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The face of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is changing dramatically, due in no small part to the changes driven by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MbS) as he works to consolidate power.

While using unconventional means, the recent developments are part of a clear and well-thought-out strategy put in motion by MbS and his followers, necessary for making important changes to several of the Kingdom's critical sectors. The elevation of MbS to crown prince, while also reshuffling key posts in the defense forces and ministries, was necessary to increase his political capital and subsequent ability to implement Saudi Vision 2030.

MbS is not only shaking up Saudi Arabian leadership, but is also behind changes to Saudi society and global markets, including social reforms alongside the Vision 2030 economic diversification plan and the possible Saudi Aramco IPO (initial public offering).

He has taken a number of steps-such as arresting high-profile Saudi royals involved in financial dealings, commercial ventures, and security-which have allowed him to consolidate his position and open up the Kingdom for international investment and social change.

The main underlying purpose of the crackdown on corruption was to send a signal to the international financial community that the Kingdom's economy, previously regarded as backward and closed, had opened up. For example, the arrest and removal of several key royals has shown that no party in the Kingdom is above the law.

As stated in Vision 2030, full foreign ownership is available for investors and operators in the Kingdom. However, this was until now impeded by the power base of the conservative Saudi old guard and its agent-the Kingdom Holding or Bin Laden Group were prime examples. Removal of corruption is necessary for inclusion in the MSCI Emerging Markets Index in 2018, which will bring in billions of dollars of additional investments.

When King Salman took office and appointed his son deputy crown prince and minister of defense, a power struggle between then-Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef (MbN) and MbS was expected, and some feared a collapse of the royal family's internal power structure. As it turned out, MbS had already amassed a vast following, building on his strategic coordination with other domestic leaders, including Minister of Oil Khaled Al Falih and high-ranking members of the armed forces. Salman removed MbN at the end of 2016 and elevated MBS in his place.

This political change occurred amid criticism in the international press of Saudi Vision 2030 and a Saudi Aramco IPO, which were dismissed as dreams not based in reality. To quell international misgivings and counter possible internal moves from rivals, MBS decided to step up his efforts to implement Saudi Vision 2030, largely because rapid reforms are needed to quell mismanagement of expectations. His support is at present large, but in the absence of real deliverables, austerity measures and changes to power structures will support possible renewed opposition.

The crown prince clearly understands that the future of his political career and Saudi Arabia itself depends on the successful implementation of ambitious schemes like the Aramco IPO, the "Giga projects," Qiddya (intended to be Saudi Arabia's largest cultural, sports and entertainment city), and the Red Sea Islands luxury resorts.

The success of the Saudi Aramco IPO, which is the most published IPO story of 2016-2017, will not only bring in a vast amount of revenue ($100-150 billion). It would also show that the Kingdom can successfully progress toward its overall economic restructuring of the country. At the same time, the Aramco IPO will give the Kingdom the opportunity to financially and politically connect with its new strategic allies: China, India, Russia, and the West. They will help the Kingdom regain its regional and international standing.

There is a social component as well. The Saudi people are eager for tangible changes in their lives and communities, and thus the progress on such projects will have an immense impact on public opinion.

A majority of Saudis are in favor of these large diversification projects, including much of the youth. About 70 percent of Saudi Arabia's population is under thirty years old, a demographic which was ignored by the old elites. MBS took advantage of this oversight, capturing the attention and support of young Saudis and using it to bolster his position. However, this support should not be taken for granted. MBS, who some young Saudis see as a Saudi Arabian John F. Kennedy, needs to retain this support for at least the next four to five years to be successful.

The crown prince still needs the momentum to counter ongoing criticism in and outside of the Kingdom, in light of the negative views on his regional military adventures and the ongoing confrontation with Iran. The unexpected, expensive, and long military operations in Yemen, the failure of Saudi's Syria strategies, and Iran's strengthening regional authority has severely dented the image of the crown prince. Economic and financial success inside of Saudi Arabia, combined with liberal social reform, are necessary to keep him in power.

The most significant demand of the youth in Saudi Arabia is that their conservative, somewhat stagnant culture is shaken up. Quick to address these demands, MBS has demonstrated that he is open to change and willing to take risks, taking steps such as allowing women to drive again and allowing cinemas back into the country.

However, to retain the support of Saudi youth, MBS will also need to address high youth unemployment. One of the main drivers behind Saudi Vision 2030 is the need to create around six million new jobs. One of the measures enacted to address this is Saudization, officially known as the Saudi nationalization scheme, whereby companies are required to employ Saudi citizens and set up shop in the Kingdom if they are interested in a long-term business relationship.

The same attitude can be seen in MBS's approach to attracting investment in the Kingdom. By presenting a new "dream" to the world's financial elite during FII2017, the crown prince was able to check another box on his strategy− finding billions of dollars needed to support Vision 2030.

The fact that financial gurus from New York to Japan came to Riyadh has garnered the indirect support of global financial leaders and institutions, and institutions such as Blackrock, Softbank, Gazprom, Russia's sovereign wealth fund (RFID), and CitiBank have shown an interest in investing in the Kingdom. This prompted MBS taking the next step: the removal of the old financial and commercial guard controlling Saudi Arabia.

Not long after 3,500 chief executive officers flooded Riyadh hotels for the Future Investment Initiative 2017-dubbed the "Davos in the Desert"-the world was shocked by MBS's unexpected anti-corruption sweep, which drew sharp international criticism. In a swift operation, preeminent Saudi royals and financial figures were arrested on corruption and fraud allegations totaling $100 billion. Several high-ranking princes, including Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, owner of the Kingdom Holding, and Prince Miteb bin Abdul Aziz al Saudi, the son of the former Saudi king and former head of the Kingdom's elite National Guard, were among the arrested.

Initially, fear of a possible backlash caused a stir in the international media because people thought MBS's future might be under threat. However, that was not the case. Instead, this move allowed him to remove potential opposition while also showing the world that the days of Saudi corruption and high-profile princes swimming in bribes are over.

One of the main stumbling blocks on Saudi Arabia's road to international financing has been rampant corruption and the stranglehold on the Saudi economy by institutions like Kingdom Holding, the Bin Laden Group, and Oger-until recently linked directly or indirectly to all international parties involved in Saudi Arabia. By breaking their hold on Saudi finances, implementation of Vision 2030 and liberalization of the economy are now possible.

Now, nothing is preventing Saudi Arabia from being listed on the MSCI Emerging Markets Index next year, which will help attract both international and institutional investors to Saudi Arabia. For example, European pension funds are not legally able to take part without a listing on MSCI. This additional investment, which some expect will be more than $9 billion per year, will be critical to the financing of Saudi Arabia's many ambitious projects. European institutional investors, such as pension funds, are only able to invest in countries which are included in the MSCI Emerging Markets Index. Without the listing, no investments can be made by institutional investors from Europe. At the same time, if liquidity in this market increases, the overall effect on all investment projects is expected to increase substantially. Institutional investors also will push the Saudi stock exchange to new highs, bringing additional liquidity.

Overall, MBS has greatly strengthened his position in the Kingdom, thus far avoiding internal unrest and removing large swaths of opposition in business and the government without violence. He has also managed to reduce the power of religious conservatives, removing religious police from the streets, and arresting several high-profile extremist religious leaders who were mainstays of Saudi television.

MbS has been able to make such drastic changes simply by virtue of being the right person in the right place at the right time. He has been able to capitalize on the low oil prices that have hit the Saudi economy, giving him the opportunity to implement much-needed changes, such as removal of subsidies, and more liberal ideas. He is also using the overwhelmingly young Saudi population, yearning for change and more openness and jobs, to push against conservative or fundamentalist forces in society.

This would not have been feasible even two years ago, and would have caused harsh opposition and possible loss of life.

With the support of young Saudis, MBS will be able to boldly continue his quest to make reforms that will allow the Kingdom to modernize. Future economic success will enable him to confront the opposition that still exists within the royal family and in conservative businesses. The implementation of Vision 2030 and the expected success of the Aramco IPO will only further solidify MBS's power and the appetite for reform.

Cyril Widdershoven is a geopolitical and financial analyst cover the MENA region and Turkey, and the director of VEROCY. You can follow him on Twitter @riskyparty63.

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Saudi Crown Prince's Power Consolidation Puts Vision 2030 Back on Track

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The face of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is changing dramatically, due in no small part to the changes driven by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MbS) as he works to consolidate power. While using unconventional means, the recent developments are...

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Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince is creating a growing list of opponents as he pursues his reform agenda.

WHAT'S HAPPENING?

Saudi Arabia's young Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, known as MBS, is driving sweeping economic and social reforms in the kingdom after purging his political rivals.

KEY INSIGHTS

- High-level arrests of rivals has cleared the path for MBS to succeed his father as king of Saudi Arabia
- MBS has begun to implement sweeping social and economic reforms in the conservative kingdom, exemplified by his ambitious 'Vision 2030' plan
- Reformers will contend with religious conservatives and elites who have benefitted from the current economic and social system
- The 31-year old will to deal with a host of issues and dangers to implement his bold reform agenda

Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman (often referred to by his moniker MBS) is pressing ahead with large scale domestic reforms in the deeply conservative kingdom. Recent decrees have allowed women to attend football matches and the reopening of movie theatres, highlighting the transformation taking place in the country. These social and economic changes come after a series of high-level arrests, which swept up rival contenders for the throne as well as one of the world's richest men. More than 200 people were arrested in what was publicly described as a corruption clampdown, but has been understood as a purge of MBS's political rivals to consolidate his status as the power behind the throne of his father, King Salman.

VISION 2030

MBS is championing Vision 2030, a long-term economic development plan intrinsically linked with social reforms. Released in April 2016, it is an ambitious blueprint that seeks to reduce Saudi Arabia's dependence on oil (particularly as the world moves away from carbon-based energy), diversify the economy by seeking private sector investments and permitting the growth of entertainment and tourism industries. Along with unprecedented relaxation in regards to concerts and entertainment, the intertwined economic and social aspects of Vision 2030 are seen in the push to get more women into private sector work.

The plan also outlines the establishment of a sovereign wealth fund and the sale of shares from Saudi Aramco, the state-owned oil conglomerate, often touted as the world's most valuable company. By cutting subsidies and ballooning public services while increasing the tax-base, the government is trying to reduce a state-budget deficit resulting from low oil prices. However, recent negative economic growth demonstrates the dangers of austerity measures and its implications for youth unemployment and extremism.

YOUNG AND RECKLESS?

The relevance of Vision 2030 has never been higher with around two-thirds of the population under the age of 30 and 1.9 million Saudis set to enter the workforce over the next 10 years. This has generated an urgent need for job creation and retention. MBS has publicly spoken about comprehensive social reforms to stimulate the youth of the country. The government aims to establish more than 450 amateur clubs for culture and entertainment by 2020. In addition, MBS has been credited with the recent lifting of the driving ban on women and the scaling down of guardianship laws. MBS has deliberately positioned himself as a leader of the youth demographic, which while still is deeply religious, but is also future-facing in comparison to conservatives.

MBS also stirred strong reactions when he spoke about bringing "moderate Islam" back to Saudi Arabia and his pledge to destroy extremism. This renewed focus on youth engagement comes against a background of growing social tensions including an attempted terrorist attack in Mecca claimed by ISIS and worries that unemployment and marginalisation of young people could cause massive unrest.

SWEEPING REFORMS

To push through a drastically different vision of the Kingdom, the recent purges have begun unravelling the two intertwined traditional power structures in the country: hardline clericism and entrenched business elites. Vision 2030 could represent the breakdown of the alliance between Wahhabi clerics and the House of Saud, which has been at the heart of Saudi legitimacy since the 18th century. Clipping the wings of the once-feared religious police ties in directly to the push for a change to "Moderate Islam" and thus, hopes to change the international perception of the kingdom. Another key battleground is pushing substantial reforms in education, an area which is traditionally a stronghold of the religious clerics.

Jane Kinninmont from Chatham House notes that to secure buy-in for the dramatic economic changes the government wants to make, it will have to successfully renegotiate the social contract in Saudi Arabia. This includes potentially collaborating with the hardliners and securing the support of allies in the region such as the United Arab Emirates.

BOLD BUT DANGEROUS

Vision 2030 faces substantial internal and external challenges. Traditional Saudis sceptical of globalism will argue that the plan is more of a reflection of the Western economic model and that its social and economic impact on ordinary Saudi citizens is yet to be tested. Additionally, weighty obstacles such as decades of ingrained poor work ethic, an overburdened regulatory environment and a general reluctance to change remain. A failure to raise sufficient funds through the Saudi Aramco float and foreign direct investment poses another risk to MBS's lofty plans.

The reformist government will be forced into a delicate balancing act. There is a high risk that if MBS pushes too hard, resistance from conservatives and remaining rivals will stifle reform efforts and undermine his legitimacy. Conversely, if reform-minded Saudis become disillusioned with the slow pace of reforms there could be internal backlash resulting in social unrest.

MBS's challengers, who wish to preserve the status quo of conservatism, are likely to coalesce around a key figure from the purge, such as MBS's cousin and former Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef. Nayef was formerly the head of the powerful Saudi secret intelligence service and even if he does not attempt to push his way back to power, he is a reminder of the potential resistance arrayed against King Salman and MBS. Conversely, reactionary segments of Saudi society could fall away from the political process altogether. If the promised increase in meaningful employment does not materialise, the youth could become a tinderbox of extremism - the reverse of MSB's goals.

The push to make Saudi Arabia 'open-for-business' has so far had a paradoxical reaction as the initial international business response to the purges has been caution and hesitation. The opaque arrests of key Saudi figures in finance and business could potentially mute investment and increase wariness over domestic instability and the state of the rule-of-law in the country with those detained reportedly paying up to $1 billion for their freedom.

MBS's centralisation of power is bound to anger many influential groups including royal relatives, conservatives and businessmen. This leads to the questions of whether MBS can successfully navigate the turbulence his reforms create and how deep their impact will be on the Arab world's largest economy, during a particularly precarious time in Middle Eastern politics.

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Saudi power purge: removing obstacles to Vision 2030 | Foreign Brief

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Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince is creating a growing list of opponents as he pursues his reform agenda. WHAT'S HAPPENING? Saudi Arabia's young Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, known as MBS, is driving sweeping economic and social reforms in the kingdom after purging his political rivals.

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Jeddah Tower: What does the world's next tallest skyscraper look like now? | CNN

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These are the images that show what will soon be known as the world's next tallest building rising from the desert. When the 3,280-feet-tall (1,000-meter-tall) Jeddah Tower, in Saudi Arabia, opens in 2020, it will knock Dubai's iconic Burj Khalifa off its throne as the tallest skyscraper in the world by 236 feet (72 meters).

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King Salman of Saudi Arabia has issued a decree ordering women be allowed to obtain driver's licenses, according to state government's news agency (link in Arabic). Prince Khalid bin Salman, the Saudi ambassador to the US, confirmed at a press conference at the embassy in Washington, DC on Tuesday (Sept. 26) that Saudi women will be able to drive alone and won't need their guardian's permission to get a driver's license. The Interior Ministry will need to make a decision on whether women can be professional drivers, he added.

Saudi Arabia is the only country in the world that bans women from driving, so this is certainly a step in the right direction for human rights in the country, but there are a few caveats to the decree. For one, it ordered the formation of a ministerial body to decide on the issue within 30 days and implement the order by June 2018; in other words, it doesn't instantly or outrightly allow women to drive. Second, it also mandated any change in the law must "apply and adhere to the necessary Sharia standards," though didn't go into specifics of what that might entail.

A majority of members of the Council of Senior Scholars, the county's highest religious body, whose members are appointed by the king, has approved the new order, according to the decree.

Conditions might be improving for women in Saudi Arabia, but the country is still ranked 141 out of 144 countries for women's equality, according to the World Economic Forum's Global Gender Gap Report (Iceland is 1st and the US is 45th). Saudi Arabian law still requires all women to have a male guardian (usually a father, brother, or husband), who make legal and financial decisions on their behalf. Saudi Arabia women can't travel, conduct official business, rent an apartment, get married or divorced, or undergo certain medical procedures without the consent of their guardian.

Saudi Vision 2030

While this is clearly a win for women's rights, the motivation behind the decree might not be as humanitarian in nature as it appears.

Reliant on oil exports for 90% of its state budget, Saudi Arabia is now trying to diversify its economy and attract outside investment as part its Saudi Vision 2030 plan. Crown prince Mohammed bin Salman has been widely credited for the country's new focus on modernization; he announced the plan, which calls for investing billions of dollars in non-oil businesses, especially technology, in April 2016.

But to attract top investment and talent from around the world, you need to welcome a diverse, global community.

Saudi Arabia's repressive culture will be a barrier its efforts to modernize and diversify its economy, Goldman Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein suggested at the Bloomberg Global Business Forum last week, before the new order was issued. "No one has done this without attracting a lot of expats," he said. "You have to make it attractive." (Saudi Arabia does have a large share of foreign labor-but is trying to reduce that to create jobs for Saudis.)

In this context, it's reasonable to interpret the loosening of oppressive restrictions on women in Saudi Arabia as part of the country's larger effort to attract outside investment from Silicon Valley and other global tech hubs where VC's are dubious of the country's troubling record on women's rights.

In fact, the decree itself suggests this interpretation: The decree (translated from Arabic to English via Google) says that the decision was made taking into consideration "the negative consequences of not allowing women to drive the vehicle, and the positive aspects of allowing it." The ruling is likely to improve the country's international reputation, and the Saudi government could reap real financial benefit from the positive global press coverage.

The Saudi government has been slowly improving women's rights in the country over the past few years. In 2011, King Abdullah issued a decree allowing women to vote and run for office starting with the 2015 local elections.

For decades, the US and Saudi Arabia have been close allies thanks largely to their mutual dependency: The US needs Saudi oil and the Saudis need US customers. Now that North America is essentially energy independent, Saudi Arabia's human rights record will play an increasing role in how global corporations view the conservative country.

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The Saudi king's decree allowing women to drive is as much about money as human rights

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King Salman of Saudi Arabia has issued a decree ordering women be allowed to obtain driver's licenses, according to state government's news agency (link in Arabic). Prince Khalid bin Salman, the Saudi ambassador to the US, confirmed at a press conference at the embassy in Washington, DC on Tuesday (Sept.

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NEOM Project

How will Vision 2030 Contribute to Modernizing the Saudi Economy?

The announcement of NEOM project by the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in October 2017 revealed the growing trends of modernizing and reshaping the Saudi Economy in post-oil era. The project is an indication of the Kingdom's persistent approach to adopt large-scale development projects that capitalize on the advantages of the Saudi location and opportunities for cooperation with neighboring countries to transform towards a diversified, modern and more open economy.
Underpinnings of the Saudi Economy
The Saudi Vision 2030 features broad plans, including economic, social and development programs, aimed at preparing the Saudi for post-oil economy. It consists of three main axes: a thriving economy, a vibrant society, and an ambitious nation.

The vision focuses on the investment of Saudi Arabia's main resources, as it possesses the largest oil reserves in the region and the second largest reserves in the world, estimated at 267 billion barrels of oil, about 8.5 trillion cubic meters of natural gas, plus considerable reserves of gold, Phosphate, uranium, as well as renewable energy sources and others.

As for the human component, Saudi Arabia has 33.2 million people, mostly youth, with a relatively high growth rate. More than 78 percent of the population live in urban areas, which is a positive factor with regard to market size and domestic demand.

Moreover, Saudi Arabia enjoys a large area and a distinct geographical location, as it comes first in terms of space in the Middle East and North Africa region and 13 th globally, with up to 2.250.000 square kilometers. It is situated in the far West Asia, near Africa and Europe, with a long coastline on the Arabian Gulf in the east and on the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aqaba in the west, with a total coastline of 2640 km. The huge area and geographical location provide it with comparative advantages that enable it to be a business and trade hub at the regional and global levels.
Post-oil Era
In order to prepare the Saudi economy for the post-oil era, the Kingdom's vision focused on the optimal investment of these resources and set relevant goals, on top of them spurring real growth to increase the size of the Kingdom's economy to advance to the 15 th rank, instead of the 19 th in global rankings, raising the proportion of non-oil exports from 16 percent to 50 percent of the GDP.

In addition, the vision aims to increase the proportion of local content in the oil and gas sectors from 40 percent to 75 percent, and raise the contribution of small and medium enterprises from 20 percent to 35 percent of the GDP. Furthermore, the vision aims to enhance the contribution of tourism in the GDP by doubling the numbers of Umrah and Haj pilgrims.

The vision also seeks to take advantage of the geographical location of the Kingdom by turning it into a hub for logistics services, to advance on the service performance Index logistics from the 49 th to the 25 th at the global level. It also aims to progress to the 25 th in the Global Competitiveness Index, to become one of the first 10 countries in this ranking.

Furthermore, the Kingdom seeks to achieve a set of social-related development goals with, such as: raising the rate of Saudis' ownership of houses, boosting women's participation in the labour market, slashing the unemployment rate by half, promoting the practice of sports and family spending on culture and leisure, and improving life expectancy at birth, among other goals.

Surely, the implementation of this vision needs a huge funding, about USD 4 trillion according to McKinsey Institute estimates. To secure this funding, the Kingdom seeks additional sources along with the large cash reserves it possesses, namely USD 516 billion of reserves in the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority (SAMA) and about USD 230 billion of assets managed by the Public Investment Fund (PIF).

The vision offers the private sector the opportunity to participate in the financing and management of facilities and services. It also aims to increase the value of the PIF assets to about USD 1.9 trillion. In this respect, the vision adopts several mechanisms, including to float around 5 percent of Aramco in an initial public offering (IPO). Besides, the kingdom's vision is to increase non-oil government revenues from USD 43.5 billion to USD 267 billion a year, and attract more foreign direct investment to help raise the proportion of such investments in the GDP from 3.8 percent to the 5.7 percent, the global rate.
Pillars of NEOM Project
Saudi Arabia espouses a string of mega-development projects, several of which have been announced over the past period, the largest of which so far is NEOM. It is located on an area of about 26.5 thousand square kilometers, situated in an area that enables the Kingdom to cooperate with both Egypt and Jordan. The project overlooks 460 km of coastline of on the Gulf of Aqaba and the Red Sea, where 10 percent of world trade goes through. In addition, an average of 70 percent of the world's population can reach the project in the span of 8 hours only.

This giant project includes several sub-projects distributed to various economic sectors, particularly renewable energy, technology, tourism, industry, food security, transport and logistics services.

With these advantages, NEOM epitomizes the Saudi Vision 2030 and the grand ambitions it seeks to realize, at a time full of geopolitical challenges at the regional level. This is in addition to the various economic challenges facing the world now, on top of them the unusual decline in oil prices, which reflects that a fundamental change is taking place in the world oil markets. This shift in the oil prices will radically alter the face of markets and heralds a new future for oil economies, including the Saudi economy.

The Saudi economy has relied on oil resources as a major source of income in the past years, with oil revenues accounting for more than four fifths of its public revenues.

In conclusion, the major development projects being pursued by Saudi Arabia, as part of its vision 2030, need substantial funding and may face some challenges. However, the expected challenges appear to be manageable considering the great economic potentials of the Kingdom. That is due to its strong drive to overhaul its economy beyond post-oil stage, desire to thrust the Saudi economy to a new position to be more balanced, enabling it to evade the negative repercussions of any future problems or crises, including those associated with oil and energy markets in general.

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NEOM ProjectHow will Vision 2030 Contribute to Modernizing the Saudi Economy?

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NEOM Project How will Vision 2030 Contribute to Modernizing the Saudi Economy? The announcement of NEOM project by the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in October 2017 revealed the growing trends of modernizing and reshaping the Saudi Economy in post-oil era.

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At 32 years old, Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is already the most dominant Arab leader in a generation. This week, he embarks on a cross-country American tour, where he'll pitch his kingdom to a skeptical U.S. public. He was named heir to the throne nine months ago by his 82-year-old father, King Salman, who granted his son vast new powers. Known by his initials -- "M-B-S" -- his reforms inside Saudi Arabia have been revolutionary. He is emancipating women, introducing music and cinema and cracking down on corruption, in a land with 15,000 princes. But selling Saudi Arabia won't be easy. In his first interview with an American television network, he was eager to discuss his country's promise and its troubled reputation head-on.

Norah O'Donnell: When many Americans think about Saudi Arabia, they think about Osama bin Laden and 9/11. They think about the terrorism that he brought to American soil.

Mohammed bin Salman: Right. Osama bin Laden recruited 15 Saudis in the 9/11 attacks witha clear objective. According to the CIA documents and Congressional investigations, Osama bin Laden wanted to create a schism between the Middle East and the West, between Saudi Arabia and the United States of America.

Norah O'Donnell: Why did Osama bin Laden wanna create that hatred between the West and Saudi Arabia?

Mohammed bin Salman: In order to create an environment conducive to recruitment and spreading his radical message that the west is plotting to destroy you. Indeed he succeeded in creating this schism in the west.

Norah O'Donnell: And how do you change that? Because it looks like what you're trying to do is change things here at home.

Mohammed bin Salman: Indeed. I believe that we have succeeded in many respects in the last three years.

We first met Prince Mohammed at the Royal Court in Riyadh. He arrived in a driving rain, a sign of good fortune in the desert kingdom. He's been called bold and visionary for his reforms at home, as well as reckless and impulsive in his rise to power. He has kicked a hornet's nest in the Middle East and earned a host of new enemies, partly why he's one of the most heavily-guarded men in the world. This is the office where he starts his days.

Norah O'Donnell: Working hard?

Mohammed bin Salman in English: Always.

He learned English from watching movies as a kid. And he's acutely aware that 70 percent of the population is like him, under the age of 35 - and getting restless.

Norah O'Donnell: What's been the biggest challenge?

Mohammed bin Salman in English: There's a lot of challenge. I think the first big challenge that we have is do the people believe in what we are doing.

Norah O'Donnell: There is a widespread perception that the kind of Islam practiced inside Arabia is harsh, it's strict, it's intolerant. Is there any truth to that?

Mohammed bin Salman: After 1979, that's true. We were victims, especially my generation that suffered from this a great deal.

The crown prince traces most of Saudi Arabia's problems to the year 1979, when the Ayatollah Khomeini established an Islamic theocracy next door in Iran. The same year, religious extremists in Saudi Arabia took over Islam's holiest site, the Grand Mosque in Mecca. In order to appease their own religious radicals, the Saudis began clamping down and segregating women from everyday life.

Norah O'Donnell: What has been this Saudi Arabia for the past 40 years? Is that the real Saudi Arabia?

Mohammed bin Salman: Absolutely not. This is not the real Saudi Arabia. I would ask your viewers to use their smartphones to find out. And they can google Saudi Arabia in the 70s and 60s, and they will see the real Saudi Arabia easily in the pictures.

Norah O'Donnell: What was Saudi Arabia like before 1979?

Mohammed bin Salman: We were living a very normal life like the rest of the Gulf countries. Women were driving cars. There were movie theaters in Saudi Arabia. Women worked everywhere. We were just normal people developing like any other country in the world until the events of 1979.

Saudi women -- who've been virtually invisible in public -- have been given new rights, making it easier for them to start a business, join the military, and attend concerts and sporting events. In June, they will be able to get behind the wheel and drive.

Norah O'Donnell: Are women equal to men?

Mohammed bin Salman: Absolutely. We are all human beings and there is no difference.

Norah O'Donnell: You have said you are, "Taking Saudi Arabia back to what we were, a moderate Islam." What does that mean?

Mohammed bin Salman: We have extremists who forbid mixing between the two sexes and are unable to differentiate between a man and a woman alone together and their being together in a workplace. Many of those ideas contradict the way of life during the time of the prophet and the Caliphs. This is the real example and the true model.

He has curbed the powers of the country's so-called "religious police," who until recently were able to arrest women for not covering up. And listen carefully to what he says is not part of Islamic Law.

Mohammed bin Salman: The laws are very clear and stipulated in the laws of Sharia: that women wear decent, respectful clothing, like men. This, however, does not particularly specify a black abaya or a black head cover. The decision is entirely left for women to decide what type of decent and respectful attire she chooses to wear.

His words are significant, and so far, the kingdom's religious leaders are holding their tongues, and have sworn allegiance to the young prince.

Of all of the meetings he presides over every week, this is the most important: his economic council. These are the men, and a few women, trusted with re-making Saudi Arabia's "social pact" with its people. One of the crown prince's closest advisers is Mohammed al-Sheikh, a Saudi-born, Harvard-trained lawyer.

Mohammed al-Sheikh: We had a young population. And we were providing for the population, you know subsidized energy, subsidized water, subsidized medicine, subsidized education, we subsidized everybody's life.

Norah O'Donnell: And no taxes.

Mohammed al-Sheikh: And no taxes.

Norah O'Donnell: How close was Saudi Arabia to a financial crisis?

Mohammed al-Sheikh: I don't think it was extremely close, but it was heading in that direction.

Reforming the welfare state is one challenge. Another is what the crown prince calls Saudi Arabia's "addiction" to oil. The state oil company, Aramco, is valued at $2 trillion. Under the crown prince's plan, some of it will be sold off to invest in new ventures. There are concerns that the kingdom's secretive finances and dismal record on human rights may spook investors.

Norah O'Donnell: You have promised transparency and openness. But there are reports that dozens of people who have criticized your government have been arrested in the last year. They include economists, clerics, intellectuals. Is this really an open and free society?

Mohammed bin Salman: We will try to publicize as much as we can and as fast as we can, information about these individuals in order to make the world aware of what the government of Saudi Arabia is doing to combatradicalism.

Norah O'Donnell: But to answer the question about human rights abuses in this country.

Mohammed bin Salman: Saudi Arabia believes in many of the principles of human rights. In fact, we believe in the notion of human rights, but ultimately Saudi standards are not the same as American standards. I don't want to say that we don't have shortcomings. We certainly do. But naturally, we are working to mend these shortcomings.

But the crown prince has been accused of heavy-handed tactics. The most extraordinary example happened last November, at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel in Riyadh. He invited hundreds of current and former government ministers, media moguls, prominent businessmen, and at least 11 princes to a meeting here, where they were accused of stealing from the state and were held until they either paid it back or proved their innocence.

Norah O'Donnell: I mean, what happened at the Ritz-Carlton? How did that work? You were, essentially, the Ritz-Carlton became a jail.

Mohammed bin Salman: What we did in Saudi Arabia was extremely necessary. All actions taken were in accordance with existing and published laws.

Among the detained was Prince Alwaleed bin Talal -- one of the richest men in the world. After Prince Alwaleed was detained for more than two months, the Saudis allowed a camera crew inside his room at the Ritz for a brief interview.

Prince Alwaleed: And I'd like to stay here until this thing's over completely and get out and life goes on.

Mohammed al-Sheikh said the crackdown was necessary.

Mohammed al-Sheikh: It wasn't easy. Just given the names and given the people who were involved, it really wasn't easy. But we-- we just felt that we had to do this. And and we had to do it that way.

Norah O'Donnell: What kinda corruption are we talking about? I mean, how much money was disappearing?

Mohammed al-Sheikh: Probably 5 to 10 percent of the annual spend by the government, which was roughly, I would say anywhere between $10-20 billion, maybe even more, on an annual basis.

Norah O'Donnell: So $20 billion a year is just disappearing?

Mohammed al-Sheikh: Disappearing.

There have been reports that some detainees were physically abused, and one died in custody. The Saudis told us the choice of the hotel, "was to maintain the respect, dignity and... comfort for those being investigated."

Norah O'Donnell: Was it a power grab?

Mohammed bin Salman: If I have the power and the king has the power to take action against influential people, then you are already fundamentally strong. These are naïve accusations.

Norah O'Donnell: How much money did you get back?

Mohammed bin Salman: The amount exceeds $100 billion, but the real objective was not this amount or any other amount. The idea is not to get money, but to punish the corrupt and send a clear signal that whoever engages in corrupt deals will face the law.

Norah O'Donnell: Is this also about sending a message that, as we say in America, there's a new sheriff in town?

Mohammed bin Salman: Absolutely. Absolutely.

"Saudi Arabia does not want to acquire any nuclear bomb, but without a doubt, if Iran developed a nuclear bomb, we will follow suit as soon as possible."

But while the "new sheriff" is cracking down on corruption, there are questions about his own fortune. The New York Times reports he recently purchased a yacht for a half-billion dollars, along with a French chateau.

Mohammed bin Salman: My personal life is something I'd like to keep to myself and I don't try to draw attention to it. If some newspapers want to point something out about it, that's up to them. As far as my private expenses, I'm a rich person and not a poor person. I'm not Gandhi or Mandela. I'm a member of the ruling family that existed for hundreds of years before the founding of Saudi Arabia. We own very large lots of land, and my personal life is the same as it was 10 or 20 years ago. But what I do as a person is to spend part of my personal income on charity. I spend at least 51% on people and 49 on myself.

Among the prince's official titles is "minister of defense." And this is where his apparent fixation on Iran has led him into a quagmire in neighboring Yemen.

Mohammed bin Salman: The Iranian ideology penetrated some parts of Yemen. During that time, this militia was conducting military maneuvers right next to our borders and positioning missiles at our borders.

His response was to launch a bombing campaign that's led to a humanitarian disaster, as we reported on 60 Minutes last fall. He says Iranian-backed rebels have used the country to fire missiles at Riyadh.

Mohammed bin Salman: I can't imagine that the United States will accept one day to have a militia in Mexico launching missiles on Washington D.C., New York and LA while Americans are watching these missiles and doing nothing.

The United Nations says thousands of civilian deaths in Yemen are the direct result of Saudi airstrikes and a blockade, since lifted, of Yemen's port that temporarily stopped food and medicine from getting to hundreds of thousands of people.

Norah O'Donnell: Do you acknowledge that it has been a humanitarian catastrophe, 5,000 civilians killed and children starving there?

Mohammed bin Salman: It is truly very painful, and I hope that this militia ceases using the humanitarian situation to their advantage in order to draw sympathy from the international community. They block humanitarian aid in order to create famine and a humanitarian crisis.

Norah O'Donnell: Is what's happening in Yemen, essentially, a proxy war with Iran?

Mohammed bin Salman: Unfortunately, Iran is playing a harmful role. The Iranian regime is based on pure ideology. Many of the Al-Qaeda operatives are protected in Iran and it refuses to surrender them to justice, and continues to refuse to extradite them to the United States. This includes the son of Osama bin Laden, the new leader of Al-Qaeda. He lives in Iran and works out of Iran. He is supported by Iran.

It's worth noting that Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shia Iran both claim to represent the one true branch of Islam.

Norah O'Donnell: At its heart, what is this rift about? Is it a battle for Islam?

Mohammed bin Salman: Iran is not a rival to Saudi Arabia. Its army is not among the top five armies in the Muslim world. The Saudi economy is larger than the Iranian economy. Iran is far from being equal to Saudi Arabia.

Norah O'Donnell: But I've seen that you called the Ayatollah, Khamenei, "the new Hitler" of the Middle East.

Mohammed bin Salman: Absolutely.

Norah O'Donnell: Why?

Mohammed bin Salman: Because he wants to expand. He wants to create his own project in the Middle East very much like Hitler who wanted to expand at the time. Many countries around the world and in Europe did not realize how dangerous Hitler was until what happened, happened. I don't want to see the same events happening in the Middle East.

Norah O'Donnell: Does Saudi Arabia need nuclear weapons to counter Iran?

Mohammed bin Salman: Saudi Arabia does not want to acquire any nuclear bomb, but without a doubt, if Iran developed a nuclear bomb, we will follow suit as soon as possible.

A note from 60 Minutes: Our story "Heir to the Throne" has many authors. The ten-person team that traveled to Saudi Arabia for approximately a week included correspondent Norah O'Donnell, who carried with her a long-held fascination for the region. Also on our team: producers Graham Messick and Vanessa Fica, who began working on the assignment more than two years ago at the request of the story's original producer, Harry A. Radliffe II, before he passed away of cancer at age 66. Radliffe was 60 Minutes' resident expert on politics, religion, and history in the Middle East. Well-traveled and passionately curious, Harry would say about a 60 Minutes segment on Saudi Arabia: "If that ain't a story, I don't know what is." Radliffe was known for taking his time with stories like this; he knew that some day, the Saudi royal family would - at long last -- give its go-ahead. Sadly, that day came after Harry's passing, but we are so glad to have carried on his vision. Also on the team that made this story possible: associate producer Jack Weingart, Middle East producer Amjad Tadros, photographers Jonathan Partridge and Mark La Ganga, audio engineers Anton Van der Merwe and Matt Magratten, and editors Dan Glucksman and Craig Crawford. Jeff Fager, Radliffe's close friend and the executive producer of 60 Minutes, had final say over the story and personally assured two Saudi princes that we would be fair and accurate and allow the crown prince to tell his story if he let us. We are glad he did.
Saudi Arabia's 32-year-old Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman outmaneuvered uncles, cousins and half-brothers to become the power behind the throne of his aging father, King Salman. Since then, this royal upstart has been remaking Saudi society- out of both social and economic necessity. The vast majority of the kingdom's citizens are under 30 - connected to the world at large through their cell phones. Just as important, oil is no longer a predictable source of revenue, meaning the cradle-to-grave healthcare, education and other services that have been the birthright of every Saudi citizen, are imperiled. It's a combustible mix for a brash leader in a dangerous part of the world. But, the heir to the throne seems eager for the challenge.

Norah O'Donnell: Oh, this is where you spend all night?

Mohammed bin Salman in English: Mostly. So all of the workaholic ministers used to spend most of their nights in this, in these offices. So, I'm sorry if it's a little bit lousy.

Norah O'Donnell: This is not a lousy office.

He spends most evenings in Riyadh's Irgah Palace, where he dispenses with the traditional Saudi headscarf.

Norah O'Donnell: And so what time in the morning are you here till working?

Mohammed bin Salman in English: Oh, I come here, at, like afternoon till late night.

We're told his 82-year-old father, King Salman, is somewhere upstairs, leaving most of the day-to-day work to his son. He escorted us at 9 p.m. into a meeting about the public investment fund.

Under Prince Mohammed's detailed plan to remake Saudi Arabia - called "Vision 2030" - the public investment fund will eventually grow to $2 trillion. The men in this room are talking about how to invest it. They recently sank three and a half billion dollars into Uber. If bets like that pay off, it will be dividends, not oil revenues, pouring into the Saudi treasury.

Princess Reema: This man spend 24 hours a day working towards this vision.

Princess Reema bint Bandar is the crown prince's cousin and he chose her to lead one of the government sports authorities.

Norah O'Donnell: You were surprised by the pace with which he's doing stuff.

Princess Reema: I'm not surprised by the pace. I'm surprised by how detailed the pace is. We are not a community that's used to somebody saying, "Tuesday, the 5th of November, I want to see X." That kind of means yes, maybe, inshallah.

Norah O'Donnell: God willing.

Princess Reema: There is actually a tracking system that we all monthly update. What's our progress? How have we hit our numbers? We are working and operating like a private sector. And that's new.

To a visitor, it doesn't look like that much has changed. Single men in crisp white robes and women dressed entirely in black, keep their distance from one another. Female visitors still feel obligated to wear the traditional Abaya in public... but no longer the headscarf. At this Starbucks, men sit in one section - women and families just beyond the wooden partition.

It was difficult to get people - especially women - to talk on camera about the crown prince's reforms. This man urged caution.

Abdul Rahman: I like the change that is gradual. We don't wanna move too fast and pay a heavy price.

Norah O'Donnell: In other words, you think that the crown prince has to be very careful about the pace?

Abdul Rahman: Exactly.

Saudi Arabia still adheres to an ancient power-sharing arrangement between the House of Saud and Wahhabi Islam, the strict, predominant faith in Saudi Arabia. But the crown prince told us it is not his religion, but extremists within Islamic groups like the Muslim Brotherhood, that have infiltrated Saudi society, including its schools.

Norah O'Donnell: Are you looking at the schooling and the education in Saudi Arabia?

Mohammed bin Salman: Saudi schools have been invaded by many elements from the Muslim Brotherhood organization, surely to a great extent. Even now, there are some elements left. It will be a short while until they are all eradicated completely.

Norah O'Donnell: You say you're going to eradicate this extremism in the education system here?

Mohammed bin Salman: Of course, no country in the world would accept that its educational system be invaded by any radical group.

The crown prince represents the vast majority of the Saudi people - who are overwhelmingly young, restless, and connected to just about everything through their cell phones. They see a kindred spirit in their new iPad-addicted leader.

Norah O'Donnell: Most of the young women that I met are all on Snapchat. They were asking me to join them on Snapchat. This is this is changing this entire culture.

Mohammed bin Salman: I can't claim that I played a role in this. Saudi citizens have always been open to social media and technology.

Young Saudis we talked to at this trendy pop-up burger joint say they are still careful about what they post on Twitter and Instagram, which is why members of the opposite sex connect via private messaging apps like Snapchat and Whatsapp.

Norah O'Donnell: Social media.

MALE #1: It's huge in Saudi Arabia.

MALE #2: This is our escape, yes.

Norah O'Donnell: The phone is your escape?

MALE VOICE: Yes. Social media is.

The crown prince has more pressing concerns, only 22 percent of Saudi women work, and he wants to encourage more to join the workforce.

Mohammed bin Salman: We are working on an initiative, which we will launch in the near future, to introduce regulations ensuring equal pay for men and women.

Norah O'Donnell: But you're talking about equal pay. Women can't even drive in this country. This is the last, last place in the world that women don't have the rights to drive.

Mohammed bin Salman: This is no longer an issue. Today, driving schools have been established and will open soon. In a few months, women will drive in Saudi Arabia. We are finally over that painful period that we cannot justify.

Norah O'Donnell: Certainly, most people hear about the rule that will allow women to drive in June. But there have also existed these guardianship laws that, in order to travel, a woman has to get the permission of a male in her household. It seems so throwback.

Mohammed bin Salman: Today, Saudi women still have not received their full rights. There are rights stipulated in Islam that they still don't have. We have come a very long way and have a short way to go.

He wanted us to see this driving school, at Princess Nourah University, the largest all women's university in the world. The school is preparing to teach 70,000 women how to drive.

These trainers will put women through classes and simulators before having them hit the road.

Norah O'Donnell: How do you get to work or school now?

WOMAN #1: For me, I have a driver. Or, like, my dad or my brother.

WOMAN #2: Driving is just a quick win. It's not everything. It's just representative that we're going in the right direction. It's progress. The trajectory now is just going forward and not backwards.

Norah O'Donnell: You are witnessing history?

WOMEN: (OVERTALK) Yes. Exactly. We are glad to be part of this history.

Princess Reema is also helping make history - she recently opened the gates for Saudi women to attend soccer matches.

Norah O'Donnell: I mean, it was just in 2015 that a Saudi woman was arrested trying to go to a game.

Princess Reema: Yes. Yes. And you know what? I'm proud to say that I was at the first game where that's no longer a reality. How sensational is that to say in two years? In two years the arc has changed.

Norah O'Donnell: People have asked me for my impressions and there's so much that's modern, in terms of infrastructure and American restaurants. But it is still interesting to see that single men eat in one part of the restaurant. And families and women in another.

Princess Reema: Correct.

Norah O'Donnell: It's segregated.

Princess Reema: It is viewed here as the preservation of the privacy of the personal space of the woman. If it comes out to being viewed internationally as disrespectful, that's not the intention. Does it end up sometimes causing obstacles? Yes. But the intent is not disrespect.

Norah O'Donnell: Do you think Mohammed bin Salman is prepared to take the throne?

Princess Reema: I don't think anyone is ever prepared. I think since he was 18 years old he has been groomed for leadership.

His ascension would mark a generational power shift. It was his grandfather, King Abdulaziz, who founded modern Saudi Arabia, and was succeeded by six sons, including the current king, King Salman. The crown prince grew up by his father's side, learning and biding his time.

Norah O'Donnell: What did you learn from your father?

Mohammed bin Salman: Many, many things. He loves history very much. He is an avid reader of history. Each week, he would assign each one of us a book. And at the end of the week, he would ask us about the content of that book. The king always says, "If you read the history of a thousand years, you have the experience of a thousand years."

Mohammed bin Salman is trying to keep pace with a population that's become as familiar with American celebrity culture as they are with the tales of the Prophet Muhammad in the birthplace of Islam. Just as American society transformed during the 1960's, the Saudis are in the midst of their own cultural revolution. The kingdom, the Middle East, and the Islamic world may never be the same.

Norah O'Donnell: You're 32 years old. You could rule this country for the next 50 years.

Mohammed bin Salman: Only God knows how long one will live, if one would live 50 years or not, but if things go their normal ways, then that's to be expected.

Norah O'Donnell: Can anything stop you?

Mohammed bin Salman: Only death.
Produced by Graham Messick and Vanessa Fica. Associate producer, Jack Weingart.

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Saudi Arabia's heir to the throne talks to 60 Minutes

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At 32 years old, Saudi Arabia's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is already the most dominant Arab leader in a generation. This week, he embarks on a cross-country American tour, where he'll pitch his kingdom to a skeptical U.S. public.

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Al Arabiya interviews Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman | Saudi Vision 2030

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It is my pleasure to present Saudi Arabia's Vision for the future. It is an ambitious yet achievable blueprint, which expresses our long-term goals and expectations and reflects our country's strengths and capabilities. All success stories start with a vision, and successful visions are based on strong pillars.

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The youngest defence minister in the world and the first in line to the throne, 32-year-old Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud is also the kingdom's deputy prime minister.

Early life

Mohammed bin Salman, known colloquially as MBS, was born on August 31, 1985. His mother, Princess Fahda bint Falah bin Sultan bin Hathleen, is from the Ajman tribe, whose leader is the princess' grandfather, Rakan bin Hathleen.

In 2008, bin Salman married Princess Sarah bint Mashhoor bin Abdulaziz Al Saud, and together they had three children.

He received his primary education in Riyadh, the country's capital, where he was ranked among the kingdom's top 10 students.

He obtained a law degree from King Saud University, where he graduated second in his class. Throughout his time as a university student, bin Salman was enrolled in various training programmes.

Professional life

After graduation, bin Salman established a number of firms before he became involved in governmental work. He served as secretary-general of the Riyadh Competitive Council, special adviser to the chairman of the board for the King Abdulaziz Foundation, and member of the board of trustees for the Albir Society for development.

As part of his philanthropic work, he also established the MiSK Foundation, a non-profit organisation that works on cultivating learning and leadership among Saudi youth and develops startups in the country through various business incubation programmes.

In 2013, he was awarded the "Personality of the Year" award by Forbes Middle East for his role as chairman of the MiSK Foundation in recognition of his support for Saudi youth and their development.

Regional affairs

Prince Mohammed bin Salman embarked on his political journey when he served as a full-time adviser to the Council of Ministers for two years in 2007.

In 2009, he became special adviser to his father, who was governor of Riyadh at the time, and continued to serve the experts commission of the Saudi cabinet as a part-time consultant until March 2013.

The prince was appointed defence minister on January 23, 2015, after his father's accession to the throne. In the same year, he was named deputy crown prince.

His most notable move as defence minister was leading Operation Decisive Storm, a Saudi-led coalition in Yemen against the Houthi rebels , which was launched two months after his appointment.

The new crown prince is also driving a far more aggressive foreign policy to counter the influence of regional rival, Iran.

Prior to his most recent appointments, bin Salman spent a number of years as his father's personal aide. He was previously president of his father's Royal Court when King Salman was crown prince, where he began introducing his own changes.

In addition to his existing roles, Mohammed bin Salman also heads the Council for Economic Affairs and Development, which oversees the kingdom's economic affairs, ultimately shaping its political and security policies.

In November 2017, four ministers, 11 princes and several high-profile entrepreneurs were detained on orders of MBS in what was presented as an anti-corruption purge. However, the measures targeted many of his direct rivals, thus consolidating the prince's power over the kingdom.

In December was reported that Israel's Intelligence Minister Yisrael Katz had invited the crown prince to visit Israel and recommended that peace negotiations between the Palestinians and Israel happen under the kingdom's auspices.

Economic reforms

In April 2016, Prince Mohammed introduced Vision 2030, Saudi Arabia's vision of the future, which is aimed at making the kingdom the heart of the Arab and Islamic world, an investment powerhouse, and a hub that connects three continents.

The reformative initiative seeks to diversify and privatise the economy, and to make it less reliant on oil. By 2030, the initiative also aims to establish an e-government system.

Prince Mohammed also plans to sell about 5 percent of Aramco, Saudi Arabia's national oil company. The IPO is expected to raise as much as $100bn, but investors wonder whether Aramco can be valued anywhere close to the $2 trillion figure announced by the crown prince.

He also announced a $500bn plan to create a business and industrial zone extending across its borders into Jordan and Egypt. The 26,500 square-km zone, known as NEOM, will focus on industries including energy and water, biotechnology, food, advanced manufacturing and entertainment, and will power itself solely with wind power and solar energy.

Entertainment

The crown prince has also called for more entertainment options in the kingdom for both families and youth. The cabinet passed regulation to reduce the power of the religious police, and an entertainment authority was established in May 2016.

In his attempt to override tradition, he also engaged younger Saudi Muslim scholars who are active on social media and better known among Saudi youth, as opposed to the kingdom's council of senior scholars who set official religious policy and often release religious opinions.

In December 2017, he lifted a 35-year ban on cinemas.

"Where the government's PR has been quite successful is that by emphasising these social reforms and issues like women's driving, that is really improving the international reputation of the country without actually promising any kinds of reforms where political representation or human rights are concerned," Jane Kinninmont, a senior research fellow at the Chatham House think-tank in London, told Al Jazeera.

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Profile: Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman

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The youngest defence minister in the world and the first in line to the throne, 32-year-old Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud is also the kingdom's deputy prime minister. Mohammed bin Salman, known colloquially as MBS, was born on August 31, 1985.