-0-660-29274-8. CP32-163/2-1-2019E-PDF

8. ^ Our Women and Girls are Sacred (PDF). National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (Report). Interim report. 2017. p. 111. ISBN 978-0-660-09755-8.

9. Rosay, André B. (May 2016). "Violence Against American Indian and Alaska Native Women and Men: 2010 Findings From the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey" (PDF). National Criminal Justice Reference Service (NCJRS). National Institute of Justice. p. 56. Table A.5: American Indian or Alaska Native Female Victims: Sexual violence in lifetime by interracial perpetrator confidence interval (likelihood) weighted estimate (weighed based on percentage of population) 91.9% to 100.5% and intraracial perpetrator 10.8% to 30.4%

10. Roe, Bubar; Jumper Thurman, Pamela (2004). "Violence against native women". Social Justice. 31 (4 [98]): 70-86. JSTOR 29768276. Natives are more likely to be victims of crime than are any other group in the United States. People of a different race committed 70% of violent victimizations against Natives. The report also notes the rate of violent crime experienced by Native women between 1992 and 1996 was nearly 50% higher than that reported by African American males, long known to experience very high rates of violent victimization. According to the Department of Justice, 70% of sexual assaults of Native women are never reported, which suggests that the number of violent victimizations of Native women is higher (Ibid.).

11. Harper, Anita (Winter 2006). "Is Canada Peaceful and Safe for Aboriginal Women?". Canadian Woman Studies. 25: 33-38

12. ^ Harper, Anita (Winter 2006).

13. ^

14. ^ Reclaiming Power and Place: The Final Report of the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (PDF) (Report). Vol. 1b. p. 65. ISBN 978-0-660-30489-2. CP32-163/2-2-2019E

15. [permanent dead link ]

16. ^ Barrera, Jorge (June 2, 2019). "Former Harper-era minister doubles down on calling MMIWG national inquiry report 'propagandist'". CBC. The report also criticized Valcourt for claiming while he was minister that 70 per cent of homicides of Indigenous women were caused by Indigenous men. The report said the RCMP data used by Valcourt to make the claim was flawed and inaccurate.

17. "Letter from RCMP Commissioner Bob Paulson to Grand Chief Bernice Martial (Grand Chief of Treaty No.6 and Chief of Cold Lake First Nation)" (PDF). April 7, 2015.

18. ^ "Violence against Indigenous Women and Girls in Canada: a Summary of Amnesty International's Concerns and Call to Action - February 2014" (PDF).

19. ^ Lee, Miyoung (November 17, 2009). "BC's infamous 'Highway of Tears'". CBC Digital Archives. CBS News.

20. ^ Morton, Katherine (2016). "Hitchhiking and missing and murdered indigenous women: a critical discourse analysis of billboards on the Highway of Tears". Canadian Journal of Sociology. 41 (3): 299-325. doi:10.29173/cjs28261.

21. ^ "Nova Scotia Rainbow Action Project (NSRAP)". 2SLGBTQIA+ refers to "Two-Spirited, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Intersex, Asexual & Aromantic, Intersex, and beyond (2SLGBTQIA+) Community".

22. ^ Lemkin, Raphael (1944). Axis Rule in Occupied Europe: Laws of Occupation, Analysis of Government, Proposals for Redress. Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law. Washington, DC.

23. ^ Connolly, Amanda (June 8, 2019). "Organization of American States wants to probe MMIWG allegation of 'genocide'". Global News.

24. ^ Bachman, Ronet; Zaykowski, Heather; Kallmyer, Rachel; Poteyeva, Margarita; Lanier, Christina (August 2008). Violence against American Indian and Alaska Native women and the criminal justice response: what is known (PDF). National Institute of Justice. NCJ 245615

25. Urban Indian Health Institute, Seattle Indian Health Board. (2016). Community Health Profile: National Aggregate of Urban Indian Health Program Service Areas. Seattle, WA: Urban Indian Health Institute. ^ http://www.uihi.org/wp-content/uploads/download-manager-files/UIHI_CHP_2016_Web_20170531-3.pdf

26. ^ Weaver, Hilary N. (October 2012). "Urban and Indigenous: The Challenges of being a Native American in the City". Journal of Community Practice. 20 (4): 470-488. doi:10.1080/10705422.2012.732001. ISSN 1070-5422. S2CID 144681878.

27. ^ "American Indians and Crime" (PDF). Bureau of Justice Statistics. 1999.

28. ^ Dorgan, Byron L. (December 13, 2010). "U.S. Department of Justice Declinations of Indian Country Criminal Matters" (PDF). www.gao.gov.

29. ^ "Washington State House Bill 2951" (PDF).

30. ^ "Substitute House Bill 2951" (PDF). February 12, 2018.

31. ^ "Remarks by President Trump at Signing of an Executive Order Establishing the Task Force on Missing and Murdered American Indians and Alaska Natives". whitehouse.gov - via National Archives.

32. ^ "Executive Order on Establishing the Task Force on Missing and Murdered American Indians and Alaska Natives". whitehouse.gov - via National Archives. This article incorporates text from this source, which is in the public domain.

33. ^ https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/FR-2019-12-02/pdf/2019-26178.pdf[bare URL PDF ]

34. ^ "'We're back again. We want justice': Activists hold a vigil on Parliament Hill for missing and murdered women". CBC. October 4, 2016.

35. ^ [permanent dead link ]

36. Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada: Calls to Action (PDF). Winnipeg, Manitoba: Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada. 2015. p. 4. Archived from the original (PDF) on June 15, 2015.

37. ^ Wells, Jennifer (December 11, 2015). "Winnipeg police make arrest in case of Tina Fontaine". Toronto Star. Archived from the original on July 10, 2017.

38. ^ "Polaris Music Prize 2014: Tanya Tagaq wins $30K prize". CBC News, September 22, 2014.

39. ^ Stanley Venne, Muriel (October 2016). "Presentation to the United Nations For All the Missing and Murdered Aboriginal Women of Canada" (PDF). Institute for the Advancement of Aboriginal Women. p. 11.

40. ^ Mumford, Gwilym (September 8, 2017). "Taylor Sheridan: 'The big joke on reservations is the white guy that shows up and says: "My grandma is Cherokee"'". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077.

41. ^ "Kim O'Bomsawin tend la main avec le documentaire Ce silence qui tue". Ici Radio-Canada Manitoba, March 9, 2018.

Reports, statistics and activism

Resources, support and prevention

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Missing and murdered Indigenous women - Wikipedia

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women ( MMIW) is an epidemic of violence against Indigenous women in Canada, the United States, and Latin America; notably those in the FNIM ( First Nations, Inuit, Métis) and Native American communities. Across Latin America, it is estimated that Indigenous women and girls are disproportionately the victims of femicide.