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Target Client Population: (Late) Adolescents 

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Target Client Population: (Late) Adolescents 

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Frank Parsons, Father of Career Counseling 

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Frank Parsons, Father of Career Counseling 

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"Yet, there is not part of life where the need for guidance is more empathetic than in the transition from school to work: the choice of a career, adequate preparation for it, and the attainment of efficiency and success" (1909).

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Resource for Career Counselors "Emerald Career Publishing" 

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Resource for Career Counselors "Emerald Career Publishing" 

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Resume writing and enhancing tips for both writers and career counselors.

Taken from National Career Development Association's Internet Sites for Career Planning Webpage: https://ncda.org/aws/NCDA/pt/sp/resources

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We are happy to share these resources with other resume writers, career coaches, and job seekers! Check back from time to time to see what’s new. 12 PRINCIPLES TO MODERNIZE YOUR RESUMEHere’s a quick checklist of the 12 principles we detail in our book, Modernize Your Resume, 3rd Edition. It’s a great tool to see if you

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Resource for Career Counselors "Skills to Pay the Bills" 

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Resource for Career Counselors "Skills to Pay the Bills" 

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U.S. Department of Labor Youtube Playlist: Developing Soft Skills.

Taken from National Career Development Association's Internet Sites for Career Planning Webpage: https://ncda.org/aws/NCDA/pt/sp/resources

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Share your videos with friends, family, and the world

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How COVID Changed Students' Perception of College: PBS News Hour 

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How COVID Changed Students' Perception of College: PBS News Hour 

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How COVID changed students' perception of college

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Tips for current career counselors when working with clients in late adolescence (post pandemic) 

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Tips for current career counselors when working with clients in late adolescence (post pandemic) 

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Stay up to date!

Utilize resources online

Take courses to advance knowledge

Self-Reflect

Engage in supervision

Discuss the possibility of having a job that gives the option of working from home/hybrid work model.

Is that something they would like?

Pros and cons: impact on mental health

Individualized Approach

Cultural backgrounds can influence a person's career aspirations, family/ at-home dynamics, and educational opportunities.

Family/ Caretaker Involvement

Many times this population lives with their family or caretakers and will often discuss career options at home. If the client feels that it could help them, invite their family or caretakers to a session.

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The Pandemic's Effect on College and Career Readiness Supports

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The Pandemic's Effect on College and Career Readiness Supports

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RAND policy researcher Christine Mulhern describes findings from her recent report that examined how college and career readiness supports changed during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Transcript

Christine Mulhern, Policy Researcher

College and career readiness supports include people within schools, such as teachers and counselors; education technologies, such as supplemental advising platforms; specific courses, such as career technical education and college level courses; and other school and community based programs, for instance, internships or coding camps. A growing body of research indicates that these resources can help increase college attendance and completion and improve students' awareness of their career and postsecondary opportunities.

In our study, we find that supports for postsecondary transitions have changed since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic. We know that high school teachers play an important role in supporting postsecondary transitions. Overall, high school teachers provided fewer students with college and career readiness supports one year into the COVID-19 pandemic than just before the pandemic.

In the study, we looked at changes in teachers' responses about the frequency with which they discussed different postsecondary education and career topics with students in 2020 versus 2021. Across all seven categories, teachers were less likely to report that they discussed the topics with all or most of their students, and the largest declines were for discussions of education and career options, testing goals in relation to postsecondary interests, and soft skill experiences. This reported reduction is consistent with evidence from other studies showing that teachers faced many pandemic-related challenges in the 2020-21 school year, such as struggling to engage students, learning new technologies, and providing instruction in new environments.

Learn More

Emerging evidence suggests that high school students' postsecondary aspirations and their engagement with school counselors have changed during the pandemic. What were some of the perceived barriers to supports for postsecondary transitions?

In the best of times, it is no small feat to put together a quality summer learning program. Given that districts are focusing not only on academic recovery from COVID learning loss, but on retaining teachers, supporting students' and teachers' mental health, and addressing increases in misbehavior, they need immediate, digestible guidance for summer programming.

The majority of school districts report they don't have enough staff to hire, particularly substitutes, bus drivers, and special education teachers. A recent survey also revealed a major challenge for the superintendency. Only half of superintendents said they were likely to stay in their jobs for the long term.

Most types of postsecondary credentials can lead to improved earnings. But returns can vary across different fields and by demographic characteristics. Understanding the value of credentials can help individuals, employers, and policymakers make smarter investments.

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The Pandemic's Effect on College and Career Readiness Supports

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RAND policy researcher Christine Mulhern describes findings from her recent report that examined how college and career readiness supports changed during the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic.

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Snapshot Reflection (Alex) : Reactions when reflecting on the impact of the global pandemic on career counseling for late adolescents

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Snapshot Reflection (Alex) : Reactions when reflecting on the impact of the global pandemic on career counseling for late adolescents

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I understand that late adolescence is a stressful time and involves lots of change and important decisions. As I was already established in college before the pandemic, my personal experience in figuring out what direction I wanted to go after high school was not directly impacted by COVID. I feel grateful to have been in that position as it would have been an additional stressor.

I noted the significant shift towards remote work, which has become increasingly popular as an option. This shift is an additional factor that should be taken into consideration when planning their career path.

I also realized how much my computer and technology skills have improved due to the pandemic which has helped me in many ways!

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Resource for Career Counselor's "Reality Town"

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Resource for Career Counselor's "Reality Town"

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Taken from National Career Development Association's Internet Sites for Career Planning Webpage.

https://www.ncda.org/aws/NCDA/pt/sd/news_article/562030/_PARENT/CC_layout_details/false

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05/01/2024

Reality Town: A Social Learning Theory Strategy for Success

By Aaron H. Oberman, Meriwether Galloway, and Shannon Loughran

Reality Town is a live, in-person simulation experience designed to support the overall mission of the school counseling program to teach life lessons to students about financial literacy, academic performance, and career choices. This program can help school counselors begin the discussion on career exploration and interests with students. Students are not only able to gain focus on their career development, but also increase their awareness of academic and social/emotional factors. The multiple factors come to light as the students participate in career fair-like environment by making financial decisions to meet family and household needs through purchasing choices that include childcare, groceries, transportation, and housing. School counselors collaborate with community members and school stakeholders to run the various stations in Reality Town to help create a social learning experience for all students.
Social Learning Theory
This experience connects well with Krumboltz's Social Learning Theory focusing specifically on one's learning experiences and task approach skills as part of the overall career development process (Niles & Harris-Bowlsbey, 2022). School counselors can use the key concepts from this theory of career counseling to help connect the Reality Town experience of necessary life and career skills with the dilemmas of the real-world challenges. Students also encounter instrumental learning by their direct participation in the simulation of what life might be like into adulthood. School counselors can guide students to more accurate self- and world-generalizations related to topics such as purchasing a home and car, budgeting, and being aware of cost and expenses. In addition, it provides students the opportunity to navigate and reflect on their unrealistic beliefs about career decision making and life plans. School counselors can further build on the discussion and the opportunities of potential career paths by helping students navigate these new task approach skills through making life planning decisions.
Connection to ASCA National Model and Standards
The Reality Town simulation aligns with the American School Counselor Association (ASCA) Behaviors and Mindsets for Students (2021a). The Student Mindset standard that fits perfectly with The Reality Town simulation is Mindset M6 which emphasizes the "understanding that postsecondary education and life-long learning are necessary for long term success" (ASCA National Model, 2019, p. 48). Reality Town allows students to experience their own potential career journey and to see the long-term effects of the choices. Students sometimes expect school counselors to provide them with the vast array of career paths that they may choose to take; however, this is a challenging feat when the options are endless and there are several factors that play into career selection. The Reality Town program provides students with a real-world simulation of what their lives would like based on the paths in life they choose to take. This program also distinctly aligns with the standards focused on students having both short-term and long-term career goals (ASCA, 2021a) because students choose a career path and see what life would look like based off the career path they select.
Multicultural Connections
The Reality Town program is a way for school counselors to provide equitable career development lessons. The program allows each student to personalize the path to pursuing their interests and gives all students an opportunity to explore a variety of choices for their future, as well as specifically aiding marginalized populations to reimagine their future. School counselors are expected to meet the needs of all students, and this program would meet the diverse needs of students. The Reality Town program is also an opportunity for school counselors to encourage students to create equitable and inclusive goals as professionals (ASCA, 2021b).
Student Comments
This program connects instrumental and associative learning experiences important for students' future success by exploring and navigating some of the life and financial requirements of adulthood. School counselors can utilize this lesson to help support the vicarious learning models as students watch TV, movies, and interact with social media, and are able to make direct connections about how they would do something in a different way.

Some of the student comments shared as part of classroom debriefing sessions after participating in the Reality Town experience support the value of this event. They shared that "it made them think about real life" and the need to "have responsibility in adulthood." Other students commented that it "helped them learn about the financial world" and "these lessons will stay with them for a lifetime."
Contemplation, Conversation and Connection
The Reality Town experience supports a comprehensive school counseling program by allowing students a unique, engaging, hands-on opportunity in a safe school environment to learn about career, academic, and social/emotional development and the connection to their impending adult life. It is a powerful activity designed to promote contemplation, conversation, and connection to content between the school counselor and students, as well as family members and their children. Teachers, volunteers, community members, and other school stakeholders also enjoy watching students learn and realize the reality of how today is connected to tomorrow.
References
American School Counselor Association. (2019). The ASCA national model: A framework for school counseling programs (4th ed.). Author.

American School Counselor Association. (2021a). ASCA student standards; Mindsets and behaviors for student success. Author.

American School Counselor Association. (2021b). The school counselor and cultural diversity. Author.

American School Counselor Association. (2023). The school counselor and career development. Author.

Niles, S., & Harris-Bowlsbey, J. (2022). Career development interventions in the 21st century (6th ed.). Pearson Publishing.

Aaron H. Oberman, Ph.D., NCC, is an associate professor and program coordinator for the counselor education programs at The Citadel in Charleston, SC. He has prior experience as a career counselor and has worked as a counselor educator and supervisor for 20 years. His research interests include the ASCA Model, and best practices in school counseling and teaching. Dr. Oberman may be contacted through e-mail at aaron.oberman@citadel.edu.

Meriwether Galloway, M.Ed., is graduating with a degree in counselor education from The Citadel with a focus in elementary school counseling. Her research interests include the data collection and analysis, and best practices in school counseling and teaching. Ms. Galloway may be contacted through e-mail at mgallow1@citadel.edu.

Shannon Loughran, M.Ed. is graduating with a degree in counselor education from The Citadel with a focus in elementary school counseling. She plans to work in the Charleston area as an elementary school counselor. Ms. Loughran can be contacted through e-mail at sloughra@citadel.edu.

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Reality Town: A Social Learning Theory Strategy for Success

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The Reality Town program is a good resource for school counselors to support the career exploration and life planning st...

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Resource for Career Counselor's "Helping Clients Cope with Bias During the Job Search Process"

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Resource for Career Counselor's "Helping Clients Cope with Bias During the Job Search Process"

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Taken from National Career Development Association's Internet Sites for Career Planning Webpage. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-s3D5YXROwc

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Helping Clients Cope with Bias During the Job Search Process

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Personal Video (Alex): Changes to Career Decisions and Career Counseling Late Adolescents in a Post-Pandemic World 

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Personal Video (Alex): Changes to Career Decisions and Career Counseling Late Adolescents in a Post-Pandemic World 

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Changes to Career Decisions and Career Counseling Late Adolescents in a Post-Pandemic World

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John Krumboltz, Founder of the Social Learning Theory of Career Decision Making 

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John Krumboltz, Founder of the Social Learning Theory of Career Decision Making 

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"I think students do realize the importance [of decision making]. More likely, the reason they avoid facing the problem is because they see the problem as too important- so crucial and overwhelming that they cannot bear to face it... The correct diagnosis is zeteophobia."

Taken from the scholar article "Integrating Career and Personal Counseling" by John Krumboltz

Krumboltz, J. D. (1993). Integrating career and personal counseling. Career Development Quarterly, 42, 143–148.

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Education and Career Guidance for Adolescents 

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Education and Career Guidance for Adolescents 

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A short video explaining how sticking to ones values and skills can contribute to an easier career decision.

Education and career guidance. YouTube. (2016, April 8). https://youtu.be/12ass4FSCcg

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Resource for Career Counselors to Leverage Strengths

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Resource for Career Counselors to Leverage Strengths

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Taken From Journal of research on adolescence : the official journal of the Society for Research on Adolescence.

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8646616/

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Abstract

Members of the Society for Research on Adolescents COVID‐19 Response Team offer this commentary to accompany this special issue of the Journal of Research on Adolescence regarding the impact of the pandemic on adolescents' social, emotional, and academic functioning. In addition to outlining the critical need for scholarly collaboration to address the global impact of this crisis on adolescent development, we argue that a broad investigative lens is needed to guide research and recovery efforts targeting youth development. We then use this broad lens to consider dimensions of the pandemic impact relative to developmental implications within community and policy contexts, educational contexts, social contexts, and family contexts. Finally, we describe guideposts for setting a global, shared research agenda that can hasten research to recovery efforts surrounding the pandemic and youth development.

Keywords: Adolescents, Pandemic, COVID‐19, Stress, Resilience

INTRODUCTION

Salient historical crises can define a generation. Like water to fish, they become integral to living as well as life itself, simultaneously overemphasized and overlooked due to their ubiquity. Their impact is both immediate and an echo, booming through the life course. Developmental scientists often relegate these events to context, using such lenses as psychological stress and trauma to highlight their pervasive negative impact (e.g., Rousseau, Jamil, Bhui, & Boudjarane, 2015 regarding 9/11 and the war on terror). Through this lens, the communal and personal unite with implications for developmental deviation and delay, perhaps most evident in domains undergoing rapid formation during this time in the life course. For youth experiencing the COVID‐19 pandemic, these developmental perturbations may thus become most evident in their social relationships; in how they balance autonomy and relatedness; in how they form intersectional identities; in their educational, work, and career engagement and aspirations; in how they define and solve problems; in how they view and respond to the world around them with its related power structures (e.g., industry, politics, science, religion); and in their vision and optimism for a personal as well as societal future. Studies in this special issue provide evidence of such near‐term consequences of the pandemic and provide evidence that the overall impact of the pandemic is perhaps more mixed as well as strongest for adolescents from less fortunate or more marginalized backgrounds.

In this vein, there are other lenses beyond stress and trauma that define how history shapes development, including those that view consequences of stress as a balance of negatives and positives (e.g., stress inoculation and post‐traumatic growth theories; Joseph, 2004; Meichenbaum, 1977). Much like the yin‐yang concept from ancient Chinese philosophy, in these theories the hard‐earned benefits of the pandemic on youth development are acknowledged alongside the widely recognized hardships. In his study of the children of the Great Depression, sociologist and developmental scientist Glen Elder ( 2018) characterized the impact of this multi‐national event for American youth as reverberating across the life course. Similarly, anthropologists thread together the narrative of cultural contexts and individual development (e.g., Rogoff, Baker‐Sennett, Lacasa, & Goldsmith, 1995). Integrative ecological models (e.g., Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006) further reinforce this link, although such theorists as Spencer ( 2006) and Coll et al. ( 1996) emphasize that historical and cultural events are not simply forces distal to individual development. Rather, they imbue every aspect of development with meaning, differentiating how youth living through the same historical time may experience and internalize events in different ways.

We already have evidence that the pandemic is both a shared historical event and an individually varying one. Experiences of school closures and remote learning, quarantine and isolation, resource restrictions and supply chain disruptions, uncertainty and confusion in both the populous and government leaders have been common disruptors. For some, pandemic disruptors are more intense and prolonged, encompassing loss of loved ones, financial crises, housing and food insecurity, and much more (Bornstein, 2020). Youth experiencing greater disruption (or stressors) seem to carry more of the mental health burden of the pandemic (Skinner et al., 2021). We have yet to learn who will experience hard‐earned growth from the pandemic, though we can speculate about the potential for compounding inequities. In countries around the world, inequality in the pandemic's impact has widened disparities between those who are and are not marginalized by society-and it continues to do so.

Moving Towards International Research and Recovery: The SRA COVID‐19 Response Team

In anticipation of widespread and disparate implications of the COVID‐19 pandemic on youth development, the Society for Research on Adolescence (SRA) partnered with eleven other international research societies to better understand the long‐term impact of the pandemic on development for today's youth and the ways that we as societies can promote resilience and healing. Within its harsh grip, the pandemic brings a scientific opportunity to better understand how cultural and national ecologies influence youth development on a global level. Given the plurality of the pandemic experience, multiple voices and viewpoints must inform this agenda-including those of youth and those who care for and interact with them.

Many scholars are already engaged in this work. The goal of the SRA COVID‐19 Response Team is to disseminate findings pertaining to the long‐term impact of the pandemic on youth development and to coordinate international efforts for research and recovery. To gauge existing resources, we circulated a survey to the membership of societies that form the International Consortium of Developmental Science Societies to identify those with interest in coordinated efforts to address COVID‐19. Between 7/13/20 and 8/13/20, 204 scholars responded. These scholars resided in 27 different countries (with 32% of respondents residing outside of the United States) and collected data about adolescent development from 60 different countries. These scholars represented all levels of career advancement, including those in training (26%) and senior scholars (20%). They were primarily aligned with Psychology (47%) or Human Development and Family Studies (23%), but also included those aligned with Education, Public Health, Sociology, Economics, Psychiatry, Medicine, Methods, Public Policy, Communication, Developmental Neuroscience, Recreation and Leisure Studies, Social Work, Peace Studies, Linguistics, and Criminology. As a group, they represented thirty different professional organizations and societies whose missions encompass research on adolescence. Such broad international collaborations may be one important way to advance not only our understanding of the pandemic on adolescent development but also our understanding of adolescent development and context more broadly.

In addition to supporting this special issue focused on the near‐term impacts of the pandemic, the SRA COVID‐19 Response Team aims to foster a scholarly network to study the long‐term impact of COVID‐19 on adolescent development. Beyond identifying interested scholars, the Response Team has created a shared communications channel, amplified observations from around the globe regarding what issues need to be addressed, and disseminated early findings through webinars. The Response Team continues to build an infrastructure to foster greater collaboration and insights as we move forward (see: http://www.andreahussong.org/research/).

In this commentary, Response Team members have identified key issues around adolescents' experiences of the COVID‐19 pandemic that deserve the field's attention and form opportunities for international collaboration. First, we make the case that a broad perspective is needed to guide research and recovery efforts targeting youth development. Second, we use this broad lens to consider dimensions of the pandemic's impact relative to developmental implications within community and policy contexts, educational contexts, social contexts, and family contexts. Finally, we describe guideposts for setting a global, shared research agenda that can hasten research to recovery efforts surrounding the pandemic and youth development. Throughout, we integrate the voices of adolescents drawn from a study of 44 student interviews conducted in the summer of 2020 in the southern United States (Benner, 2021). 1

The Critical Need for a Broad Perspective

Studies from this special issue parallel those in the larger literature documenting a negative impact of the COVID‐19 pandemic for youth mental health (Alt, Reim, & Walper, 2021; Hollenstein, Colasante, & Lougheed, 2021; van Loon et al., 2021; Miconi et al., 2021; Romm, Park, Hughes, & Gentzler, 2021), including suicidal ideation (Hutchinson et al., 2021) and loneliness (Janssens et al., 2021; Sabato, Abraham, & Kogut, 2021). These effects, though not always found particularly for studies of youth in the earliest months of the pandemic lockdown (Barendse et al., 2021; De France, Hancock, Stack, Serbin, & Hollenstein, 2021), appear strongest for youth at greatest risk (Hussong, Midgette, Thomas, Coffman, & Cho, 2021; Hutchinson et al., 2021). As reported by one youth when asked about the biggest challenges of the pandemic (11th grade female; Benner, 2021).

...mental health... I know not only me but several other people, you know, struggled with that ‐ staying at home, like not being able to see anyone. And I know multiple friends who were just already or diagnosed with different things like depression, and I know that was very hard on them and especially [being] homebound. My brother was just, you know, not being able to see his friends, with the very few he has, [he] was diagnosed with mild depression, and so it's just been that mental health state of not being able to see anyone and not being able to get that one‐on‐one interaction is hard for some.

Despite the wave of mental health challenges many youths are facing, broader developmental challenges also bear note. Studies in this special issue point to disruptions in emotional development (i.e., elevations in stress and negative emotions-Deng, Gadassi Polack, Creighton, Kober, & Joormann, 2021; Maheux, Nesi, Galla, Roberts, & Choukas‐Bradley, 2021; Sabato et al., 2021; Shi & Wang, 2021), decrements in emotion regulation (Di Giunta et al., 2021), academic motivation challenges (Klootwijk, Koele, van Hoom, Güroğlu, & van Duijvenoorde, 2021), and threats to school bonding (Maiya, Dotterer, & Whiteman, 2021). These findings are consistent with prior research that has documented the impact of global financial upheavals-including the Great Depression and Great Recession-and international wars in deflecting young people's larger educational and employment trajectories (Elder, 2018; Maclean, 2005; Schoon & Mortimer, 2017; Shores & Steinberg, 2019).

These domains of functioning are clearly interconnected, in development more broadly and in pandemic‐responding more specifically. For example, in this issue, Klootwijk et al. ( 2021) showed that greater conflict with friends and lower parent social support (social factors) were linked to poorer academic motivation (academic factor). Hutchinson et al. ( 2021) found that neural responding to anticipated social rewards (biological factor) before the pandemic was associated with changes in peer contact (social factor) during the pandemic. Steinhoff et al. ( 2021) showed that living conditions (physical context) were associated with suicidal ideation and domestic violence (risk behaviors). To capture the breadth of the impact of the pandemic on adolescent development, we thus need to broaden our investigative lens to include targeted outcomes beyond mental health that encompass a wide array of developmental domains and interpersonal relationships.

A second way scholars need to broaden the investigative lens is by expanding how we operationalize predictors-namely, the aspects of the pandemic that are impacting youth. The pandemic is not a singular experience, and it encompasses far more than the spread of a devastating virus. Although risk of mortality and severe illness is relatively lower for adolescents than for adults (CDC, 2021), other direct and indirect effects of the pandemic may impede adolescent development. Adolescents have experienced significant loss, including the abrupt withdrawal from school, social isolation and restricted outdoor activities, the death of loved ones, sudden shifts to caretaking roles, and exposure to increased domestic violence and poverty‐related stressors as a result of diminished household income (Darmody, Smyth, & Russell, 2020). School closures disrupted the daily routines of youth, decreasing adolescents' access to learning, increasing time spent on household responsibilities, and heightening exposure to potentially harmful online activities (Ferrara et al., 2021). The extent to which such disruptions may hold long‐term implications for youth vary and may be offset by the extent to which support systems are prepared to respond to youth's needs, an asset that varies across communities and countries.

In this vein, a third critical way to broaden the lens on research and responses to the pandemic is to prioritize international collaboration and scholarship. Varying policy, economic, health, and societal responses to the pandemic around the world have created a unique opportunity for scholars to characterize how adolescent development is altered (or not) as a function of complex, nested, and interacting contextual factors. When environmental contexts become inadequate or marred by conflict, natural disasters, or other humanitarian events such as socioeconomic inequalities, adolescents may experience challenges in navigating common developmental struggles. An international lens allows scholars to chart how the COVID‐19 pandemic has exacerbated these challenges as a function of richly varying environmental contexts. Conversely, this perspective also permits scholars to chart how youth may be empowered to recover from these challenges and overcome considerable risks to their education, mental health, and social lives.

International work also has the potential to identify common challenges for which we can develop global responses. For example, during the pandemic adolescents have experienced helplessness and hopelessness. They may be irritable, angry, or not sure of what tomorrow holds (Lee, 2020; Liang et al., 2020). Emerging research suggests that adolescents around the globe are experiencing increased anxiety, changes in their diets and in school dynamics, and death of parents or guardians (Buzzi et al., 2020; Liang et al.,l., 2020). Elevated rates of depression and anxiety, helplessness, and worry are reported in China (Chen et al., 2020), India (Saurabh & Ranjan, 2020), and the Philippines (Tee et al., 2021).

Despite these commonalities, adolescents in different parts of the world are being affected in unique and nuanced ways, including compromises to physical, psychological, and emotional well‐being in the face of social and economic problems (Esterwood & Saeed, 2020). For example, most schools in Kenya are now grappling with how to support growing numbers of pregnant teenage girls (close to 4000 since the pandemic's outbreak), teen fathers, and students addicted to alcohol and drugs (Nation newspaper, 5th July 2021). In Turkey, official statistics (TURKSTAT, 2020) indicate record‐high youth unemployment, and, consequently, an increasing number of adolescents report being hopeless about the post‐pandemic era. An international lens allows scholars to acknowledge that adolescents vary in developmental assets or the resources that they have amassed to cope with challenge and stress, exacerbating existing social inequalities within and across nations. For example, Miconi et al. ( 2021) showed that minority youth in Albania have diminished awareness of and access to resources and developmental assets (lack of money, clothes, or support), as well as greater mental health concerns, with the pandemic as compared with their peers. Thus, the long‐term impact of the pandemic will include varying degrees of continued disruptions in the lives of adolescents as some rebound and recover while others struggle to do so.

Pandemic Implications: The Community and Policy Context

Local and national governments have responded differently with respect to school and business closures or capacity limitations, mask mandates, contact tracing, and the like. These policy decisions have had direct implications for adolescents' lives-for example, whether adolescents have gone to school in person, virtually, or in a hybrid combination. Policy decisions around mask mandates and social distancing have also had implications for adolescents' likelihood of contracting the virus and their likelihood of having family members or friends who have been hospitalized or died during the course of the pandemic. Just as adolescents are affected by other aspects of their communities, such as whether they live in an urban or rural area, adolescents' experiences during the pandemic are socially and culturally constructed and thus closely tied to where they live.

Adolescents internalize beliefs and behaviors that are modeled by others in their communities and can take advantage (or not) of available resources. Early in the pandemic, community responses influenced how serious adolescents perceived the pandemic to be and the extent to which adolescents modified their behaviors by wearing masks, maintaining physical distancing, and following other public health guidelines (Park & Oh, 2021). As the pandemic progressed and vaccines became available in high‐income countries, different countries prioritized different demographic groups for receiving the vaccine (e.g., older adults due to greater risk for serious illness and death from COVID versus younger adults who are still in the workforce). Regulatory bodies such as the U.S. Food and Drug Administration and the European Medicines Authority did not approve vaccines for adolescents until after approval for adults, so adolescents' vaccination rates lag behind those of adults. Yet, in locales where adults are likely to be vaccinated both because of having access to vaccines and the willingness to be vaccinated, adolescents are also more likely to be vaccinated. Individuals' vaccine hesitancy for religious, political, and other reasons remains a barrier to achieving vaccination goals in locations where the vaccine is widely available (Troiano & Nardi, 2021). As of this writing, there is discrepancy between low‐ and middle‐income countries in availability of and access to vaccines, which means that the potential for some adolescents to return to their pre‐COVID activities and routines is still not an option.

One direction for future research will be to investigate how communities can design and communicate public health guidelines in ways that will be compelling enough for adolescents to follow. In some ways, these design and communication features may be similar to what is compelling for adults, but in other ways, adolescents may be convinced by different messaging. Because risk‐taking behaviors normatively peak during adolescence (a finding that has been replicated across a number of countries), adolescents may be less inclined to take public health precautions, especially in the face of a virus that is much less likely to affect them personally compared to older adults. Future research could systematically examine the effectiveness of different public health campaigns in changing adolescents' beliefs and behaviors related to disease transmission and prevention.

Another direction for future research will be to understand how communities and policies can support adolescents' resilience in the aftermath of the pandemic. Recognizing that adolescents' education, extracurricular activities, peer relationships, and burgeoning independence were disrupted by the pandemic, communities will need to be prepared to offer additional support to help adolescents recover. Some of this research may involve needs assessments to determine what would benefit adolescents at this time and how supports could be mobilized and delivered. Other research may involve capitalizing on data available before the pandemic in conjunction with newly collected data to understand how adolescents are doing now compared to before the pandemic and developing community responses to address any areas of concern.

Pandemic Implications: The Educational Context

When Benner ( 2021) asked American youth what they missed most from school, more than academics was on their minds.

There's a lot of like extracurriculars that I'm not able to participate in anymore [12th grade female]

I'm missing my friends because I have school friends, and I usually don't have any out of school friends. [12th grade male]

You know, kids everywhere aren't really getting the best support from schools, and that can be really bad. [12th grade female]

Clearly, the impact of changes in policies and practices around schooling move beyond education to include a sudden decline or even end to social interactions with classmates as well as access to sports, clubs, and other extracurricular activities. Yet, the method and extent of the educational services, if any at all, that was delivered to youth has been most centrally impacted over the past year.

As in other domains, educational vulnerabilities have been often amplified in low‐ and middle‐income countries. In high‐income countries, most schools shifted to online learning at the onset of the pandemic, albeit more successfully in higher‐income communities in high‐income countries because of more reliable internet access and the availability of computers. In low‐ and middle‐income countries, where fewer families have reliable internet access and computers, shifting to online learning was less often possible. In Kenya, the government decided that all basic education students would need to repeat the academic year (i.e., be retained a grade) because remote education was not an option for the majority of students (Mbogo, 2020). When schools closed in India and many other countries, students began working or increased their work to help support their families financially, often in risky and dangerous jobs (Kaur & Byard, 2021). Fears abound that even when schools reopen, disadvantaged students will not return to the classroom because they have become disengaged from the educational system and because their families have come to rely on the economic support their labor provides.

It is worth noting that not all adolescents found the switch to remote school difficult. Indeed, some adolescents preferred it to typical school formats (Salmela‐Aro, Upadyaya, Vinni‐Laakso, & Hietajärvi, 2021). As noted by an adolescent in the Benner study ( 2021):

I like it a lot better... I don't really like going to school... I just personally do not like waking up at 7:30 and getting on the bus going to school and doing the same thing. [11th grade female]

In this vein, Hutchinson et al. ( 2021) attributed clinically significant reductions in anxiety symptoms following stay‐at‐home orders to reduced social pressures and academic stressors that may accompany in‐person schooling as well as to greater access to supportive factors (e.g., more family time). Other work suggests that some educational innovations necessitated by the pandemic-such as greater use of online format, self‐directed learning, and access to recorded or evergreen materials-may be beneficial at least for some students. Ongoing work that identifies what we may have learned about changes in educational platforms from the pandemic relative to student needs has the potential to support novel approaches to schooling in the future.

Even with changes to academic platforms, a key concern with academic re‐engagement is the potential lingering damage to student motivation due to the pandemic. For example, Klootwijk et al. ( 2021) showed that academic motivation in Dutch adolescents was lower on online school days compared to in‐person school days, and that this lower motivation was correlated with increased friend conflict and decreased mood. Additionally, Salmela‐Aro et al. ( 2021) found that Finnish youth whose well‐being and academic engagement had decreased during the pandemic also experienced increased loneliness and a decreased sense of belonging. It will be important for future psychological research to explore methods of raising academic motivation in an entire generation of students, since this will be a crucial first step in getting academic development back on track.

Given upheaval wrought by the pandemic to educational systems around the globe, many are asking quite simply "where do we go from here?" For the many students who fell behind during the pandemic, do we "meet them where they are" by adjusting curricular goals and acknowledging that the pandemic resulted in academic decrements that must now be accommodated? Or, do we retain academic standards and view the challenge as one of remediation through such practices as accelerated educational and social learning? Solutions to these dilemmas will likely be as varied as the presentation of these problems themselves. Thus, further directions for future research may include evaluating the link between academic gains or losses with different remote learning platforms to identify and retain beneficial aspects of online education across varying community and national settings.

Pandemic Implications: The Social Context

The pandemic and related policies changed the way adolescents spend time with others (Wray‐Lake, Wilf, Kwan, & Oosterhoff, 2020), most notably by constraining meaningful social interactions of youth with close friends, romantic partners, co‐workers, teammates, and other peers. One youth describes the experience this way (Benner, 2021).

For the first couple months of the pandemic, probably until about May - mid‐May [2020] - I hadn't seen any of my friends. I was stuck at home because I have severe asthma, and so my mom was very frightened for me because it affects your respiratory system, and my mom also has asthma and other medical problems, so we were just taking extreme caution - not going anywhere, not seeing anyone, couldn't see family. So, we were just kind of stuck at home, and that didn't do well for my mental health because soon into like April‐May I was seeing my friends who weren't being so serious about it, who didn't really have anything to worry about, going out and hanging out with one another, and it was just like really tough for me because I really wanted to, but I couldn't because I knew that it probably wasn't safe for me to do so. [11th grade female]

During the pandemic, limited peer interaction has become a notable driver of increased loneliness (Cauberghe, Van Wesenbeeck, De Jans, Hudders, & Ponnet, 2021), particularly for adolescents who experience higher affiliative needs than adults (Groarke et al., 2020). Pandemic loneliness has been linked with decrements in mental health and well‐being just as lower social connection (Nitschke et al., 2021), less time spent with friends, lower quality friendships (Bernasco, Nelemans, van der Graaff, & Branje, 2021), and smaller social networks (Ellis, Dumas, & Forbes, 2020) have been linked with greater distress and anxiety. In addition to loneliness, greater isolation has brought potential loss of peer support during a time when youth are experiencing increased life stress. Indeed, the protective role of peer support and connection during the pandemic is evident in several studies in this special issue (Alt et al., 2021; Bernasco et al., 2021; Hutchinson et al., 2021). However, we may also find that adolescents called on to serve as a source of support to highly distressed friends can become overwhelmed with empathic overload, increasing their own distress and undermining well‐being (Sabato et al., 2021). The emotional toll of the prolonged pandemic has likely put pressure on youth's relationships. Further research is needed to explore the long‐term impact of the pandemic on how adolescents turn to others for support and provide support to others in ways that promote health for both the giver and receiver.

In addition, restricted social interactions during the pandemic have decreased adolescents' opportunities to develop social competencies. With shrinking friendship and peer networks-vital contexts for identity exploration and autonomy development-youth had fewer opportunities for building interpersonal skills such as managing peer group dynamics. Youth also missed out on opportunities to engage with familiar adults and even strangers, perhaps delaying skills in negotiating relationships, building connection, and even resolving conflict with others different from oneself. Conversely, the pandemic may have provided some youth with opportunities to explore new ways to make social connections, such as by engaging in prosocial behavior (Alvis, Douglas, Shook, & Oosterhoff, 2020). Prosocial behavior, such as volunteer work, acts of kindness or helping, and supporting community members, have boosted adolescents' positive affect and life satisfaction during the pandemic (Sin, Klaiber, Wen, & DeLongis, 2021), though may be harder to engage in for youth with fewer social connections and more isolation and loneliness associated with the pandemic (Sabato et al., 2021). Such experiences gave adolescents meaning and purpose in times of crisis, increasing a sense of belonging, happiness, and overall well‐being (Varma, Chen, Lin, Aknin, & Hu, 2020). As found by Maheux et al. ( 2021), youth reporting greater pre‐pandemic gratitude placed more importance on social media for later meaningful conversations. Further examination of how pandemic disruptions have impacted adolescents' social competencies can thus expand our understanding of positive youth development (Lerner et al., 2019).

Clearly, however, the most widely noted social change for youth during the pandemic has been the surge in the use of virtual platforms for social engagement. Social media served as a primary resource to build and maintain social relationships during the pandemic and, therefore, helped some adolescents cope with feelings of uncertainty, health anxiety, and loneliness (Cauberghe et al., 2021). Wray‐Lake et al. ( 2020) noted that adolescents with low family support were especially drawn to use social media for social support. Additionally, some adolescents were able to regulate their negative emotions and gain a sense of control by searching for information and having meaningful conversations on social media (Ellis et al., 2020; Maheux et al., 2021). For example, Magis‐Weinberg et al. ( 2021) showed that youth reported more positive than negative online experiences during the pandemic and that such experiences have the potential to mitigate pandemic loneliness and isolation. Moreover, sharing memes, funny videos, and games for entertainment are often ways of humorous coping to alleviate distress and to promote happiness (Cauberghe et al., 2021).

Despite these potential benefits of social media, for some youth increased social media use has carried significant risks. Among them is greater exposure to the "dark web", which predominantly hosts unethical and criminal activities ranging from identity theft and the drug trade to suicide chat rooms and child pornography (Ferrara et al., 2021). Many parents, especially those from impoverished communities, may lack digital literacy to effectively monitor and supervise adolescents' screen time and exposure to such sites. Moreover, increased online social engagement may leave adolescents vulnerable to a rise in problematic internet use involving high, sustained screen time that interferes with sleep and physical activity and is linked with poor attention (Muzi, Sansò, & Pace, 2021; Paschke, Austermann, Simon‐Kutscher, & Thomasius, 2021). In some cases, social media has amplified negative emotions through disinformation, triggering anxiety and depressive symptoms (Frenkel, Alba, & Zhong, 2020). Further guidance in how to help youth engage in healthy social media and internet use, aligned with a harm reduction approach in the addictions literature (Vanderloo et al., 2020), is a goal shared by scholars, parents, and those serving youth. As prior studies show, the impact of social media on adolescent development likely depends both on the ways in which social media and screens are used and on youth vulnerabilities (Odgers & Jensen, 2020). More scholarship is needed to raise parents' awareness of both the dangers of the internet as well as the benefits that may help youth maintain social connections even in the face of physical distancing (Magis‐Weinberg et al., 2021).

Pandemic Implications: The Familial Context

Adolescence often entails increasing time spent away from family in the presence of peers at school and in social and extracurricular contexts. However, with stay‐at‐home orders implemented, often more than once, in most locations at some point during the pandemic, many adolescents were spending more time with their families than they were prior to the pandemic. As in other domains, this increase in time spent with family has had both benefits and drawbacks. Adolescents and parents alike sometimes valued the slower pace of life when stay‐at‐home orders were in place, without the rushing and stresses that sometimes accompany going about typical daily activities. However, an increase in family time also brought the potential for more parent‐adolescent conflict and even violence. Calls to child abuse helplines increased during the pandemic (Petrowski, Cappa, Pereira, Mason, & Daban, 2021), raising concerns that adolescents were at increased risk for abuse by caregivers when they were mandated to stay home. Adolescents who were being maltreated were less likely to be identified and provided with support as they were no longer being seen by teachers or other adults on a regular basis.

These different experiences were captured in the voices of youth (Benner, 2021):

I can spend a lot more time with my mom. Like, for example, my mom's usually backed up with work, but during that time when it first happened after spring break, my mom and I spent a lot of time together because obviously if we were stuck at home, we watched a lot of movies and TV shows, and there was more bonding going on than usual. I liked it a lot. [12th grade male]

With my parents, toward like April, whenever I saw my friends going out and continuing to do things, it just kind of grew as a little anger and confusion as to why I couldn't be out with them, and I know it put stress on my mom because she wanted me to be happy, and I was just not overall happy just being stuck at home‐like not being able to have connections to anyone. [11th grade female]

As these youth note, families can serve as important resources but also as vulnerabilities (Donker, Mastrotheodoros, & Branje, 2021). In a longitudinal study of adolescents and parents in five countries, associations between adolescents' and their mothers' perceptions of how disrupted their lives were during the pandemic and their reported increases in internalizing and externalizing behaviors during the pandemic were attenuated by higher levels of adolescent disclosure, more supportive parenting, and lower levels of destructive adolescent‐parent conflict prior to the pandemic (Skinner et al., 2021). Moreover, studies in this special issue highlight the potential protective impact of positive relationships with parents on buffering maladjustment following the pandemic onset (Campione‐Barr, Rote, Killoren, & Rose, 2021; Janssens et al., 2021; Miconi et al., 2021). These findings suggest that positive parent‐adolescent relationships established prior to a health crisis can serve as buffers against maladjustment during the crisis.

One direction for future research is to understand how communities can provide support to families so that they can contribute to adolescents' resilience rather than adding further stress. Some of this support may be financial, as in the case of government payments meant to help families pay for food, rent, and other essentials, which was especially important during the pandemic as many parents lost their jobs or were unable to work when businesses were closed. Other support may be in providing information, such as how to access online resources, or in providing counseling to parents to manage their own distress so they do not become harsh in parenting and are better able to support their adolescents. An understanding of how communities can support families will benefit adolescents' adjustment, particularly during times of pandemic or other disasters.

Another direction for future research is to investigate how families operate as systems in the face of widespread disruptions that affect everyone's lives. Researchers currently have a better understanding of how events such as job loss or divorce affect entire family systems than how community‐wide experiences such as the pandemic affect entire family systems. If one family member experiences a negative life event, such as losing a job, other family members may be in a position to compensate and offer support. However, if the entire family experiences disrupted daily activities as in the case of the pandemic, less evidence is available about how families cope.

Another avenue for future research is to investigate whether and how sibling relationships may buffer adolescents from distress during community‐wide disruptions, such as the pandemic. With their peer‐like qualities, supportive and close relationships with siblings may be particularly beneficial, especially for those adolescents who have limited peer networks or have strained relationships with their parents. Early research evidence has shown that time spent face‐to‐face or via video calls with siblings was related to less loneliness and depression for adolescents (Ellis et al., 2020). However, Campione‐Barr et al. ( 2021) showed that relationships with best friends and siblings were more significantly impacted by COVID‐related stress than those with parents. Further research is needed to understand the potential protective role of siblings for adolescents in times of crisis.

Moving From Research to Recovery

Although we have highlighted potential directions for future research throughout our discussion of various developmental contexts impacted by the pandemic, the urgent needs presented by the pandemic require that research and recovery efforts move forward hand‐in‐hand. Methods that incorporate on‐the‐ground knowledge of communities, including youth, to define the key challenges of recovery within lived contexts are a step forward in marrying the wealth of knowledge regarding stress, trauma, and recovery with the rich narratives and insights of those programs already in the field that are designed to serve youth and their families. A variety of mixed‐methods approaches (e.g., community‐based participatory action research, daily diaries, fMRI and other imaging techniques, and observational studies) contribute to this goal, such as those highlighted in studies from this special issue. Studies that use non‐self‐report data, particularly existing public record data (e.g., hospital, school, and arrest records), can be leveraged through methods championed in public health (e.g., linkage studies). Importantly, approaches to data pooling and integrating datasets that create larger samples with greater diversity may play a role in expanding the global lens of inquiry (Hussong, Cole, Curran, Bauer, & Gottfredson, 2020). For example, integrative data analysis and other data harmonization techniques as well as coordinated data collection efforts around key constructs may propel our individual scientific findings into a network of global knowledge (e.g., Hussong, Curran, & Bauer, 2013). Finally, quasi‐experimental designs and other alternatives to classic randomized controlled trials may play a vital role in speeding up intervention development. Interventions with adaptive designs (e.g., SMART) may be particularly helpful to develop and implement individualized programs whose components and scope match the unique intervention needs of an adolescent (Lei, Nahum‐Shani, Lynch, Oslin, & Murphy, 2012).

Perhaps most important in accelerating the recovery response to the pandemic is setting a collaborative agenda for priority research. The rapid development of COVID‐19 tests and vaccinations is evidence that with a shared focus and adequate resources, science can deliver essential, timely solutions to pressing societal problems. What could we accomplish with a parallel response in other areas of science to the urgent needs of youth in the wake of the pandemic surge? To what extent can a collaborative scholarly focus result in knowledge, tools, policies, and programs that promote resilience in youth differentially impacted by the pandemic? Can our pooled efforts address the impact of the pandemic on communities, schools and educational institutions, peers and social relationships, and families? Can we guide recovery away from a return to the old normal toward a betterment of society that acknowledges and responds to the rights and needs of youth across emerging identities, sociocultural contexts, and developmental assets. In the face of this challenge, we offer three guideposts for building such an agenda including (a) identifying and supporting vulnerable populations most impacted by the pandemic, (b) using resilience and strengths‐based models of recovery to frame intervention targets, and (c) prioritizing research using an intervention and recovery lens.

Identifying and supporting vulnerable populations

As noted by U.S. youth in their own voices (Benner, 2021), the pandemic held the potential to strike anyone, though some groups have been impacted more than others.

I think low‐income households are being affected the most because, in the very beginning, the jobs weren't open, and so that probably took a toll and had a lot of stress on parents and stuff like that. I think that it affected them the most because most low‐income households have a lot of things to pay for, and then like with this happening, it probably made everything worse. [12th grade female]

COVID doesn't care about if you're White, Black, Mexican, or Asian. It'll affect you if it wants to infect you. And [if] you're not taking the precautions, you're just going to get infected. It doesn't matter who you are. Hell, the president got infected. [12th grade male]

Research regarding the pandemic must take into account the differential effects exerted on vulnerable populations. Across many countries, race/ethnicity and social class are two central societal stratifiers, and there is clear and compelling evidence that low‐income communities and communities of color have borne the greatest consequences of the pandemic. For example, rates of infection, hospitalization, and deaths are higher for Black, Latina/o/x, and indigenous individuals compared to White and Asian American individuals in the United States (CDC, 2021), and those in poverty have suffered similar fates (Goldstein & Atherwood, 2020). Immigrants and refugees fleeing high conflict zones are at higher COVID‐19 mortality risk due to a lack of insurance, limited access to health care, and language barrier that makes pandemic health guidelines difficult to follow (Browne, Smith, & Basabose, 2021; UNHCR, 2020). The underlying contributors to these differential impacts are structural and far‐reaching, but the ultimate result is that racial/ethnic minority youth and those from low‐income and immigrant families have greater direct exposure to the health impacts of the COVID‐19 pandemic.

The pandemic's reach and its differential impacts on vulnerable populations, however, have extended far beyond the toll it has exacted on physical health. Around the globe, race/ethnic minority and low‐income families have faced more dire financial upheaval and have fewer social and financial safety nets necessary to better weather the economic consequences of the pandemic. These families also often face unique stressors, as they have been more likely to be employed as frontline workers or in positions that could not (or would not) accommodate working from home. Informal casual workers, on the other hand, completely lost their income when daily paid jobs disappeared during the lockdowns. As such, it is critical to determine how adolescents from these vulnerable groups have had to manage concerns about not only their parents' physical health and disease exposure but also the financial well‐being of their families.

Schooling as previously noted is another context in which existing inequalities have magnified. It is critical to not only document variation in instructional delivery and quality during the pandemic, but also to determine the extent to which these mounting pandemic‐related inequalities translate into widening achievement gaps across groups and the perpetuation of intergenerational poverty. Beyond achievement, understanding the school experiences of vulnerable adolescent populations also requires attention to how pandemic‐related educational disruptions might have differentially impacted social relationships within schools-between students and teachers and among students with one another-as these relationships often provide critical connections for vulnerable youth that support not only academic success but also school belonging.

Finally, consideration of vulnerable populations necessitates attention to differential and discriminatory treatment. As one example, the labeling of the pandemic in racialized terms by the former President of the United States and certain media outlets has fueled anti‐Asian sentiments and has resulted in a rise in hate crimes against Asians and those of Asian origin worldwide (Human Rights Watch, 2020). As one adolescent in the Benner ( 2021) study noted:

It was like people called it the China virus or they always blamed us. They always said, 'Go back to your country.' In the beginning, I was not comfortable going out because I was so scared that people were gonna treat me very differently. [12th grade female]

As the pandemic progressed, microaggressions toward Asians became prevalent in social media globally via anti‐Asian memes, derogatory comments, images, and videos. Direct and indirect exposure to such discriminatory mistreatment is likely a significant influence on youths' sense of safety and security as well as their mental and physical health. The impact of such pandemic‐linked discrimination and resource restriction (e.g., vaccination access) on youth likely varies within and across countries, particularly given different pre‐pandemic covert and overt discriminatory practices. For example, in U.S. sociopolitical context, marred by anti‐immigrant sentiment, police brutality against black and brown individuals, and the politicization of discussing race and racism in schools, pandemic‐related inequities may take on unique political meaning, with have broader consequences for adolescents growing up in this historical moment in time.

Emphasizing resilience and strengths‐based models of recovery

The studies in the special issue suggest a number of protective and resilience factors including peer connectedness (virtually and in‐person; Campione‐Barr et al., 2021; Maheux et al., 2021; Parent, Dadgar, Xiao, Hesse, & Shapka, 2021; Sabato et al., 2021) and support (Bernasco et al., 2021); close sibling relationships (Campione‐Barr et al., 2021); adaptive or active coping styles (Maiya et al., 2021; Miconi et al., 2021; Steinhoff et al., 2021); and parental involvement (Maiya et al., 2021), support (Campione‐Barr et al., 2021; Klootwijk et al., 2021; Shi & Wang, 2021), and positive responses to negative emotions (Di Giunta et al., 2021); and emotion regulation skills (Deng et al., 2021). However, some factors that we may traditionally consider protective may backfire in the socially restrictive pandemic climate. For example, Alt et al. ( 2021) showed that, for German youth, extraversion predicted greater loneliness and in turn depression during the pandemic. Risk and protective factors in individuals' life histories and family systems prior to the pandemic also predict their adjustment during the pandemic (Chang et al., 2021; Hussong et al., 2021). This work, along with studies outside of this special issue, suggests that protective factors often associated with health psychology approaches to understanding the intersection of stress, support, and coping on outcomes may be particularly relevant to understanding resilience in the face of the pandemic (Polizzi, Lynn, & Perry, 2020).

Consideration of resilience also necessitates a broader developmental lens that spans historical time. Studies that are able to integrate pre‐pandemic functioning with functioning across the pandemic will enable the identification of those adolescents who are less impacted by the pandemic as well as those who are initially impacted but display subsequent recovery. Attention to variations in developmental trajectories that integrates protective and resilience factors will provide important insights into how to best promote well‐being in future historical disruptions.

Beyond these factors, resilience encompasses not simply avoiding negative outcomes in the face of challenge but also cultivating growth as youth learn how to identify, optimize, and apply their strengths to overcoming that challenge and thriving. As the youth in the Benner ( 2021) study note:

"I can do a lot more than what I thought I could do. [11th grade male].

I am more resilient than I give myself credit for. [12th grade female].

I've learned that life is very unpredictable and precious so I need to cherish the little things more. I also learned that I can be independent and don't have to rely on others anymore for my own happiness. [11th grade female]

Frameworks that include positive youth development (Lerner et al., 2019), strengths‐based programming (National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, & Medicine, 2020), and perhaps even creative expression as a means for self‐regulation (Coholic et al., 2020) may prove essential in understanding long‐term implications of the pandemic for youth development into adulthood. Such resilience frameworks apply not just to research and recovery in youth but also in families, schools, and communities. Working with particularly hard‐hit communities to build on strengths and avoid deficit‐focused frameworks is a necessary approach that recognizes the inherent partnership into which scholars and communities must enter.

Implications for interventions

Throughout this commentary, we have discussed several directions for future research that may inform interventions within individual, family, social, and community contexts. Nevertheless, we acknowledge that many of these recommended interventions aim to hit the iron when it is hot. Although the long‐term repercussions of the pandemic (biopsychosocial, educational, and financial impact) on adolescents remain unknown, research and recovery efforts enacted now can shape these trajectories for the better.

Moving toward this goal, we need to develop clear action plans and public health policies to promote adolescent physical and mental health during and after pandemics. Virologists warn against new zoonotic diseases and predict future outbreaks due to the ongoing rapid deforestation, urbanization, climate change, and overall disruption of wildlife globally. An agenda to move forward relates to preparing and/or revising pandemic preparedness plans in line with adolescents' developmental needs. One step is to establish a post‐pandemic task force and collaborate with adolescents to identify lessons learned during the pandemic to develop recommendations for future public health policy. Several key areas include increased access to healthcare, alternative educational resources during school closures, opportunities for social interactions to promote social connectedness, emergency family support programs, and accessible online mental health services. We believe adolescents of the COVID‐19 pandemic are among those who need to take an active role in designing and discussing such macro‐level interventions.

Second, despite the global nature of the COVID‐19 pandemic, adolescents from disadvantaged communities are at higher risk of continued distress, poverty, and missing out on educational and occupational opportunities. We need comprehensive assessment and screening systems to detect the most vulnerable subgroups of adolescents, identify their needs for services, and refer them to preventative interventions. Given that the supply of services and programs will be limited with respect to demand, systems that balance meeting the needs of the masses while also serving the most vulnerable adolescents, the classic public health dilemma, are desperately needed and should be informed by health services research.

Third, given the scope of the pandemic, intervention must be multi‐layered. Although universal tools and programs to address key issues such as loneliness, school re‐engagement, and social and emotional functioning are indicated by near‐term impacts of the pandemic, longer‐term impacts may be evident as these youth make other life transitions (e.g., leaving home, forming healthy adult relationships, entering the workforce). Current levers for change include the communities, schools, peers, and families (both for short‐term as well as long‐term resilience), but youth may vary in whether universal programs will be sufficient to strengthen intrapersonal factors long associated with resilience, including coping and emotion regulation skills. These factors are vital to a resilient stress‐response system. Thus, the pairing of universal and targeted intervention for our most vulnerable youth, including those experiencing heightened discrimination and marginalization in the context of the pandemic, is needed.

Understanding adolescents from a global perspective, moreover, is ideal for the development of effective evidence‐informed intervention strategies. Leveraging adolescents' current mobilization in mitigating the crisis through existing mechanisms, tools, and platforms (e.g., the use of digital tools and data) to build resilience in societies against future shocks and disasters across the globe cannot be overemphasized (Bell, 2016). An inclusive response to and recovery from the crisis requires an integrated global approach that anticipates the impact of response and recovery measures for adolescents across the globe and empowers youth to both shape intervention responses and face future crises head on.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The pandemic continues to differentially impact communities around the globe, bringing waves of devastation and disruption to a world whose youth already carried the anxiety and trauma of surging racial tensions, political uncertainties, and climate crises delivered without interruption to their pockets via cell phones. The potential exists for an unprecedented expansion of existing disparities that touches on all aspects of adolescent development, both across and within countries. Rising rates of what have been called diseases of despair in the United States-including suicide, drug addiction, and overdose-are alarming. Yet, with an empirically guided global response, the developmental trajectories of pandemic youth could take a different turn. Developmental disruptions may become departures from the developmental pathways of prior generations, forming novel pathways that expand our understanding of healthy adaptation. Creating flexible expectations for developmental gains that accommodate response to stress and trauma, that recognize the communal and personal aspects of the pandemic experience, and that emphasize healing and recovery over a return to normal may provide an important step forward.

The manuscripts selected for the current special issue (and recently published work during the pandemic) highlight many challenges the COVID‐19 pandemic has posed for adolescents globally. Due to government‐sanctioned restrictions, school closures, and physical distancing guidelines, adolescents' daily lives appear to be disrupted in multiple development contexts (including family, peers, school, and community domains). COVID‐19‐related distress has created vulnerabilities such as increased social isolation, struggles with online learning and academic achievement, mental health issues, and suicidal ideation, to name a few. Nevertheless, we see adolescent and family resilience indicators during the pandemic, including the protective role of supportive parent-child relationships, adolescent emotion regulation skills, adaptive coping strategies, and social connection (especially with peers). Given the multifaceted nature of the impact of the pandemic, we need interventions that are comprehensive and universal to capture the multiple ecological contexts of adolescent development. Through a strong collaborative effort, and shared set of research priorities that hasten recovery, we believe that developmental scientists around the globe can meet this challenge.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Funding for this project was provided by the Expanding the Science and Practice of Gratitude Project run by UC Berkeley's Greater Good Science Center in partnership with UC Davis and by the John Templeton Foundation for earlier waves of data collection. For the most recent data collection, funding was provided by the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences (NCATS), National Institutes of Health, through Grant Award Number UL1TR002489. The writing of this manuscript was supported in part by a postdoctoral fellowship provided by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development (T32‐HD007376).

Footnotes

1 Interviews drawn from a sample of 44 adolescents who diverse in terms of race/ethnicity (i.e., 16% Black/African American, 18% Latina/o/x, 23% White, 23% Asian American, 20% biracial), socio‐economic status (i.e., 40% high SES, 26% mid‐SES, 34% low‐SES), and scholastic achievement (i.e., 12% GPA of C or lower average, 48% B average, 40% A average).

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Articles from Journal of Research on Adolescence are provided here courtesy of Wiley-Blackwell

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Adolescence Amid a Pandemic: Short‐ and Long‐Term Implications

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Members of the Society for Research on Adolescents COVID‐19 Response Team offer this commentary to accompany this special issue of the Journal of Research on Adolescence regarding the impact of the pandemic on adolescents' social, emotional, ...

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Resource for Career Counselors to Provide Guidance due to the Impact of the Pandemic

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Resource for Career Counselors to Provide Guidance due to the Impact of the Pandemic

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Taken From OECD Education Skills Today Webpage.

https://oecdedutoday.com/investing-in-career-guidance-helping-youth-covid-pandemic/

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By Anthony Mann
Senior Policy Analyst, OECD Directorate for Education and Skills
and Glenda Quintini
Senior Economist, OECD Directorate for Employment, Labour and Social Affairs

Key points:

- Career guidance has a fundamental role to play in COVID recovery and helping young people navigate turbulent labour markets.
- In 2018, only half of 15-year-olds in OECD countries had spoken to a career advisor at school.
- A new publication from the OECD, Cedefop, European Commission, European Training Foundation, ILO and UNESCO highlights the importance of investing in career guidance.

In celebration of World Youth Skills Day 2021, the OECD has joined forces with the European Centre for the Development of Vocational Training (Cedefop), the European Commission, the European Training Foundation, the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) to shine a light on career guidance. As countries around the world turn to their plans for recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic, these organisations are issuing a joint leaflet highlighting the importance of Investing in Career Guidance.

Career guidance helps people of any age manage their careers and make the educational, training and occupational choices that are right for them. It is particularly important for young people as it helps them to reflect on their ambitions, interests, qualifications, skills and talents and to relate this knowledge about who they are to who they might become in the world of work.

Investing in career guidance to broaden young people's aspirations

Even prior to the pandemic, career guidance was receiving increased attention from policy makers, reflecting a concern that the skills developed in the education system might not be well aligned with emerging labour market needs, generating costly skill mismatches and shortages. The results of the triennial OECD Programme for International Assessment (PISA) give cause for concern. In 2018, only half of students in OECD countries reported that they had spoken to a career guidance counsellor in school by the age of 15, and fewer than 40% attended important guidance activities like job shadowing, workplace visits or job fairs.

Investing in career guidance can help broaden young people's aspirations and reduce inequalities

Analysis of the career ambitions of 15-year-old students shows that the aspirations of students are heavily shaped by socio-economic status, gender and migrant background. Investing in career guidance can help broaden young people's aspirations and reduce inequalities. It can also help overcome career uncertainty about occupational choices, which increased by 81% between 2000 and 2018. When students do name the type of job in which they expect to work as an adult, relatively little evidence of labour market signalling is apparent. Across the OECD, more than half of teenagers around the world plan on working in one of ten specific occupations. Outside of the OECD, this proportion often rises to above 70%.

How career guidance can help during COVID recovery

The need for guidance has increased sharply in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. The crisis has deeply disrupted the demand for workers and accelerated patterns of automation that are profoundly changing the character of work and increasing risks of unemployment, particularly for young people. As young people stay in schooling longer, and confront an ever-wider choice of education and training options, it is essential that they can draw a clear connection between what they do in the classroom and who they might become in the workplace. The new joint leaflet argues that guidance has an essential role to play in enabling youth to navigate increasingly turbulent transitions. Career guidance has a fundamental role to play in the recovery.

Source: Data from the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA, 2018)

The benefits of career guidance are widely documented. New analyses of national longitudinal datasets show that better-than-expected adult employment outcomes are commonly associated with how school-age teenagers think about their future careers, whether they explore possible employment options and gain work experience while still in school. Participation in career guidance by young adults has been associated with wage premiums, lower rates of unemployment and greater career satisfaction as well as increased academic motivation and more positive attitudes towards school.

The leaflet highlights a number of effective ways to enrich career guidance in schools, stressing the importance of access from an early age and of enriching guidance through the involvement of employers and people in work. As the COVID-19 pandemic ushers in a period of profound disruption, the need to close the gap between education and employment through effective guidance becomes ever more urgent.
Read more:
Photo: Shutterstock/Monkey Business Images

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View all posts by OECD Education and Skills Today

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Investing in career guidance: Helping youth out of the COVID pandemic

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Career guidance has a key role to play in COVID recovery and helping young people navigate turbulent job markets

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Resource for Career Counselors to know the Impact of Online Learning on Youth.

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Resource for Career Counselors to know the Impact of Online Learning on Youth.

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Taken from Sage Open Journal.

https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9511001/

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Abstract

The objective of this paper was to examine the school-related experiences of youth during the COVID-19 pandemic. Participants represented both clinical and community youth aged 14 to 28 who were sampled as part of a larger study. Feedback from youth attending school during the pandemic was qualitatively examined and youth who planned to attend school prior to the pandemic and did ( n = 246) and youth who planned to attend but did not ( n  = 28) were compared quantitatively. Youth appreciated the flexibility of online learning and some also reported experiencing a lack of support from their school and the need for instructor training on how to deliver virtual classes effectively. Future studies should examine what factors influence student engagement with virtual learning, what strategies could improve supports for student in their long-term career development, and the longitudinal experiences of youth who may have chosen not to go back to school due to the pandemic. This survey was conducted in Ontario, Canada. A more diverse sample collected outside of Ontario would improve generalizability. Qualitative data were based on survey responses and not interviews. Thus we were unable to discern the reasons youth decided to attend school, or not, during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Keywords: adolescent, COVID-19, education, mental health, virtual learning, youth

The COVID-19 pandemic has caused major disruptions to educational systems around the world ( United Nations, 2020). Social distancing measures have required school closures, shifting in-person learning to remote learning or a hybrid format that combines remote and in-person formats. To comply with these measures, youth have had to substantially adapt their routines, activities, and plans. Some youth are now attending school online, have limited access to leisure activities and many rely on technology as a means of communication with friends, peers, and teachers. As a consequence, many youth are unable to engage in social interactions with friends, peers or teachers in ways that are familiar to them. Disruptions to school and social relationships present a unique challenge for youth who, at a critical stage in their social development, are at risk for mental health challenges ( Merikangas et al., 2010; Rogers et al., 2021) and rely on peer connections for social and emotional support ( Pigaiani et al., 2020; Steinberg & Morris, 2001). Some studies have quantified student experience with remote learning during the pandemic ( Godoy et al., 2021; Horita et al., 2021; Lischer et al., 2021; Meda et al., 2021), however, there is limited qualitative feedback about this experience from students while attending school. It is imperative that we understand student experience with remote learning as we navigate educational priorities in a post-pandemic world.

Early adulthood is characterized by ongoing cognitive, social and emotional changes ( Azzopardi et al., 2019; Patton et al., 2016). This is an important period underscored by several developmental tasks including independence, progress through the educational system, transition to employment, civic engagement, and the development of relationships ( Patton et al., 2016). This is also a time when social connectedness and social identity are salient to early adulthood development ( Matthews et al., 2019; Pigaiani et al., 2020; Power et al., 2020; Steinberg & Morris, 2001). During this period, attachment and social belonging needs are sought through friendships as youth strive to gain independence from their parents ( Meuwese et al., 2017; Nickerson & Nagle, 2005; Steinberg & Morris, 2001). In this respect, the school environment plays an important role, because it is a place where youth seek to establish peer relationships and develop a social identity ( Bailen et al., 2019; Nickerson & Nagle, 2005; Scott et al., 2021; Steinberg & Morris, 2001). Since opportunities for social activities like in-person interaction with teachers and classroom socialization have been disrupted due to the COVID-19 pandemic, youth are participating in fewer activities that are necessary for their optimal growth and development ( Adnan, 2020). In fact, youth report a loss of emotional connection and friend support during the pandemic even despite their ability to use technology to interact ( Rogers et al., 2021). The reported decline in friend support during the pandemic is associated with more depressive symptoms, conflict with friends and loneliness ( Rogers et al., 2021). This is particularly problematic as youth typically experience feelings of loneliness ( Matthews et al., 2019). Given the important role that the school environment plays in providing social support, the disruption to daily social interaction associated with the pandemic's impact on learning institutions is of consequence to this population in the context of their developmental needs during this period ( Patton et al., 2016; Power et al., 2020).

Mental health disorders are likely to first emerge during adolescence and can extend into adulthood ( Allen et al., 2008; Bailen et al., 2019; Merikangas et al., 2010). Onset of depression, anxiety and suicidality have been associated with the frequency of fluctuating and intense emotions experienced by youth ( Allen et al., 2008; Merikangas et al., 2010). In Canada, approximately one in five youth had mental health and/or substance use challenges prior to the COVID-19 pandemic ( Wiens et al., 2020). Youth are also experiencing mental health or substance use challenges during the pandemic ( Hawke et al., 2020, 2021; Liang et al., 2020; Shanahan et al., 2022; Son et al., 2020) and that the disruption to school routines and self-isolation are associated with increased mental health challenges ( Jiao et al., 2020; Singh et al., 2020). This is problematic as students with mental health needs are at risk of poor academic outcomes due to their higher levels of disengagement and early school leaving ( Arria et al., 2013; Eisenberg et al., 2009; Lipson & Eisenberg, 2018). Even though mental health challenges among post-secondary students were on the rise pre-pandemic ( Blanco et al., 2008; Dalky & Gharaibeh, 2019; Wiens et al., 2020), students are reporting higher rates of depressive and suicidal thoughts during the COVID-19 pandemic than pre-pandemic ( Basheti et al., 2021; Son et al., 2020). This is consistent with an earlier study in which we found significant deterioration of mental health among youth in both clinical and community samples during the early stages of the pandemic ( Hawke et al., 2021). Another study examining the psychological distress of university students during the COVID-19 pandemic found that students without pre-existing mental health needs were more likely to show an increased risk of mental health needs compared to students who reported pre-existing mental health needs 1 year prior to the pandemic ( Hamza et al., 2021). Studies have also demonstrated the deteriorating effects of lockdown restrictions; approximately 6% of students experienced depressive symptoms and disruptions to sleeping habits, daily fitness routines, and social interaction significantly affected their health during this period ( Chaturvedi et al., 2021; Meda et al., 2021).

With a lens to stakeholder engagement, the aim of the Margaret and Wallace McCain Centre for Child, Youth and Family Mental Health, at the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health in Toronto, Canada, is to advance research that is reflective of the preferences and needs of youth and their caregivers and integrate this knowledge into system delivery ( Heffernan et al., 2017; Henderson et al., 2013). We engaged our youth partners in the development of our survey questions. Our youth partners identified going back to school during the pandemic as a salient concern among youth. Specifically, they wanted to learn about the experiences of youth attending school during the pandemic, how well educational institutions were handling the pandemic and how youth were adjusting to remote learning in the context of school.

Given the uncertainties imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic, governments and educational institutions are at a crossroads when it comes to understanding the impacts of the pandemic and its implications for future resource planning. As such, it is important for educational institutions to receive feedback from youth of their experiences with school during the COVID-19 pandemic. This knowledge could not only help improve the delivery of academic programs, it also has implications for post-pandemic planning to support student wellbeing ( Hinderaker, 2013). This study helps to address this issue by surveying students recruited from clinical and community samples about their experiences of going back to school during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Objective

This paper examines the school-related experiences of youth during the COVID-19 pandemic. Quantitatively, we examine youth who attended school during the pandemic and those who planned to attend school but did not. Qualitative data on youth experiences with attending school during the pandemic, school system handling of the pandemic and experience with digital video platforms are also analyzed.

Method

This is a multi-methods study in which both qualitative and quantitative data were collected simultaneously and analyzed in parallel ( Fink, 1993). Data for this study were collected as part of a broader mixed methods longitudinal study of youth experiences in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic ( Hawke et al., 2021). Specifically, this paper analyzes the October 2020 wave of data collection. The phases of study data collection are as follows: baseline demographic characteristics were collected in April 2020 as part of the broader longitudinal mixed-methods study; data on psychiatric and behavioral health disorders were collected in June 2020; and education-related experiences and current overall self-rated mental health were collected in October 2020. Youth were defined as young people aged 14 to 28 ( Statistics Canada, 2019b) at the October 2020 wave of data collection.

Participants

The full longitudinal study sample consisted of 622 participants. The current study reports on a subsample of those participants who had planned to attend school in September 2020 (the new academic year) in our October wave of data collection ( n = 419). Two groups were created from our subsample of youth who planned to attend to school prior to the pandemic for the new academic year in September 2020: those who planned to attend school prior to the pandemic and did attend school during the pandemic and ( n = 246) and those who planned to attend school prior to the pandemic but did not attend ( n = 28). Participants were between the ages of 14 and 28 ( M = 20.2, SD = 2.2), among whom 184 (67%) reported girl/woman gender identity and 10 (3%) youth whom reported transgender or gender diverse identity. Details on the full sample are described in Hawke et al. (2020).

Procedure

Participants received an email message with a web link taking them to an online survey on REDCap software ( Harris et al., 2009). After informed consent, youth completed a 20 to 30 minute survey about their experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic. Data collection took place between October 6 and October 29, 2020, approximately 8 months after the COVID-19 pandemic as declared by the World Health Organization (2020) and a state of emergency was declared provincially ( Government of Ontario, 2020) and starting a month after the 2020-2021 academic year began locally (i.e., early September). Centre for Addiction and Mental Health Research Ethics Board approval was obtained.

Measures

Demographics: Demographic characteristics were collected including age, gender identity, ethnic background, education status, employment status, and other variables.

The Youth Self-Report Baseline version 0.1 of the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH)-developed CoRonavIruS Health Impact Survey (CRISIS) tool was used to examine COVID-19 impacts on participants aligning with the NIH COVID-19 research priorities ( Holmes et al., 2020). The measure examines emotional and behavioral responses retrospectively at 3 months prior to the COVID-19 crisis and in the past 2 weeks, as well as service use, service disruption, and other constructs ( Hawke et al., 2020).

Psychiatric and behavioral health disorders: The GAIN-Short Screener (GAIN-SS) is a self-administered screener to identify the extent to which participants are experiencing symptoms of one or more mental or behavioral health disorders (e.g., internalizing or externalizing psychiatric disorders, problematic substance use or problems with crime and violence) ( Dennis et al., 2006). Responses are given in relation to how recently the participant experienced the described problem. The scale ranges from 0 (never) to 4 (past month). Three or more items endorsed per subscale as present in the past-month suggest a high likelihood of meeting diagnostic criteria during the past month ( Dennis et al., 2006, 2008), including among youth ( Dennis et al., 2006). The GAIN-SS scores reported are from the June 2020 wave of data collection, prior to the start of the school year in September 2020, in order to examine whether pre-academic term mental health was associated with choosing to attend school.

Overall mental health: Youth were also asked in October 2020 to provide a self-rating of their mental health on a five-point scale ranging from poor to excellent, aligning with a question typically asked by Statistics Canada ( Statistics Canada, 2019a).

Education survey: Aligning with the McCain Model of Youth Engagement ( Heffernan et al., 2017), survey questions were developed by the research team, including youth co-researchers. Questions were developed to understand education-related experiences during the pandemic and were embedded as part of the larger survey. Participants who identified as attending school during the pandemic were asked to provide qualitative comments about their school experiences. The specific survey questions were: if you're a student, how has back to school gone during the pandemic?; how well is the school system handling the pandemic and how could they do better?; during the pandemic, you may have been spending a lot of time on platforms like Zoom and Houseparty. How is this going for you? How do you feel about having to be on camera so often? While the latter questions were not specific to school, youth reported their experience with using these platforms for remote learning. Participants who reported on planning to attend school were categorized by school level as reported in April 2020: those who had completed grade 11 or more as of April 2020 (i.e., were in grade 12 in April 2020) were categorized as post-secondary students ( N = 253) and those completed grade 10 or less in April 2020 were categorized as secondary students ( N  = 21).

Analyses

Frequencies were calculated to describe the sample. Frequency is a measure of the number of occurrences of a particular score in a given set of data and it is a statistical method typically used to help characterize the population ( Mihaescu, 2010). Chi-square tests were used to determine whether differences between school attendees and non-attendees were statistically significant; non-parametric tests were used to accommodate unequal sample sizes because this test does not rely on assumptions that the data are drawn from a specific distribution ( Mihaescu, 2010). For the purposes of this study, GAIN-SS domains for internalizing, externalizing and problematic substance use were analyzed; the crime/violence scale was not analyzed due to low endorsement rates. Effect sizes were calculated as phi (φ) coefficients, Cramer's V, or Fishers Exact test as appropriate.

A qualitative thematic analysis was conducted on each open-ended question to collect participants' feedback on different aspects of attending school and using virtual platforms during the COVID-19 pandemic consistent with criteria for trustworthiness in qualitative research ( Nowell et al., 2017) and methodology for thematic analyses as described by Braun and Clarke (2006). Thematic analysis was chosen because it is a highly flexible approach that can provide a rich and detailed account of complex data ( Nowell et al., 2017). Qualitative comments were uploaded verbatim into Nvivo software ( Bazeley, 2013). Next, all comments were read through once before the researcher began coding to ensure familiarity with the data. Initial coding of the data was then conducted to identify aspects of the data which were relevant to the research questions. These codes helped to organize the content of the data around the research questions. Next, themes were developed in relation to each code. Themes and sub-themes were reread and were either combined if they were similar or eliminated based on their frequency (e.g., if a theme appeared less than two times it was eliminated to ensure accurate representation of the data). This was an iterative process. Themes were then further refined through review with a co-author (LDH). After this process, the themes were finalized. Data were analyzed separately for participants who reported attending school virtually versus in-person. However, the themes identified were consistent across groups, with those attending in-person also reported on the challenges associated with virtual learning. Thus, combined qualitative results are presented. Qualitative data were also examined by gender and level of education (i.e., secondary vs. post-secondary levels) but themes were consistent across groups and thus, combined results are presented across genders and levels of education.

Results

Table 1 presents demographic and self-reported school, employment and mental health-related characteristics of participants from the two groups created from our subsample of participants who planned to attend to school prior to the pandemic for the new academic year in September 2020: those who planned to attend school prior to the pandemic and did attend school during the pandemic and ( n = 246) and those who planned to attend school prior to the pandemic but did not attend ( n  = 28). These two groups were then compared.

Table 1.

Total study sample (n = 274)

Planned for school but did not go (n = 28)

Went to school (n = 246)

p

Phi/Cramer's
V

N

%

N

%

Results show that one in ten youth (10.2%) who planned to go to school did not. Seventy-five percent of youth who reported attending school attended virtually and 23.3% of participants reported attending school in-person. However, participants who reported attending school in-person also provided qualitative comments on their experience with virtual learning, likely reflecting the use of hybrid models and/or intermittent use of remote learning during emergency lock-down stages.

Chi-square tests conducted for most demographic and clinical characteristics revealed no significant differences between those who attended school during the pandemic and those who planned to attend but did not ( ps > .05, Table 1 ). However, there was a trend toward significance for gender (man/boy vs. woman/girl) χ ² (1, N = 264) = 3.856, p = .050, φ = 0.121, with a small effect size suggesting that more men/boys may have decided not to attend school compared to woman/girls. There was also a trend for current self-reported mental health status (1-item), χ ² (1, N = 273) = 3.583, p  = .058, φ = 0.115, with a small effect size suggesting that those who planned but did not go to school may have had worse mental health status as reported in June 2020 than those who did attend school.

Qualitative Findings

Among participants who did attend school, the qualitative findings reveal a mix of positive and negative experiences with attending school during the pandemic, with the vast majority of qualitative responses focused on experiences of virtual learning. Some participants who attended school during the pandemic reported that they enjoyed the flexibility of remote learning. Lack of clear and consistent communication and increased emphasis on self-directed learning were reported as challenges to remote learning, while participants suggested that reducing school workload would improve the school experience. Most participants reported feeling comfortable using digital platforms, but many preferred to turn off their cameras and not be seen on video during their classes. The physical effects of increased screen time and the financial burden of high tuition costs without the full school experience are ongoing concerns.

Positive experiences with attending school during the pandemic

The themes related to positive experiences with attending school include: flexibility in program delivery, student adaptability, and instructor characteristics.

Negative experiences with attending school during the pandemic

The themes related to negative experiences with attending school during the pandemic included: challenges with self-management, isolation, emphasis on self-directed learning, limited learning opportunities, lack of engaging program material/delivery, workload and lack of instructor skills in delivering virtual classes.

"I wish the professors were more engaging and didn't sound like they just got out of bed."

"School is very unorganized and teachers are uneducated about online and virtual classes."

". . .It's awful, I hate online school and a lot of my professors are not tech savvy, so its been frustrating. . ."

School system handling of the pandemic

Participants qualitatively reported both positive and negative perspectives on their schools' handling of returning to school during the pandemic. Themes related to the school system handling of the pandemic include: insufficient communication, lack of support from instructors, need for improved student supports, reassured by COVID-19 prevention and control measures and the high cost of tuition.

"I don't understand why I struggled to pay over 7k for tuition to only watch pre-recorded monotone videos and [slide presentation program] "

"I'm paying tuition to learn from [video platform] videos in my own home and I went to school away from my home city specifically to escape the negative energy in my home - and now I'm stuck here."

Experience with digital video platforms

A large proportion of participants qualitatively reported that they felt comfortable using digital platforms for school, but often turned off their camera because it made them feel awkward, anxious, or self-conscious. On the other hand, some participants reported that they liked video conferencing because seeing other people gave them a sense of community and feelings of support. Themes related to the experience with digital video platforms include: uncomfortable on camera, human connection via technology, disruptive to learning, physical complaints, and security/privacy issues.

"Also internet connection errors with [digital platform] happen often, which gets annoying because I miss class material, or the lecture gets disrupted (when the professor loses connection)."

"Our teachers actually tell us to not have our cameras on, which is nice. Other than that, online lectures could be good and bad. It's bad when the teacher keeps cutting out every 5 seconds and good when the Wi-Fi doesn't cut out and you can actually hear your teacher the whole time."

Discussion

This study examined youth's experiences with attending school during the COVID-19 pandemic. A substantial minority (10%) reported not attending school in fall 2020 despite previous intentions to attend school. These participants tended to be of male gender and to have had previous mental health concerns, although these results only approached statistical significance. Participants reported both positive and negative experiences with various aspects of attending school during the pandemic, with some reporting that they were happy with the level of support they were receiving from their instructor and others reporting a lack of instructor support. Some participants also reported that their ability to adapt to remote learning improved their school experience, while others struggled to adapt. Participants had suggestions for ways the school system could better manage the remote learning system. Challenges with technology were also reported.

Interestingly, approximately 10% of participants who reported planning to attend school prior to the pandemic did not attend, and the majority of them also reported not being employed. This group appeared to consist of more boys/men, youth with less education, and youth with poorer self-rated mental health; however, associations were small and no other variables significantly differentiated this vulnerable group. It will be important for future research to examine why some students decided not to attend school and to what degree the COVID-19 pandemic influenced this decision. Participants not engaged in employment, education or training (e.g., NEET) are of particular interest, as they are at higher risk for economic and psychosocial problems ( Henderson et al., 2017). Since youth are at a critical developmental period for vocational and career development, and at a period associated with mental health challenges ( Bailen et al., 2019; Hawke et al., 2020; Merikangas et al., 2010), it is essential to understand the degree to which this disruption may impact youth developmental milestones or trajectory such as transition to further schooling (e.g., higher education) or entry into the workforce. This knowledge may also strengthen youth support services such as supported education and employment programs for youth ( Davidson & Arim, 2019; Kutsyuruba et al., 2019).

Attending school during the COVID-19 pandemic has been difficult for many students, but there are areas of adaptation and perseverance ( OECD, 2020). For youth, this is a crucial developmental period, as they are laying the foundation for their health and wellbeing that can determine health trajectories in later life, while also establishing their educational foundation leading to future careers ( Matthews et al., 2019; Merikangas et al., 2010; Patton et al., 2016). In previous studies, students who attended school during the pandemic have reported poor academic performance, trouble concentrating, social isolation, depressed and suicide-related thoughts, increased workload, lack of motivation, disruptions in sleep patterns and irregular eating patterns ( Rogers et al., 2021; Scott et al., 2021; Son et al., 2020). Previous findings suggest that a student's adaptability and social support are related to their perceived experience with school during the COVID-19 pandemic ( Besser et al., 2022). Those who perceived themselves as adaptable were better able to modulate their emotions and more able to adapt to the new format ( Besser et al., 2022). In our sample, some participants reported challenges with self-motivation and time-management with respect to virtual learning during the pandemic. Conversely, participants who reported the ability to adapt to the new format felt more positive about their school experience, despite reporting challenges with the virtual learning. From a strengths-based lens, this is important as it likely speaks to participant's ability to adjust to new and uncertain situations and their ability to cope and even thrive in light of new circumstances ( Besser et al., 2022; Waters et al., 2020). Focusing on these strengths will be important for supporting youth in continuing to adapt to the disruptions imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic and for their own growth in future years ( Waters et al., 2020). Future research should examine the implications of student adaptability or ability to self-manage on the delivery of learning content in an effort to develop early intervention strategies and other student supports such as mental health counseling.

The school system can have a powerful influence on youth development ( Lloyd, 2005; Lombardi et al., 2019). It is not only where academic learning takes place, but it is also a platform for promoting wellbeing through which youth learn about the mechanisms that contribute to healthy behaviors and relationships and develop a sense of community ( Patton et al., 2016; Pigaiani et al., 2020). A positive school environment can have cumulative effects for youth, including healthier behaviors, greater cognitive capacity, longer productive adult lives, better health and lower mortality among their own children, and overall greater productivity in the future workforce experience ( Lloyd, 2005; Patton et al., 2016). Positive school relationships such as the relationship between youth and instructors is important, as youth connectedness to school or teachers has been positively associated with better mental health, mental health service use and wellbeing ( Halladay et al., 2020; Patton et al., 2016; ( Moore et al., 2018). Instructor support is also significantly related to effective online learning ( Aristovnik et al., 2020; Bao, 2020; Wu & Liu, 2013) and greater academic engagement ( Ye et al., 2022) and connectedness to peers is associated with improved wellbeing and mental health ( Moore et al., 2018) With respect to how well schools are handling the pandemic, participants reported a lack of support from their schools and instructors. Some participants reported challenges, such as an emphasis on self-directed learning and lack of meaningful or relevant learning content, while other participants reported struggling to keep up with school deliverables and the toll this was taking on their mental health. Future research is needed to evaluate the impact of remote learning on student wellbeing and mental health, including longitudinal research to examine the long-term effects.

Studies examining the use of virtual platforms for school related activities during the COVID-19 pandemic found that extended periods of online activity was associated with higher feelings of stress, burnout and higher levels of depression ( Mheidly et al., 2020) than previously experienced prior to the pandemic ( Ellis et al., 2020). Similar to our own findings, participants reported feeling tired, stressed and drained. Increasing social isolation during the pandemic has been shown to predict greater mental health symptoms ( Hamza et al., 2021), as psychological distress during the pandemic is significantly associated with increasing sadness, depressive symptoms, anxiety symptoms, posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms, and burdensomeness among university students without pre-existing mental health needs ( Hamza et al., 2021; Son et al., 2020). In our sample, participants reported increased feelings of isolation from family and friends and the inability to meet new people while attending school during the pandemic. Some participants also reported that they appreciated connecting with peers via video technology for social interaction and a sense of community. For youth, who need social interaction and relationships with peers ( Matthews et al., 2019; Pigaiani et al., 2020; Power et al., 2020; Steinberg & Morris, 2001) during this sensitive developmental period, it will be important to intervene early and leverage youth-serving support systems such as incorporating and strengthening the quality of online mental health and wellness supports for students ( Toquero, 2020). Some participants also reported technical issues with video technology or Wi-Fi connection. The digital divide, limited or no access to computers and the internet, has become more evident as schools switched from in-person to remote learning during the pandemic. Largely attributed to social inequalities, the digital divide has reduced educational access to almost half of students around the world ( Alvarez, 2021). As we navigate our way through a post-pandemic world, governments, policy makers, and educational institutions need to prioritize digital inclusion to ensure that every student has access to education regardless of social and economic status.

From a stakeholder-engaged perspective, we worked directly with youth members of the McCain Centre Youth Engagement Initiative (YEI) ( Heffernan et al., 2017) to develop our survey questions. We shared findings with three youth team members. Our findings resonated with our youth team members and with the viewpoints they are hearing from youth across Canada. They agreed with the many challenges with attending school during the COVID-19 pandemic such as video conferencing fatigue, isolation, too much focus on self-directed learning and not enough instructor engagement and the need for tuition re-adjustment. Youth team members also identified some encouraging aspects of attending school. For example, youth enjoyed the flexibility of online learning as well as the use of video technology to keep in touch with peers. They also appreciated the importance of school social distancing measures as a means for keeping everyone safe from COVID-19. They identified that adjusting to the new learning format required a steep learning curve for youth-particularly for those who struggled with self-management. Nonetheless, they expressed that most youth were persevering and trying their best to make it work.

Strengths and Limitations

This study reports on questions co-designed with youth, enhancing their relevance to youth experiences. Findings from this study provide timely feedback on the challenges of attending school during the pandemic and areas for improvement. This survey was conducted in Ontario, Canada. A more diverse sample collected outside of Ontario would improve generalizability. This survey was conducted electronically and thus it is likely that students without access to a computer and internet are not represented in this sample. Qualitative data were based on survey responses and not interviews. We were unable to discern the reasons participants decided to attend school, or not, during the COVID-19 pandemic. We were unable to determine the extent to which contracting COVID-19 or being quarantined may have impacted student's mental health. Future research should examine what factors influenced youth's decision to attend school during the COVID-19 pandemic, the role the pandemic played in their decision-making process, the extent to which this may or may not have subsequently affected their school experience, and differential experiences in secondary versus post-secondary education.

Conclusions

With the uncertainties imposed by the COVID-19 pandemic, it is unclear how long remote learning will be required and what its impact will be on student learning. While participants appreciate the flexibility of online learning, some also reported experiencing a lack of support from their school and the need for instructor training on how to deliver virtual classes effectively. Disruption to regular school activities may negatively impact developmental milestones and education and employment trajectories for youth. Future studies should examine what factors influence student engagement with virtual learning, what strategies could improve supports for student in their long-term career development, and the longitudinal experiences of youth who may have chosen not to go back to school due to the pandemic. The benefits experienced by some youth in remote learning should be considered when planning post-COVID-19 recovery of educational and mental health supports.

Footnotes

Contributed by

Author's Contributions: NN formulated the research question, analyzed and interpreted the data and drafted the manuscript. LH designed and operationalized the research, supported the analyses and interpretation, and reviewed the manuscript. EH, KH, MD, and JR supported the study design and interpretation and reviewed the manuscript. JH led the project, supported all stages of the study design and operationalization, and reviewed the manuscript.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests: The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding: The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This study was funded by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research.

Ethics Approval: Research Ethics Board approval was obtained from the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (#046-2020).

ORCID iD: Nadia Nandlall https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8510-6071

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Articles from Sage Open are provided here courtesy of SAGE Publications

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Learning Through a Pandemic: Youth Experiences With Remote Learning During the COVID-19 Pandemic

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The objective of this paper was to examine the school-related experiences of youth during the COVID-19 pandemic. Participants represented both clinical and community youth aged 14 to 28 who were sampled as part of a larger study. Feedback from youth attending ...

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"The key to career success is to identify your unique strengths and passions, and then align your career choices accordingly." - Marcus Buckingham

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Marcus Buckingham, an Author on Topics Related to Strengths-based Leadership and Career Development. 

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Marcus Buckingham, an Author on Topics Related to Strengths-based Leadership and Career Development. 

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Snapshot Reflection (Gracie): Reactions when reflecting on the impact of the global pandemic on career counseling for late adolescents

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Snapshot Reflection (Gracie): Reactions when reflecting on the impact of the global pandemic on career counseling for late adolescents

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While I was already a freshman in college when the pandemic broke out, I still can understand how the pandemic might have influenced career decisions for high schoolers. After having time to myself to think about my future I actually ended up switching my major which led me to where I am today. If I had been in high school, I imagine there would have been even more stress when thinking about these important decisions.

An important term I learned from this project was Zeteophobia. Zeteophobia is described as an intense anxiety related to exploring ones career choices and eventually, making a career decision. There could have been an added pressure during the pandemic since many opportunities such as shadowing or interning were not available.

Another huge change I noticed in high school was the shift and emphasis of technology. After my research for this project I found many late adolescents drawn to the idea of remote work for their future. Especially since after the pandemic, many high schoolers became experts with conducting their work on technology.

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Resource for Career Counselors "Chapter 8: Social Action" from "Gaining Cultural Competence in Career Counseling"

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Resource for Career Counselors "Chapter 8: Social Action" from "Gaining Cultural Competence in Career Counseling"

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A brief chapter explaining the importance of social action and multicultural counseling in career counseling.

Taken from "Gaining Cultural Competence in Career Counseling, 2nd edition" by Kathy M. Evans and Aubrey L. Sejuit.

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Personal Video (Gracie): Multicultural and Ethical Considerations When Career Counseling Late Adolescent Clients 

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Personal Video (Gracie): Multicultural and Ethical Considerations When Career Counseling Late Adolescent Clients 

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Multicultural and Ethical Considerations When Career Counseling High School Students

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Tips for career counselors to assist clients in late adolescence and leverage their strengths

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Tips for career counselors to assist clients in late adolescence and leverage their strengths

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1. Identify Strengths: Recognize and highlight each client's unique skills and abilities.

2. Empower Through Reflection: Encourage self-reflection to align strengths with career goals.

3. Use Online Resources: Provide access to online tools for career exploration and market trends.

4. Individualized Approach: Tailor counseling sessions to meet each client's specific needs and preferences.

5. Cultural Sensitivity: Understand how cultural backgrounds influence career choices.

6. Family Involvement: Invite family members if beneficial for support and collaboration.

7. Encourage Learning: Promote continuous skill development through courses and workshops.

8. Support Flexibility: Discuss options for hybrid or remote work considering mental health impact.

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Snapshot Reflection (Sakshi): Reactions when reflecting on the impact of the global pandemic on career counseling for late adolescents

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Snapshot Reflection (Sakshi): Reactions when reflecting on the impact of the global pandemic on career counseling for late adolescents

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Considering the pandemic's impact on career guidance for late adolescents, I'm relieved that I was in my last year of college when it hit. It meant I wasn't as stressed about making career decisions during such uncertain times. Technology played a huge role in helping me cope with the challenges of the pandemic, making things like remote learning and staying connected much easier.

The rise of remote work culture has been a significant shift that I've noticed during this time. It's got me thinking about the future of work and how I can adapt to this new way of doing things when planning my career path. On a personal level, I've gained some valuable skills and experiences during this period that have had a positive impact on various aspects of my life.

Overall, while the pandemic has brought its fair share of challenges, it's also taught me resilience and adaptability. It's shown me that even in the face of adversity, there are opportunities for growth and learning that can enrich my future career journey

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Personal Video (Sakshi): Supporting Late Adolescents Through Pandemic Schooling: Qualitative Insights and Steps

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Personal Video (Sakshi): Supporting Late Adolescents Through Pandemic Schooling: Qualitative Insights and Steps

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Supporting Students Through Pandemic Schooling : Qualitative Insights and Steps

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Group Video(Sakshi, Alex, Gracie): Effect of pandemic on Career Counseling 

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Group Video(Sakshi, Alex, Gracie): Effect of pandemic on Career Counseling 

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Evans, K. M., Sejuit, A. L., Evans, K. M., & Sejuit, A. L. (Eds.). (2021). Gaining cultural competence in Career Counseling. National Career Development Association. In Gaining Cultural Competence in Career Counseling.

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