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Os pactos de Israel com os Emirados Árabes Unidos e Bahrein vão muito além da tênue “paz fria” com Egito e Jordânia. Eles podem até ajudar a acabar com o conflito com os palestinos

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It's a brand-new Middle East. Within the span of only a month, the United States has brokered peace between Israel and two Arab countries-first the United Arab Emirates, then Bahrain. Both deals are revolutionary in scope: By normalizing ties and focusing on business, trade, and travel, these "warm peace" agreements go beyond the often tenuous "cold peace" that Egypt and Jordan made with the Jewish state decades ago. Not only do the UAE and Bahrain deals set the stage for a sea change in Arab-Israeli relations, but they might even present a novel opportunity to finally solve the most intractable issue between the two sides: the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

Ties between Israel and the Gulf have grown exponentially in recent years. Underpinned by the common threat from Iran, what began as whispers of covert intelligence cooperation gradually transformed to increasingly public signs of amity. Gulf leaders have acknowledged Israel's right to exist and defend itself, Israel's flag has flown at sporting events, and Israeli officials have been allowed to visit. This process culminated in last month's UAE-Israel deal, which seeks to break a major taboo in Arab-Israeli relations by establishing deep bilateral ties not just between Israeli and Emirati officialdom or security establishments, but between their peoples. That deal provides the necessary cover for other Gulf states to follow suit.

Critically, because the UAE and Bahrain are regional business hubs, the two peace deals will facilitate people-to-people interactions between growing numbers of Israeli visitors and hundreds of thousands of expatriate workers from across the Arab and Islamic world-including Iranians, Iraqis, Lebanese, Palestinians, and Syrians-whose home countries have hostile relations with Israel, if any. Even if the process will be incremental, creating a space for these populations to interact with each other for the first time as real human beings-away from hostilities, mutual recriminations, and governmental propaganda-will have a revolutionary impact on all sides, and on regional peace.

The new peace deals thus remedy a critical deficiency of Israel's earlier agreements with Egypt and Jordan. To be sure, Israel's historic 1979 peace agreement with Egypt remains an unassailable benchmark for ending Arab-Israeli wars by removing the Arab world's most populous and powerful nation from the conflict. Without that critical change, no subsequent agreement between Israel and its Arab neighbors might have been possible. But that peace-and its 1994 successor with Jordan-remains a cold one, confined to strong security coordination and a smattering of economic deals. Dependent on the survival of regimes of questionable longevity, such a peace is perpetually vulnerable to regional and domestic vicissitudes.

This was most obvious during the brief Arab Spring in 2011, when the Egyptian revolutionaries who deposed Hosni Mubarak labeled him an "agent of the Jews"-and later stormed Israel's embassy in Cairo after Israeli forces mistakenly killed three Egyptian soldiers during a border clash with Islamist militants.

Israel's peace deal with Jordan-which, like the UAE deal, formalized decadeslong clandestine ties-has experienced similar volatility. The July 2017 attack on the Israeli Embassy in Amman, and the case of Ahmed Daqamseh, the Jordanian soldier who shot and killed seven Israeli schoolgirls in 1997, are two of the more tragic examples. Popular calls to annul the treaty are routine, and official relations ebb and flow in tandem with Israeli-Palestinian tensions. In 2019, Amman terminated an Israeli lease of a Jordanian border enclave due to lack of progress on Israeli-Palestinian peace, and this year even it mulled canceling their peace treaty altogether if Israel annexed West Bank territories.

The new normalization deals are different. Anwar Gargash, the UAE's minister of state for foreign affairs, said that his country wants a "warm"-and therefore more durable-peace with Israel, which he said should be a "two-way street" with "people-to-people movement." He was echoed by Ali al-Nuaimi, another senior Emirati official, who said the deal is a " peace message, not a political treaty." He stressed that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will not hinder Emirati-Israeli peace-not " even a war with Gaza."

Demonstrating their seriousness, the Emiratis have followed through with a flurry of steps to deepen relations with Israel. They have concluded an agreement on medical research and development related to COVID-19, signed an Israeli player for Dubai's Al-Nasr soccer team, inked a film and television cooperation agreement that plans to establish a regional film festival, sent direct flights to Tel Aviv, and allowed open visits by Israeli journalists. There is great interest in expanding tourism, but that will depend on Israel lifting its coronavirus-related travel restrictions. Gargash said that these kinds of mutual exchange will interlink the two countries and permanently end the "belligerent state of affairs" between them.

Bahrain sounded a similar note, casting its normalization decision as something that would "strengthen Bahrainis' security and their economic stability." Bahrain's normalization announcement is particularly important because such a decision likely would have needed Saudi Arabia's approval, indicating tacit acceptance of normalization even if Riyadh's public support has been muted. Bahrain's deal also raises the possibility that Saudi Arabia might be persuaded to sign one of its own, even with the political sensitivities and constraints that Riyadh faces due to public hostility toward Israel.

This dramatic break with the old pan-Arab consensus-which predicated any normalization of relations on a final peace settlement between Israel and the Palestinians-reflects a sea change in the Gulf states' approach to the Palestinian issue. No longer is the Palestinian cause at the center of Arab countries' politics, as was reflected in the Arab League's refusal of a demand by the Palestinian Authority to condemn the UAE-Israeli deal. Despite continued concern for the Palestinians, some Gulf states seem to have tired of the Palestinian Authority's obstinacy and rejectionism in its dealings with Israel, and now they're opting to flip the old equation: Normalization with Israel is seen as the first step to secure Palestinian rights.

If Israel, Bahrain, and the UAE play their cards right, their agreements could have a positive impact on Israeli-Palestinian relations and accelerate progress toward a two-state solution. Under the aegis of this deal, Abu Dhabi and Manama could act as a moderating force on Palestinian politics and society, edging out malign actors such as Qatar, Iran, and Turkey, which have stoked the Palestinian rejectionism that feeds into the Gulf's frustration and Israeli hesitation to offer concessions.

Currently, the Palestinians are angry, having been urged by their backers to view these deals as a stab in the back. But over time, this can be mitigated. Israel could facilitate Emirati aid and investment in Gaza and the West Bank in order to both counter Iranian, Qatari, and Turkish efforts and enable the UAE to position itself as an alternative mediator between Israelis and Palestinians. Moreover, goodwill gestures and concessions from Israel-brokered by the Emiratis and Bahrainis-would demonstrate to the Palestinians that these Gulf states are capable of delivering on legitimate Palestinian rights and demands. In time, this could lead to the rise of a more moderate and responsible Palestinian society and leadership that could be a more willing peace partner to Israel.

But peace is a two-way street. To facilitate the UAE's and Bahrain's emergence as interlocutors with the Palestinians, Israel must-as Nuaimi urged- "directly approach the Palestinian people" and demonstrate the positive impact that these peace deals will have on them.

The first step is for Israel not just to suspend, but to halt permanently its promised annexation of certain West Bank territories, including the Jordan Valley. The messaging on this issue has been inconsistent: While the Emiratis have said the peace deal would "stop further Israeli annexation," Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has insisted annexation is merely "on hold," pending further coordination with the United States.

Indeed, Israeli intentions on the future of annexation remain unclear. Some Likud party insiders claimed that Netanyahu had already frozen the annexation process before the deal was reached. But as Netanyahu's coalition agreement with Defense Minister Benny Gantz's Blue and White movement remains shaky and the specter of a fourth Knesset election in less than two years looms, Netanyahu might use the annexation card to consolidate support from his right flank-both within and outside of Likud-in order to remain prime minister and form a more stable future government. At the moment, Netanyahu is vulnerable to a right-wing challenge because of his turnaround on annexation, and because he is seen as undermining Israel's zealously guarded military edge by lifting its objections to the United States' sale of F-35 fighter aircraft to the UAE. Whether Netanyahu will actually proceed with annexation or permanently renege on it remains unclear. If he does move forward, he will not only impede any moderating influence the UAE or another peace-minded Gulf state might have on the Palestinians but also embarrass the governments that told the world, and their populations, that an end to annexation was what Israel brought to the table for peace.

There are other pitfalls as well. There is no timetable for finalizing further concrete agreements on the various kinds of cooperation that have been announced. This could not only cloud the process of implementing normalization but also give fodder to the naysayers for casting their aspersions.

Many technical details remain in the air, and the region's volatility is no source of comfort. But despite the caveats and remaining questions, the Emirati and Bahraini agreements with Israel remain nothing short of revolutionary. They upend decades of stifling status quo and fruitless political orthodoxies that have failed to advance the cause of a genuine, positive peace-not merely the absence of conflict-for the region's war-weary inhabitants. The deals plant the seeds for a societal sea change and reveal how regional geopolitics have undergone a decisive shift. In time, the Gulf's embrace of Israel could even encourage Egypt, which welcomed the deal, and Jordan, which did so more tepidly, to move toward a warmer peace with the Israelis. In that, the agreements should be praised for being truly game-changing, laying the groundwork for genuine Israeli-Arab friendship, and signifying the long-awaited acknowledgment of each other's humanity.

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It's a brand-new Middle East. Within the span of only a month, the United States has brokered peace between Israel and two Arab countries-first the United Arab Emirates, then Bahrain. Both deals are revolutionary in scope: By normalizing ties and focusing on business, trade, and travel, these "warm peace" agreements go beyond the often tenuous "cold peace" that Egypt and Jordan made with the Jewish state decades ago.

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* Cooperação sul-sul;
* Benefícios e malefícios

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A Cooperação para o Desenvolvimento , como o conjunto de ações de atores internacionais para gerar desenvolvimento no mundo, surgiu no período pós-Guerra Fria e foi questionada em todas as suas fases quanto à sua eficácia e quanto à reprodução de relações de dependência e desigualdade entre os países. Como uma alternativa, os países do Sul Global (não confunda com hemisférios Sul, são coisas distintas!), ou seja, aqueles que são chamados de subdesenvolvidos ou estão em desenvolvimento, desenvolveram, ao longo da metade do século XX, uma proposta diferente para promover o desenvolvimento internacional.

A Cooperação Sul-Sul, como ficou conhecida, levantou ânimos entre os países em desenvolvimento para atuar coletivamente e promover soluções independentes e horizontais. Vamos saber mais sobre essa proposta de cooperação?

O que é a Cooperação Sul-Sul?

Quando se fala de cooperação Sul-Sul, refere-se a:

Cooperação econômica: favorecimento do comércio entre países em desenvolvimento, com o objetivo de reduzir as desigualdades entre países do Norte e do Sul.

Cooperação política: movimento de soliedariedade e coesão na tomada de decisão em fóruns multilaterais, como a Assembleia Geral da ONU, por grupos como o G-77 e o Movimento dos Países Não Alinhados (MNOAL)

Cooperação técnica: compartilhamento de conhecimento, experiências, progresso técnico, tecnologias apropriadas, contribuições financeiras entre países em desenvolvimento. É formalmente chamada de Cooperação Técnica entre Países em Desenvolvimento (CTPD) e abrange atores dos países em desenvolvimento: governos nacionais, agências subnacionais, organizações não-governamentais e setor privado. Podem também auxiliar organizações internacionais e os Estados desenvolvidos.

Mas o que são os países do Sul Global? Os países do sul global são os países em desenvolvimento da África, América Latina e Caribe, Ásia e Oceania, sejam economias grandes como China e Brasil, ou economias pequenas, como Guiné-Bissau e Andorra. Mesmo países como a China, que apresentam o PIB muito elevado, ainda classificam-se como Sul pelo fato dos índices de desigualdade social, anafalbetismo, mortalidade infantil, entre outros, serem bastante elevados. Desse modo, os países do Norte são aqueles desenvolvidos, incluindo grandes potências como Estados Unidos, como países em crise na Europa, como a . Não é uma distinção clara entre hemisfério sul e hemisfério norte, como podemos ver no mapa a seguir:

Quem paga a Cooperação técnica entre países em desenvolvimento?

Deve-se destacar que o foco da Cooperação Técnica entre Países em Desenvolvimento (CTPD) não são os fluxos financeiros, sejam doações ou empréstimos em dinheiro. O grande objetivo é o compartilhamento de práticas e experiências, com ganhos mútuos. Nesse sentido, todos os atores envolvidos são importantes para a CTPD: tanto aqueles que compartilham, como aqueles que recebem.

Em suma, os países promotores da CTPD são os países emergentes, ou seja, os países do Sul com índices de desenvolvimento mais avançado. O termo "doadores" não é aceito em níveis oficiais. São países que alcançaram determinado nível de desenvolvimento e consideram importante o desenvolvimento de outros países do Sul, seja qual for o motivo específico.

São países promotores de destaque: Argentina, Brasil, Chile e Cuba, na América latina,; China, Coreia do Sul e Índia, na Ásia; e África do Sul e Nigéria, na África.

Surgimento das relações Sul-Sul e a solidariedade entre os países em desenvolvimento

O início do movimento político Sul-Sul ocorreu durante a Guerra Fria , quando os países do Sul, descontentes com as disputas dos países do Norte, começaram a se aproximar. Não se identificavam necessariamente com as disputas de Capitalismo x Socialismo, e buscavam afirmar independência face aos processos de descolonização, bem como processos de desenvolvimento que correspondessem às próprias realidades. Identificados assim como "Terceiro Mundo" (termo substituído na atualidade por "Sul Global"), o movimento da Cooperação Sul-Sul se iniciou a partir de um sentimento de solidariedade entre os povos do sul.

Foi a partir da Conferência de Bandung, em 1955, que diversos países começavam a se reunir para formar essa nova modalidade de cooperação. Nessa conferência, realizada entre 29 países exclusivamente da África e da Ásia, e cerca de trinta movimentos de independência colonial/libertação nacional, firmaram-se os 10 princípios de Bandung. Marcavam principalmente a não-interferência, o não-alinhamento e a necessidade de articulação para reduzir as desigualdades do sistema internacional:
Os 10 princípios de Bandung

Respeito aos direitos humanos fundamentais e aos propósitos e princípios da Carta das Nações Unidas.

Respeito à soberania e à integridade territorial de todas as nações.

Reconhecimento da igualdade entre todas as raças e entre todas as nações, grandes e pequenas.

Não intervenção ou não interferência em assuntos internos de outros países.

Respeito aos direitos de cada nação à sua própria defesa, seja individual ou coletiva, em conformidade com a Carta das Nações Unidas.

Abstenção do uso de pactos de defesa coletiva para beneficiar interesses específicos de quaisquer grandes potências e abstenção do exercício de pressões sobre os demais países.

Rechaço a ameaças e agressões, ou ao uso da força contra a integridade territorial ou a independência política de qualquer país.

Emprego de soluções pacíficas em todos os conflitos internacionais, em conformidade com a Carta das Nações Unidas.

Promoção dos interesses mútuos e da cooperação.

Respeito à justiça e às obrigações internacionais.

Fonte: Adaptação de PINO, Bruno Ayllón. Evolução Histórica da Cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS). IN: IPEA. Repensando a Cooperação Internacional para o Desenvolvimento (2014).
Com a Declaração de Bandung, os países se uniram contra o imperialismo europeu e das novas grandes potências (na época da Guerra Fria, os Estados Unidos e a União Soviética), contra o , a favor do pacifismo, a autodeterminação dos povos, a favor do multilateralismo e da igualdade entre as nações.

Logo após Bandung, outro movimento importante surgia no Sul: o Movimento dos Países Não Alinhados (MNOAL), na conferência de Belgrado, em 1961. Com 25 países-membros africanos e asiáticos inicialmente, o MNOAL já agregava 47 países-membros e 11 observadores latino-americanos em 1964. Tendo um cunho político, foi responsável por gerar o conceito de autossuficiência coletiva, implicando que os Estados deveriam ter uma consciência de suas responsabilidades internas e externas para se gerar maior independência - ao invés de apenas esperar boas ações dos países do Norte.

Nos anos seguintes, esses princípios também foram aderidos pelos países latino-americanos. Um dos movimentos ideológicos trazidos por esses países seria a Teoria da Dependência. As abordagens dessa linha foram retomadas na década de 70 por teóricos como Celso Furtado, Raul Prebisch e Samir Amim. Segundo eles, o desenvolvimento dos países do Norte teria gerado relações de exploração e dependência econômica. Argumentava-se que enquanto os países do Norte produziam tecnologias cujo valor aumentava crescentemente, os países do Sul focavam-se em produzir cada vez mais produtos primários, como , que ao aumentar a oferta, tinham seus preços cada vez mais reduzidos.

Para a Cooperação Sul-Sul, a Teoria da Dependência e o princípio da autossuficiência coletiva influenciaram o aumento de trocas e de cooperação econômicas, técnicas e tecnológicas, para se libertar de relações desiguais. Além disso, incentivaram uma maior busca por processos de desenvolvimento próprios e internos, a partir de um melhor controle de recursos naturais e investimentos em ciência e tecnologia.

Uma nova forma de cooperação: o Paba e a cooperação técnica

As Nações Unidas desempenharam importante papel na Cooperação Sul-Sul, principalmente por meio de sua Assembleia Geral, na qual muitos novos países independentes obtinham voz. Em 1964, foi realizada a Conferência das Nações Unidas para o Comércio e o Desenvolvimento (UNCTAD), que reforçou ainda mais a ideia de que o comércio internacional entre os países do Sul seria uma forma mútua e solidária de promover desenvolvimento econômico.

Além disso, nessa conferência foi criado o G-77, a partir de um acordo entre 77 países em desenvolvimento, que pela primeira vez estabeleceu uma agenda de atividades da Cooperação Sul-Sul para o desenvolvimento. O G-77 se tornou uma importante frente para promover os interesses econômicos dos países em desenvolvimento na Assembleia Geral da ONU.

A criação da UNCTAD fortaleceu as críticas à Cooperação Norte-Sul , ou seja, ao financiamento de projetos e programas de desenvolvimento no Sul Global por parte dos países do Norte, principalmente ao cunho assistencialista da Ajuda Oficial ao Desenvolvimento (AOD), que muitas vezes não considerava prioridades internas dos países beneficiários. Surgia, em substituição, uma nova forma de cooperar baseada em horizontalidade e na manutenção da independência dos Estados: a Cooperação Técnica entre Países em Desenvolvimento (CTPD).

Em 1978, foi realizada a Conferência da ONU sobre Cooperação Técnica entre Países em Desenvolvimento. A Conferência celebrada em Buenos Aires foi responsável pela adoção do grande marco da CSS, o Plano de Ação de Buenos Aires (PABA) para a promoção e realização da CTPD.

Para além de conceituar a CTPD, o PABA estabeleceu os princípios orientadores da Cooperação Sul-Sul no campo da cooperação técnica, utilizados até hoje. Agregou em 38 indicadores a necessidade dos países do Sul de: registrar e compartilhar informações sobre capacidades, técnicas e experiências; fortalecer laços institucionais e físicos; e identificar e operacionalizar projetos a partir de oportunidades de cooperação, ajudando principalmente os países menos desenvolvidos.

Desmobilização da Cooperação Sul-Sul

A cooperação entre os países do Sul entrou em declínio nas décadas de 80 e 90. Semelhante à Cooperação Norte-Sul, a Cooperação Sul-Sul diminuiu num cenário de preocupantes crises econômicas em que os países emergentes promotores da Cooperação Técnica entre Países em Desenvolvimento (CTPD) voltaram a se concentrar em assuntos internos. Muitos dos países do sul deparavam-se com enormes crises de dívida externa e crescentes pressões de instituições financeiras, como o Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI) , para realizar ajustes estruturais em suas economias.

O fracasso da Cooperação Sul-Sul na década de 80 levou a uma reavaliação das propostas do PABA e da CTPD. Uma das necessidades mais urgentes, questão que continua até hoje, é a sistematização de informações, sejam das capacidades nacionais vigentes, sejam dos montantes de dinheiro investidos nos projetos de cooperação técnica. Alguns processos foram essenciais para que, nas décadas seguintes, a Cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS) retomasse seu rumo, como:

A ação dos países emergentes como protagonistas dessa modalidade de cooperação

O reconhecimento pelos países do Norte da CSS

As ações multilaterais, principalmente na ONU, para promover a CSS

A retomada da Cooperação Sul-Sul

A retomada da Cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS) no século XXI convergiu com a necessidade de maior eficácia da Cooperação Internacional para o Desenvolvimento em sentido amplo. Do lado da CSS, criticava-se a falta de registros, do montante de dinheiro gasto, de indicadores claros e dos impactos causados ao longo dos anos. A eficácia da ajuda e a distinção do modelos de Ajuda ao Desenvolvimento ou Cooperação Técnica são até hoje os principais debates em torno da CID.

Os países do Norte passaram a aderir à Cooperação Sul-Sul e seus princípios destacando sua importância para gerar e apropriar desenvolvimento independente e de capacidades de indivíduos e instituições. A autonomia, o benefício mútuo dos países, e a apropriação do desenvolvimento são cada vez mais reconhecidos pelo Norte como premissas ao desenvolvimento.

No entanto, critica-se a forma como esses países têm tratado a Cooperação Sul-Sul como mero fluxo financeiro, o que pode ser visto na nova metodologia de mensuração criada pela Organização para a Cooperação Econômica e o Desenvolvimento ( ) e integrada à ONU, chamada "Apoio Oficial Total para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável" (TOSSD, sigla em inglês), que visa rastrear todos os tipos de financiamento promovidos por Estados e organizações internacionais. Esse mecanismo e as discussões que o envolvem acabam por tomar conta da agenda da CSS com o tema da eficácia da ajuda, principalmente quanto à coleta e sistematização de dados, e, dentre eles, quanto dinheiro foi gasto por cada país.

Recapitulando!

A Cooperação Sul-Sul (CSS) para o desenvolvimento, centrada principalmente na Cooperação Técnica entre Países em Desenvolvimento (CTPD), surgiu como uma forma independente de promover o desenvolvimento entre os países do Sul. Por falta de interesse ou por crises econômicas, passou por momentos de desestruturação. Hoje, segue como uma modalidade da Cooperação Internacional para o Desenvolvimento, alinhada ao princípio da autossuficiência coletiva: o Sul promovendo o desenvolvimento no próprio Sul, assumindo suas próprias responsabilidades de desenvolvimento.

Complementar ou distinta da Cooperação Norte-Sul , a CSS enfrenta ainda um problema central: aderir aos mecanismos estatísticos de mensuração e avaliação dos países do Norte poderia colocar em risco a independência de atuação da cooperação técnica entre países em desenvolvimento. Entretanto, os próprios países emergentes promovem cada vez mais a cooperação técnica trilateral, que em suma usam de recursos do Norte para financiar a cooperação técnica entre países do Sul.

REFERÊNCIAS

Publicações acadêmicas:
TOMAZINI, Rosana. Cooperação Internacional para o Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Sul-Sul: uma análise comparativa de seus princípios e desafios de gestão IPEA - Repensando a cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento ESTEVES, Paulo. Agora somos todos países em desenvolvimento? A cooperação sul-sul e os ODS? LENGYEL, Miguel. MALACALZA, Bernabé. ¿De qué hablamos cuando hablamos de cooperación sur-sur? Conceptos, actores y agenda de investigación - un estudio de casos. LEITE, Iara Costa. Cooperação Sul-Sul: Conceito, História e Marcos Interpretativos. CHATUVERDI, Sachin. The Development Compact: A Theoretical Construct for South-South Cooperation
Site da ONU Brasil:
Adis Abeba: Países alcançam acordo histórico para financiar nova agenda de desenvolvimento da ONU Publicação destaca importância da cooperação sul-sul para o cumprimento do Acordo de Paris
Outros sites e documentos em inglês:
United Nations Office for South-South Cooperation. Global South-South Development Policy Addis Adeba Action Agenda - of the Third International Conference on Financing for Development UN Statistical Commission - Panel Discussion TOSSD: A statistical measurement framework for tracking the Means of Implementation to achieve the SDGs

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Cooperação Sul-Sul para o Desenvolvimento: independência ou complementariedade? | Politize!

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A Cooperação para o Desenvolvimento , como o conjunto de ações de atores internacionais para gerar desenvolvimento no mundo, surgiu no período pós-Guerra Fria e foi questionada em todas as suas fases quanto à sua eficácia e quanto à reprodução de relações de dependência e desigualdade entre os países.

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Governo da Guiné equatorial constrói resort de luxo para líderes da União Africana ficarem durante um encontro que durou uma semana.
- Desigualdade
- Gestão inadequada de dinheiro público
- Atitude anti-democrática
- Corrupção

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Equatorial Guinea has built a multimillion-pound deluxe "city" to host African leaders while the majority of its people live in dire poverty.

Sipopo boasts 52 luxury presidential villas, a conference hall, artificial beach, luxury hotel and the county's first 18-hole golf course. It was built over two years to host an African Union (AU) summit that will last just a week.

"It's definitely a misplaced priority by the Equatorial Guinea government," said Tutu Alicante, executive director of EG Justice, a group focused on human rights in the west African nation. "This is a country where 75% of people are living on less than $1 (60p) a day. This attempt to give an image of prosperity is totally misguided."

President Teodoro Obiang Nguema inaugurated Sipopo on Sunday, congratulating his government and construction companies for completing "such an emblematic city in a record two years", state radio reported.

The resort is 20 minutes from the centre of the capital, Malabo. African heads of state will sleep at the specially constructed "independent and exclusive dwellings". An official website says the complex also has a landing strip, heliport, hospital and buildings for banquets and events.

The politicians, representing some of the world's poorest nations, will have access to a jacuzzi, heated pool, sauna, fitness centre and the country's first spa at the Sofitel Malabo Sipopo Le Golf.

The hotel, beneath Mount Cameroon, has an exclusive beach on a botanical island. It contains three restaurants and 200 rooms, including 10 suites. A superior room costs £244 and a prestige suite £401.

Obiang, 69, is AU chairman and will preside over its 17th summit from 23 June to 1 July. Equatorial Guinea will also co-host the Africa Cup of Nations football tournament with Gabon next year.

Human rights activists have accused the country's leadership of brutal repression and say the government squanders oil wealth while allowing most of its 670,000 citizens to live in squalor - allegations the government denies.

Alicante said: "It's terrible in this day and age that an African leader is allowed to roam around and loot the finances of the country. The AU making him chairman sends a clear message to the poor people of Equatorial Guinea."

He added: "Young people have been forced to leave schools to go to their home villages so the government can have a peaceful summit. I'm told 400 students were detained and taken by bus to the villages. The president fears having young people in the streets would cause a disturbance."

Other NGOs joined the criticism. Robert Palmer, a spokesman for Global Witness, said: "It might be more appropriate for Equatorial Guinea to splash out on such a luxury project if the government put similar effort into alleviating poverty. "Yet rampant corruption means that since the oil boom of the mid-1990s the situation for ordinary citizens has got worse; for example, infant mortality rates have actually risen."

Ken Hurwitz, a senior legal officer at the Open Society Justice Initiative, said: "Not only is a large amount of money being spent on these facilities, but they closed the schools a month early.

"All this in the context of a summit whose theme is 'accelerating youth empowerment for sustainable development'. They're spending huge amounts of money on everything but education. The ironies are just too much."

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Equatorial Guinea builds luxury resort for week-long summit

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Equatorial Guinea has built a multimillion-pound deluxe "city" to host African leaders while the majority of its people live in dire poverty. Sipopo boasts 52 luxury presidential villas, a conference hall, artificial beach, luxury hotel and the county's first 18-hole golf course.

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Como uma serie de decisões politica econômicas levou o Japão a enfrentar uma bolha imobiliária especulativa interna na década de 90 em que efeitos ainda hoje são sentidos por sua população.

►Reformas econômicas
►Intervenção governamental
► Empréstimos sem performance
► Bolha imobiliária especulativa

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The structure of major companies in Japan, known as keiretsu, is steeped in tradition and relationships. We can see the roots of the keiretsu organizational structure as far back as the 1600s and well into the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century. However, it wasn't until the aftermath of World War II that the keiretsu model officially formed and became the dominant partnership network that drives modern Japanese business. In this article, we take a look at the history, structure, and pros versus cons of the keiretsu system.

The Zaibatsus

Japan's corporate governance system dates back to the 1600s but was propelled by the Japanese government's newly formed Meiji Restoration in 1866 as the world entered the Industrial Revolution. These early corporate formations were termed "zaibatsu," which translates to English as "monopoly." Zaibatsus began as small, family-owned enterprises that formed in various prefectures across Japan to specialize in the separate business needs of the nation. As Japan's economy grew, zaibatsu grew to evolve into holding companies.

When the U.S. occupied Japan and rewrote the Japanese constitution after World War II, it eliminated zaibatsu holding companies and the Japanese governmental policies that perpetuated their existence. The rationale for this action was centered around the monopolistic, undemocratic nature of zaibatsus. Studies suggest zaibatsu holding companies bought politicians in exchange for contracts, exploited the poor in pricing mechanisms, and created dysfunctional capital markets, all to perpetuate their existence.

With Japan devastated after World War II, Japanese companies needed a new organizational structure. They reorganized as keiretsus, which translates to "lineage" or "grouping of enterprises" in English. Management would structure their companies with either a horizontal or vertical integration model.

Under a zaibatsu, the largest industrial groups allowed banks and trading companies to be the most powerful aspects of each of the cartels and sit at the top of an organizational chart. These banks and trading companies controlled all financial operations and the distribution of goods. The original founding families were in full control of all operations.

The Keiretsu Model

Today's keiretsu horizontal model still sees banks and trading companies at the top of the chart with significant control over each company's part of the keiretsu. Shareholders replaced the families controlling the cartel as Japanese law allowed for holding companies to become stockholding companies. Vertical integration is still a part of the more massive horizontal structure of today's keiretsu. For example, each of Japan's six car companies belongs to one of the big six keiretsus, as does each one of Japan's major electronics companies.

Modern Horizontal Keiretsus

Typical of a Japanese horizontal keiretsu is Mitsubishi. The Bank of Tokyo-Mitsubishi sits at the top of the keiretsu. Mitsubishi Motors and Mitsubishi Trust and Banking are also part of the core group, followed by Meiji Mutual Life Insurance Company, which provides insurance to all members of the keiretsu. Mitsubishi Shoji is the trading company for the Mitsubishi keiretsu.

Their purpose is strictly distribution of goods around the world. They may seek new markets for keiretsu companies, help incorporate keiretsu companies in other nations, and sign contracts with other companies around the world to supply commodities used in Japanese industry. As you've no doubt noticed, many companies within this keiretsu have "Mitsubishi" as part of their name.

Modern Vertical Keiretsus

Vertical keiretsus are a group of companies within the horizontal keiretsu. Automobile giant Toyota is one such company. Toyota's success is dependent on suppliers and manufacturers for parts; employees for production; real estate for dealerships; steel, plastics, and electronics suppliers for cars; and wholesalers. All ancillary companies operate within the vertical keiretsu of Toyota but are members of the larger horizontal keiretsu, although much lower on the organizational chart.

Without Toyota as the anchor company, these companies may not have a purpose for existence. Toyota exists as a major keiretsu member because of its history and relationship to major horizontal members that dates back to its early years of the Meiji government as the first exporter of silk.

Keiretsus and Interlocking Relationships

Banks regularly owned a small percentage of their keiretsu members' stock, and members owned a portion of the bank's stock. This formed an interlocking relationship, especially if the member company borrowed from the horizontal member bank. Interlocking relationships allowed the bank to monitor borrowings, strengthen relationships, monitor customers, and help with problems such as supplier networks.

This arrangement limited competition within the keiretsu and prevented company takeovers by outsiders of the keiretsu. These early arrangements would later lead to the supply of workers by keiretsu firms and a board of directors that would come directly from the keiretsu. All businesses involved need to ensure business sustainability within the keiretsu. But while some may see the success of keiretsu, others see problems.

The Pros and Cons of Keiretsus

The limited competition within the keiretsu may lead to inefficient practices. Because a keiretsu company knows it can readily access capital, it could easily take on too much debt and overly risky strategies. On the other hand, the reduction of costs due to dealing with intra-keiretsu firms can increase efficiency within the supply chain. The automobile keiretsus' invention of the just-in-time inventory system is a prime example of this.

Information sharing within the keiretsu is another argument for increased efficiency. Information is shared among customers, suppliers, and employees. This leads to quicker investment decisions and suppliers, employees, and customers knowing the purposes and goals of those investments. However, critics charge that, because of their size, keiretsus can't adjust to market changes quickly enough for these investments to earn profits.

Some would argue the economic crisis in Japan in the late 1990s forced Japanese companies to compete for price and quality by using market-based systems instead of keiretsu relational arrangements. This occurred due to major horizontal banks' reports of profit losses. Japanese companies were forced to seek financing outside the keiretsu by borrowing from the bond and commercial paper markets.

The Bottom Line

For the first time in recent Japanese history, Japanese keiretsus found their first crack, resulting in a forced loosening of traditional standards. Globalization and technology are other aspects that would force Japanese companies to open to competition by identifying new customers, increasing the efficiency of orders, and researching new markets. The major question that remains: Is this is a permanent solution, or will the keiretsu evolve into another new entity-much as the zaibatsus morphed into keiretsus a half-century ago.

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The structure of major companies in Japan, known as keiretsu, is steeped in tradition and relationships. We can see the roots of the keiretsu organizational structure as far back as the 1600s and well into the Industrial Revolution in the 19th century.

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Zhongnanhai Postal Savings Office, Fuyou Street, Xicheng District, Pequim, China

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- Segurança de Dados;
- Soberania;
- Guerra comercial.
- "Se você não está pagando pelo produto, então você é o produto."

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Washington, D.C., Distrito de Columbia, EUA

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Washington, D.C., Distrito de Columbia, EUA

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Washington, D.C., Distrito de Columbia, EUA

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Segurança de dados
- Soberania
- Guerra comercial
- Eleições presidenciais
- "Se você não está pagando pelo produto, então você é o produto"

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- 734 mil casos e 15 mil mortos na Flórida até 10 de outubro.
- Junho reabrem as portas com 50% da capacidade de visitantes dos Parques.
- Até agosto, a Universal havia despedido 2.300 funcionários, e a Disney 6.700.

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In a year that feels like one long bad-news buffet, that might seem like just another serving of crud.

"It's devastating," said Eric Clinton, president of Unite Here Local 362. "There's no other way to feel about it all of this."

With one swing of Mickey's corporate ax, Disney laid off more people than SeaWorld or Valencia College even employ.

Yet 6,700 is just the tip of our unemployment iceberg. That's just Disney's non-union job losses announced so far - and only at Disney.

State records show that Hilton has announced plans to shed 3,600 jobs at local properties. That's more people than Spectrum employs here.

Universal Orlando is shedding at least 2,300 jobs, a workforce larger than all of Full Sail University.

Thousands of Disney World employees are losing their jobs. One grassroots Facebook page is trying to help them advertise their side hustles and earn extra cash.

It goes on and one and on - 1,900 at Rosen Resorts, another 1,900 at Marriott properties, 1,900 at SeaWorld, 1,300 at the Gaylord Palms, 1,000 at Hyatt, 1,200 airline workers.

Collectively, we're talking more than 30,000 people - just from the recent mass layoffs at major tourism employers.

That's a population larger than the city of Winter Park ... now jobless.

Many of these lost jobs are part-time. But part-timers make up a disturbingly large part of Central Florida's labor landscape where residents work two or three jobs to make ends meet.

Sure, this is all due to a once-in-a-lifetime pandemic. But 9/11 was a once-in-a lifetime terrorist attack. And the 2008 recession - where one out of every 15 Central Floridians lost their homes to foreclosure - was a once-in-a-generation recession.

That's three economy-wrecking events in just the past 20 years.

Wars. Gas-price crises. There's always something.

This is what happens when you build your economy around one, fragile, low-wage industry.

I know these are tough times. But this is when we must reassess.

If a storm demolished a structurally weak house, only a fool would rebuild it with the same weaknesses.

We keep acting like fools. While other communities focus on diversifying their economies by recruiting and growing medical, technology or manufacturing jobs, Central Florida remains pathologically obsessed with expanding tourism - dumping billions of tax dollars into tourism marketing and constantly expanding a convention center that's already 7 million square feet.

We must stop feeding this low-wage beast. We don't need to undermine the tourism industry that put this community on the map. Just stop subsidizing it.

At one point, the Orlando Sentinel tallied up all the money Orange County leaders spent subsidizing tourism vs. what they invested in higher-wage jobs in other sectors - a mind-blowing $46 on tourism for every $1 invested in all other industries combined.

Little has changed in the past two decades. We remain a one-ticket town - with the lowest median wage of any major metro in America.

Half the jobs here pay $34,320 a year or less - less than even other tourism cities like Las Vegas and New Orleans.

And here's something we don't talk about enough: When a community's main industry pays poorly, it drags down everyone's salary.

The average American nurse earns $77,460. In Orlando, it's $64,990.

It's like that across the board. If a rising tide lifts all boats, the converse is true. A market flush with low-wage jobs shrinks everyone's paychecks.

Except maybe the people at the top and the executives at headquarters far away. That's another one of Central Florida's problems. Most of these companies aren't our companies. The money spent here doesn't stay here. We're largely a network of corporate outposts that feed profit margins elsewhere.

Let's say we believe these companies can't afford to keep paying workers when times get tough. Then that's even more reason to diversify our economy with companies that can better weather economic storms.

We are reaping what we sowed.

This newspaper has tried to plot a course for success. We've traveled to cities like Pittsburgh and Austin and shared the stories of communities that decided to change their economic trajectory - places that invested in higher education, entrepreneurship, research, manufacturing and more. (Education is always key.)

And every single time, Orlando leaders - mayors and chamber of commerce execs - swore they'd do things differently.

But they didn't. Instead, the politicians start each campaign cycle by making predictable pilgrimages down to the hotel and lodging association's offices to score endorsements and campaign checks in exchange for promising to maintain the status quo.

In the last race for county mayor, none of the three candidates - one Democrat and two Republicans - pushed to spend hotel taxes, for instance, on things that might diversify this community or help its workers.

And now, with yet another global economic crisis, we are once again a community of carnage.

The layoff lists show busboys and baristas; housekeepers and baggage handlers; cooks, cashiers and airport runway workers. They are the faces featured in our " Laborland " series - the low-wage workers who put on happy faces for their hospitality jobs ... and yet now have no jobs at all.

We keep telling the same story, time and again. Our economy keeps getting wrecked, time and again. It will happen again.

Those who don't learn from history are doomed to repeat it.

Will we ever learn?

smaxwell@orlandosentinel.com

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Disney, Universal, SeaWorld layoffs: Orlando's one-ticket town economy is reeling ... again | Commentary

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In a year that feels like one long bad-news buffet, that might seem like just another serving of crud. "It's devastating," said Eric Clinton, president of Unite Here Local 362. "There's no other way to feel about it all of this."

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-Quarta maior cidade do país, na região de Piemonte.
-Principal foco das vítimas de tráfico humano na Itália.
-Alta concentração de mulheres nigerianas
-Sede da PIAM- organização anti-tráfico e do direito dos migrantes.
-Caso Princess: a situação do tráfico sexual piorou drasticamente nos últimos anos e algumas vítimas nessa cidade tem dívidas maiores que 40 mil euros
-Em toda a Itália estima-se que o número anual de vítimas de tráfico humano seja entre 25 e 30 mil.

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Thousands of Nigerian women forced into prostitution were left to starve by sex traffickers during the Covid-19 pandemic in Italy, the Guardian can reveal.

According to the UN's International Office for Migration (IOM), more than 80% of the tens of thousands of Nigerian women who arrived in Italy from Libya in recent years were victims of highly organised sex trafficking gangs. The women are forced into prostitution to pay off debts of up to €40,000 (£36,000) and controlled through violence and fear of "" black magic rituals they are made to undergo before their journey to Europe.

According to testimonies from volunteers, social workers and NGOs, during the prolonged and strict three-month Covid-19 lockdown introduced by the Italian government, trafficking gangs abandoned women and their children, who were unable to leave their homes or work and were left without food or money to pay the rent. Given their illegal status, they had no recourse to financial assistance or unemployment benefits.
Italy's hardline stance on immigration leaves sex trafficked women fearful
"Sex traffickers had no interest in feeding or helping Nigerian women during the pandemic," says Alberto Mossino, co-founder of Piam Onlus with his wife, Princess Okokon, a former victim of sex trafficking. The association helps abused and vulnerable women escape their traffickers in Asti, in the north-western region of Piedmont. "In the eyes of sex traffickers these women are subhuman, exploited to enrich their pimps, who treat them like ATMs. And when the ATM runs out of cash, they discard it and look for another one."

Desperate and forced to stay in their homes with no food or money, many women turned to volunteer associations for a package of rice or a loaf of bread.

"They'd call us in sheer desperation and panic," says sister Valeria Gandini, a Combonian missionary, who for more than ten years has assisted Nigerian victims of sex trafficking in Sicily. "Many were left home alone with small children and no food. From the beginning of the lockdown, we delivered groceries to their doorstep, given that face-to-face meetings were not allowed. When the government started easing up on the restrictions, they started coming to our church in search of food."

In Naples, where thousands of women from various nationalities have been forced into the sex industry, the Dedalus cooperative began a crowdfunding initiative in March to provide aid and food packages to Nigerian women who were victims of sex trafficking during the pandemic.

"The conditions they were forced to live in, especially regarding their health, were quite unsettling," says Jean d'Hainaut, coordinator of the Dedalus cooperative, which helps women seeking to free themselves of their pimps. "They were left alone and cashless by their exploiters, and some of their landlords even threw them out on the streets."

In recent months, some experts have pointed out that the modus operandi of Italy's sex trafficking gangs have changed. Historically, Nigerian women forced into prostitution in Italy lived under the tight control of mamans, older women who had often been sex workers themselves and who managed the prostitution of the women. Now, the debt bondage of the women is often managed remotely.

"Thanks to the vast profits [made by this illegal trade in women] in recent years, but also in order to evade arrest, some of these mamans have relocated to other areas in Europe, such as France and Germany. Many of these Nigerian women have now been left to manage their debts on their own, although there is always someone around who controls them and makes sure they're physically punished if they don't work." says Princess Okokon, who runs Piam Onlus's anti-trafficking services.

"Before the lockdown this allowed women under the control of these gangs more freedom but under lockdown this has been catastrophic as the women have found themselves isolated and with no one willing to help them."

During lockdown, anti-trafficking organisations said that more women came forward seeking help in leaving their traffickers. Yet this came with huge potential psychological and physical repercussions. Okokon said that the juju rituals that many victims are forced to undergo, which involve complicated and frightening rituals often using the women's blood, hair and clothing, bond the woman to her trafficker and to any debts she will incur. Those who are forced to undertake these ceremonies are made to understand the terrible consequences for the woman and her family if she escapes.

"This juju might seem like something small or meaningless to people here in Europe, but to the women these curses are real and terrifying," says Okokon, who was herself taken from Nigeria to Italy in 1998. "Using these very old belief systems passed down through generations is a psychological form of control that is much stronger than any violence that can be done to them. It's clear that such decisions are the result of extreme distress and not a psychological epiphany regarding their state of oppression and this has very worrying consequences for their mental health."
Topics

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Sex traffickers left thousands of women to starve during Italy lockdown

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Thousands of Nigerian women forced into prostitution were left to starve by sex traffickers during the Covid-19 pandemic in Italy, the Guardian can reveal. According to the UN's International Office for Migration (IOM), more than 80% of the tens of thousands of Nigerian women who arrived in Italy from Libya in recent years were victims of highly organised sex trafficking gangs.

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Thousands of Nigerian women forced into prostitution were left to starve by sex traffickers during the Covid-19 pandemic in Italy, the Guardian can reveal.

According to the UN's International Office for Migration (IOM), more than 80% of the tens of thousands of Nigerian women who arrived in Italy from Libya in recent years were victims of highly organised sex trafficking gangs. The women are forced into prostitution to pay off debts of up to €40,000 (£36,000) and controlled through violence and fear of "" black magic rituals they are made to undergo before their journey to Europe.

According to testimonies from volunteers, social workers and NGOs, during the prolonged and strict three-month Covid-19 lockdown introduced by the Italian government, trafficking gangs abandoned women and their children, who were unable to leave their homes or work and were left without food or money to pay the rent. Given their illegal status, they had no recourse to financial assistance or unemployment benefits.
Italy's hardline stance on immigration leaves sex trafficked women fearful
"Sex traffickers had no interest in feeding or helping Nigerian women during the pandemic," says Alberto Mossino, co-founder of Piam Onlus with his wife, Princess Okokon, a former victim of sex trafficking. The association helps abused and vulnerable women escape their traffickers in Asti, in the north-western region of Piedmont. "In the eyes of sex traffickers these women are subhuman, exploited to enrich their pimps, who treat them like ATMs. And when the ATM runs out of cash, they discard it and look for another one."

Desperate and forced to stay in their homes with no food or money, many women turned to volunteer associations for a package of rice or a loaf of bread.

"They'd call us in sheer desperation and panic," says sister Valeria Gandini, a Combonian missionary, who for more than ten years has assisted Nigerian victims of sex trafficking in Sicily. "Many were left home alone with small children and no food. From the beginning of the lockdown, we delivered groceries to their doorstep, given that face-to-face meetings were not allowed. When the government started easing up on the restrictions, they started coming to our church in search of food."

In Naples, where thousands of women from various nationalities have been forced into the sex industry, the Dedalus cooperative began a crowdfunding initiative in March to provide aid and food packages to Nigerian women who were victims of sex trafficking during the pandemic.

"The conditions they were forced to live in, especially regarding their health, were quite unsettling," says Jean d'Hainaut, coordinator of the Dedalus cooperative, which helps women seeking to free themselves of their pimps. "They were left alone and cashless by their exploiters, and some of their landlords even threw them out on the streets."

In recent months, some experts have pointed out that the modus operandi of Italy's sex trafficking gangs have changed. Historically, Nigerian women forced into prostitution in Italy lived under the tight control of mamans, older women who had often been sex workers themselves and who managed the prostitution of the women. Now, the debt bondage of the women is often managed remotely.

"Thanks to the vast profits [made by this illegal trade in women] in recent years, but also in order to evade arrest, some of these mamans have relocated to other areas in Europe, such as France and Germany. Many of these Nigerian women have now been left to manage their debts on their own, although there is always someone around who controls them and makes sure they're physically punished if they don't work." says Princess Okokon, who runs Piam Onlus's anti-trafficking services.

"Before the lockdown this allowed women under the control of these gangs more freedom but under lockdown this has been catastrophic as the women have found themselves isolated and with no one willing to help them."

During lockdown, anti-trafficking organisations said that more women came forward seeking help in leaving their traffickers. Yet this came with huge potential psychological and physical repercussions. Okokon said that the juju rituals that many victims are forced to undergo, which involve complicated and frightening rituals often using the women's blood, hair and clothing, bond the woman to her trafficker and to any debts she will incur. Those who are forced to undertake these ceremonies are made to understand the terrible consequences for the woman and her family if she escapes.

"This juju might seem like something small or meaningless to people here in Europe, but to the women these curses are real and terrifying," says Okokon, who was herself taken from Nigeria to Italy in 1998. "Using these very old belief systems passed down through generations is a psychological form of control that is much stronger than any violence that can be done to them. It's clear that such decisions are the result of extreme distress and not a psychological epiphany regarding their state of oppression and this has very worrying consequences for their mental health."
Topics

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Sex traffickers left thousands of women to starve during Italy lockdown

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Thousands of Nigerian women forced into prostitution were left to starve by sex traffickers during the Covid-19 pandemic in Italy, the Guardian can reveal. According to the UN's International Office for Migration (IOM), more than 80% of the tens of thousands of Nigerian women who arrived in Italy from Libya in recent years were victims of highly organised sex trafficking gangs.

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Desenvolvimento recente
Petróleo
Gás natural

https://www.bbc.com/portuguese/noticias/2014/05/140429_catar_desenvolvimento_mv

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Matthew Teller

Doha, Catar

Petróleo e gás fizeram do Catar o país mais rico do mundo - rico a ponto de poder, aparentemente, gastar US$ 200 bilhões na construção de estádios e infraestrutura para a Copa do Mundo de 2022. Mas será que tanta riqueza trouxe felicidade a este pequeno país do Oriente Médio?

O clima ainda está fresco o suficiente para que se possa sentar ao ar livre na capital do Catar, Doha. Dentro de poucas semanas, vai ficar tão quente que a maioria das pessoas - quer dizer, aquelas que não precisam trabalhar ao sol - vai se recolher para o conforto dos interiores refrescados pelo ar condicionado.

Por enquanto, famílias relaxam ao sol da tarde no popular calçadão Corniche, que se estende por quilômetros ao longo da costa. A vista do local foi transformada nos últimos anos. Torres de vidro e aço foram erguidas onde antes só havia areia e mar.

"Nos tornamos (um país) urbano", disse Kaltham Al Ghanim, professor de sociologia da Universidade de Catar. "Nossa vida social e econômica mudou - famílias se separaram e a cultura de consumo tomou conta".

O governo do Catar tenta vender uma visão positiva do ritmo acelerado das mudanças.

Extremamente pobre um século atrás, o Catar é hoje a nação mais rica do mundo, com PIB per capita de US$ 102 mil.

E essa mudança teve um impacto profundo sobre a população do país.

Você pode sentir a pressão em Doha. A cidade é um canteiro de obras, com bairros inteiros sendo construídos - ou demolidos para depois ser reconstruídos. Eternos congestionamentos acrescentam horas à semana de trabalho, aumentando o estresse e a impaciência.

Segundo a mídia local, 40% dos casamentos no país terminam em divórcio. Mais de dois terços dos cataris, adultos e crianças, estão obesos.

O país oferece educação e saúde gratuitas, garantias de emprego, auxílio financeiro para habitação, água e eletricidade gratuitas - mas toda essa abundância parece ter gerado seus próprios problemas.

"É desconcertante para um estudante receber 20 propostas de emprego ao se formar", disse um acadêmico de uma universidade americana no Catar. "As pessoas sofrem uma pressão esmagadora para tomar a decisão certa".

Por outro lado, muitos desses jovens formandos se frustram com uma percepção de que os melhores empregos sempre são abocanhados por estrangeiros. Cataris são minoria em seu país, onde a proporção é de sete estrangeiros para cada nativo.

Por tudo isso, aumenta a sensação no país de que, na corrida pelo desenvolvimento, algo muito importante se perdeu.

A vida familiar no Catar está se desintegrando. Crianças são criadas por babás trazidas das Filipinas, Nepal ou Indonésia, gerando abismos culturais e ideológicos entre as gerações.

A catari Umm Khalaf, com mais de 60 anos de idade, o rosto coberto por uma tradicional batoola (máscara facial) descreveu para mim a "bela simplicidade" da vida em sua juventude.

"Éramos auto-suficientes. É doloroso perder aquela intimidade que existia na família", ela disse.

Nas planícies empoeiradas a oeste de Doha, num local conhecido como Umm Al Afai - em tradução livre, Lugar das Cobras -, o fazendeiro Ali al-Jehani me oferece leite recém tirado de um camelo, ainda morno.

"Antes, você podia ficar rico se trabalhasse e, se não trabalhasse, não ficava. Era muito melhor", ele diz. "O governo está tentando ajudar mas as coisas estão acontecendo rápido demais".

Ele também critica os políticos do país por estarem distantes da população. Em particular, no que diz respeito ao esforço extremo - e, segundo relatos, corrupto - para trazer a Copa do Mundo para o Catar em 2022.

A Copa também colocou o país na mira da mídia internacional, gerando uma sensação de desconforto na população.

Vestindo um niqab (véu completo), Mariam Dahrouj, recém-formada em jornalismo, diz que há um clima ameaçador pairando sobre o Catar.

"As pessoas no Catar estão com medo", ela diz. "De repente, o mundo inteiro quer nos ver. Somos uma comunidade fechada e eles querem vir e trazer suas diferenças. Como podemos expressar nossos valores?"

Classe e raça estão frequentemente vinculadas na sociedade catari, que é de uma desigualdade desesperadora.

Propostas para solucionar o problema - por exemplo, a abolição do sistema kafala, que condena trabalhadores imigrantes a um regime de quase escravidão, ou a extensão da cidadania catari a estrangeiros - geram o medo de que a estabilidade e os valores culturais do país sejam erodidos.

Mas a estabilidade e a cultura do Catar já estão sendo, pouco a pouco, minados.

O enfraquecimento das outrora sólidas alianças com a Arábia Saudita e outros países da região, aliado ao crescimento da apreensão em relação à Copa do Mundo podem aumentar a pressão, sobre o governo, por reformas.

"Eu não sabia sobre esse negócio de kafala", disse uma jovem catari. "E meu sentimento é: por que não resolvemos isso antes?"

Um antropólogo americano que passou anos no Catar diz que os cataris merecem um pouco de simpatia. "Eles perderam quase tudo o que é importante".

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Povo do Catar questiona se desenvolvimento trouxe felicidade - BBC News Brasil

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Matthew Teller Doha, Catar Petróleo e gás fizeram do Catar o país mais rico do mundo - rico a ponto de poder, aparentemente, gastar US$ 200 bilhões na construção de estádios e infraestrutura para a Copa do Mundo de 2022. Mas será que tanta riqueza trouxe felicidade a este pequeno país do Oriente Médio?

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Revolução Tecnológica, COVID-19 e a modernização das empresas.

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Crise de covid força revolução tecnológica nas empresas e nas pessoas

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Pandemia acelerou transições que já ocorreriam. Além disso, agregou mais conhecimento de ferramentas virtuais entre trabalhadores e empregadores

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governo chinês
transplante de órgãos
controle do sistema carcerário
https://observador.pt/2019/06/18/china-acusada-de-executar-prisioneiros-para-trafico-de-orgaos/

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A China continua a executar prisioneiros para a colheita de órgãos, de acordo com o The Guardian, que cita as conclusões de um tribunal independente de Londres. Entre as vítimas estão seguidores do movimento religioso Falun Gong, perseguidos desde 1999, revelou Geoffrey Nice QC, líder do mesmo tribunal.

"A conclusão mostra que muitas pessoas morreram indescritivelmente sem qualquer motivo, que mais podem sofrer de forma semelhante e que todos nós vivemos num planeta onde a extrema maldade pode ser encontrada no poder daqueles, por enquanto, administram um país com uma das civilizações mais antigas conhecidas pelo Homem moderno", referiu o responsável.

A perseguição ao movimento Falun Gong começou em 1999, depois de o grupo ter angariado milhões de seguidores e de ser visto como uma ameaça ao partido comunista. Em 2014, o Governo chinês garantiu que a colheita de órgãos para transplante de prisioneiros chegaria ao fim. Mas, segundo Geoffrey Nice QC, "não há provas de que a prática tenha acabado". Para estas conclusões, o tribunal baseia-se em relatos de especialistas médicos e investigadores em direitos humanos.

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Na China, o tempo de espera para um transplante é baixo (de apenas algumas semanas), segundo o tribunal. Uma ativista do movimento, que esteve num campo de trabalho para mulheres, explicou que os prisioneiros são submetidos repetidamente a exames e análises clínicas e questionados sobre doenças. "No dia em que fomos transferidos para o campo de trabalho, fomos levados para um centro médico onde fizemos check-ups físicos. Fomos interrogados sobre as doenças que tivemos e eu disse-lhes que tinha hepatite", explicou.

A ativista acrescentou que os detidos não podiam trocar informações de contactos entre si. "Quando alguém desaparecia do campo, eu pensava que tinha sido libertado. (...) Agora temo que tenham sido levados para o hospital e os seus órgãos removidos sem consentimento e mortos na sequência do processo."

Ao The Guardian, a embaixada chinesa garantiu que as acusações não passam de "rumores" e que a "21 de março de 2007, o conselho estadual chinês promulgou o regulamento sobre o transplante de órgãos humanos, que obriga que doação de órgãos humanos seja feita de forma voluntária e gratuita".

As estimativas do tribunal independente dão conta de 90 mil operações de transplante por ano, um número muito superior ao revelado por fontes oficiais do governo da China, segundo o qual o país respeita os padrões internacionais.

O tribunal teve acesso a depoimentos de transplantes que remontam a 1970. A maioria das provas, porém, datam dos anos 2000.

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China acusada de executar prisioneiros para tráfico de órgãos

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A China continua a executar prisioneiros para a colheita de órgãos, de acordo com o The Guardian, que cita as conclusões de um tribunal independente de Londres. Entre as vítimas estão seguidores do movimento religioso Falun Gong, perseguidos desde 1999, revelou Geoffrey Nice QC, líder do mesmo tribunal.

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Corrupção estatal
Infraestrutura precária
Cidade portuaria
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The centre of Beirut has suffered devastation following an explosion which has destroyed the port, caused massive damage to the Lebanese capital and resulted in numerous deaths.

The blast, in the early evening of August 4, has been reported as having the force of a 3.5 magnitude earthquake - and is believed to have been fuelled by 2,750 tons of ammonium nitrate stored in a warehouse at the port.

While post-civil war Lebanon's economy, infrastructure and basic services are already on their knees due to an unprecedented economic crisis, widespread public protest about believed government corruption and recently the COVID-19 pandemic, another portion of Lebanon's crucial national infrastructure now lies in ruins. The port of Beirut handles 60% of Lebanon's imports as well as the storage of its food and medical reserves.

The history of a port at Beirut stretches back to as far as the 15th century BC. In the 20th century, Beirut became a key seaport serving the oil trade and related passenger and cargo movements in the Levant and the Gulf.

The port has played a key role in Beirut's history and stands at the centre of the city, surrounded by some of its most important neighbourhoods.

Divided past

From 1975 until 1990, Lebanon endured a vicious and prolonged civil war. Beirut became the site where sectarian tensions and regional geopolitics became part of urban space. It resulted in profound divisions and changes in the geography of the city. In September 1975, a few months into the civil war, the centre of Beirut became the core of militia fighting.

During the war the city was partitioned by a " Green Line " which split Beirut into an eastern and western sector. Demographic redistributions took place: people moved from one side of the city to the other along sectarian and political lines, with Christians settling mainly to the east and Muslims mainly to the west of the line.

James Case/ CC BY, CC BY

The Green Line gradually progressed from the southern suburbs to the west gate of the harbour. In 1981 the New York Times reported that the port was one of the only places in the city where the Green Line could be crossed.

In the post-war era, the port of Beirut has expanded into a major regional hub seaport. It recently called for tenders for an international bid to manage a container terminal, to the east of where the explosion took place, and has experienced a significant increase in its vessel capacity.

Development and protest

Crucially, the port of Beirut stands adjacent to the most expensive real estate in town: the the Beirut Central District. In the early 1980s, this area was pinpointed for redevelopment, and at the end of the civil war it was the target of one of the biggest investment operations in Lebanese history. The redevelopment was considered controversial due to concerns about a lack of sustainability, inequality with the rest of the city, high property prices, lack of public spaces and costly services.

In 2015 and 2019, this area became the fulcrum of public anti-government protests. Until the interruption of the coronavirus pandemic, protesters took over several buildings and squares in the city centre. They campaigned against government corruption, and - among other things - for the right of access to pubic services and resources. In addition, they called for government accountability amid crumbling infrastructure and services, the loss of public space and environmental decline.

ir_abella/Shutterstock

The port of Beirut also stands close to the dense residential areas of Gemmayzeh, Geitawi and the upmarket urban pockets of Sursock and Tabaris, separated only by a motorway. East of the port, and directly adjacent, are the neighbourhoods of Mar Mikhail and Karantina - the Ottoman quarantine station which marked the point of arrival and settlement for successive waves of refugees, including from Armenia in the 1920s and Palestine from the 1940s.

A portrait of the city

This cluster of neighbourhoods hosts many of Lebanon's state and private services, including the electricity provider (EDL), a bus terminal and three hospitals. Gemmayzeh and Mar Mikhael, in particular, have undergone a process of gentrification in the last decade, prompting protests from residents against demolitions of heritage buildings, noise pollution and soaring property prices.

The popular quarters around the port and the reconstructed city centre present two sides of Beirut's postwar reconstruction. Top-down regeneration with a master plan has taken place in the Beirut Central District, while a slow-burning gentrification characterises the other neighbourhoods.

It has been reported that operations will shift from Beirut's devastated port to Lebanon's other seaport with container capacity in Tripoli, around 80km along the coast. But it cannot be understated how much has been lost in terms of investment in the port of Beirut, and in the surrounding city.

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The port of Beirut: vital, historic centre of a complex city

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The centre of Beirut has suffered devastation following an explosion which has destroyed the port, caused massive damage to the Lebanese capital and resulted in numerous deaths. The blast, in the early evening of August 4, has been reported as having the force of a 3.5 magnitude earthquake - and is believed to have been fuelled by 2,750 tons of ammonium nitrate stored in a warehouse at the port.