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Este video habla de los calcos. El calco es un traducción literal del inglés. El video explica los calcos y da ejemplos en algunos lenguajes como español, italiano, aleman y checo. Algunos ejemplos del video son: disco duro, ciencia ficción y jardín de infancia. Por estos ejemplos se ve que calcos influyen no solamente español, pero otros lenguajes también.

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Los calcos lingüísticos o cómo vamos copiando el vocabulario de unas lenguas a otras

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Este articulo habla de educación bilingüismo. Hay muchas temas diferentes en el articulo, pero me gusta las estadísticas en el articulo. Por las estadísticas, yo veo que muchas personas usan educación bilingüismo, no solamente hispanohablantes. Las estadísticas muestran que educación bilingüismo afecta a más personas de las que pensaba. La necesidad es muy importante y es importante que tengamos entornos saludables para este tipo de educación.

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Leer en español The USA TODAY Network is launching a series on the Latino community in the USA called Hecho en USA, or made in America. Roughly 80% of all Latinos living in the USA are American citizens, but media coverage of Hispanics tends to focus on immigration and crime, instead of how Latino families live, work and learn in their hometowns. Hecho en USA tells the stories of the nation's 59.9 million Latinos - a growing economic and cultural force, many of whom are born in the USA.
LOS ANGELES - Preschool teacher Rosa Ramirez has a special way of asking her students to line up for playtime outside.

"Pueden pararse si llevan puesto algo de color amarillo, como una abeja," she tells them.

In English, Ramirez would say, "You can stand up if you are wearing yellow - like a bee." But this is the half of the school day in which she teaches exclusively in Spanish.

Her students are not confused by her language choice. Most of the 4-year-olds wearing even a smidgen of yellow stand up as instructed.

The preschool dual-language program at Gates Street Early Education Center in Lincoln Heights, one of Los Angeles' oldest neighborhoods with dense populations of Latino and Asian residents, is part of a growing number of bilingual education models taking root in California and across the country. Many of them are designed to serve students from Spanish-speaking families, as well as students from other cultures, under mounting evidence that learning two languages can help people from all backgrounds become stronger students.

Roughly 3.8 million students in U.S. schools are native Spanish-speakers who are not proficient in English. They make up the bulk of the approximately 5 million students nationwide identified as English language learners, the fastest-growing demographic in schools - and the lowest-performing, as judged by achievement tests and graduation rates.

Sixty-seven percent of students with limited English skills graduated high school after four years in 2016, compared with 84% of all students, according to federal data.

Language experts recommend how to improve those outcomes: More high-quality, long-term dual-language programs can close the achievement gap in literacy between English learners and native English speakers after five to six years, according to research.

The programs can be tough to implement. Hurdles include a debate over the best way to teach English learners, public hostility against those who speak a native language other than English, shortages of bilingual teachers and even the fact that dual-language programs often grow fastest in areas where upper-income parents ask for them. That's good for children who participate, but it worries advocates who want to see language-minority students have equal access.

Pressure is mounting in states where numbers of Latino English learners have surged. Mississippi, South Carolina, Kentucky, Kansas and Maryland have seen the number of English learners more than double from 2005 to 2015, according to federal data.

"If we can make children feel more whole and more ready and more accepted and welcomed and validate their prior knowledge and prior learning experiences, then we've gone a long way to making them ready to learn over the course of a lifetime," says Tara Fortune, immersion program director at the University of Minnesota's Center for Advanced Research on Language Acquisition.

What's the best way to teach language skills to students?

From 2000 to 2015, the percentage of Latino students enrolled in public elementary and secondary schools swelled from 16% to 26%. The percentage of white students fell from 61% to 49%, according to the National Center for Education Statistics.

Federal law requires districts to identify students with limited English skills and to serve them with an equitable, research-based program. Practices vary widely between states and districts.

Some schools use transitional bilingual programs, which teach academics such as science, math and social studies in Spanish for a few years before transitioning students to mainstream classes.

Many use English as a Second Language instruction, a set of methods and techniques originally developed to teach English to foreign diplomats and university students. Instruction happens in English, and teachers have to be certified.

Then there are "English-only" models, which call for separating language-minority children and having them learn all subjects only in English.

"It's very political because the public doesn't really understand the process of second language acquisition," says Maria Coady, an associate professor of bilingual education at the University of Florida, a state where almost 300,000 students are learning English.

"But the research is really clear on what works," she says. "Students learning English benefit from high-quality, long-term bilingual instruction programs."

Nationwide, there were about 3,000 dual-language programs as of 2015, says Santiago Wood, executive director of the National Association for Bilingual Education. That's a big increase over about 300 operating around 2001, he says, but not enough to help the surging numbers of English learners.

In some districts, the popularity of dual-language programs has led to concerns that English learners, who often come from lower-income families, will be pushed out by native English speakers from more affluent families.

At Oyster-Adams Bilingual School in Washington, for example, just 24% of students are English learners, according to school data.

Oyster's program was created to serve the Latino population, but gentrification over the past 40 years drove low-income families from the neighborhood, says Vanessa Bertelli, co-founder of a grassroots organization that advocates for more dual-language programs.

"There are more than 10,000 students learning English in D.C., and even if every one of those students enrolled in a dual-immersion school, there wouldn't be enough seats for them," says Bertelli of the DC Language Immersion Project.

"There's a lot of energy wasted on trying to allocate the pie, when what we should be doing is making more pies," she says.

Learning 'English by osmosis' does not work for most students

The USA has a complicated history when it comes to Spanish in public schools.

The country does not have an official language, but for many decades, some states made English the law of their land by embracing practices that restricted or punished children for speaking a language other than English in schools.

"The idea was time on task: put 'em in there, and they'll learn English by osmosis," Coady says. "Sometimes that works for very young kids. But for a 10th grader coming into high school only speaking Mandarin who needs to graduate in three years? There's no way that child has equitable access."

In the late 1990s and early 2000s, a focus on English-only instruction became more pronounced as a wave of anti-immigrant sentiment led to ballot initiatives in several states that effectively outlawed teaching in multiple languages.

California voters approved a ban on bilingual education in public schools in 1998. Known as the policy barred many children of Latino immigrants and Latino immigrant children from bilingual education, says Proposition 227, Ramon Martinez, an assistant professor at Stanford University's Graduate School of Education in California.

Led by California businessman Ron Unz and supported by the lobbying group ProEnglish, which favors English-only classes and the adoption of English as the official language of state and national government, similar restrictive bans passed in Arizona and Massachusetts.

Ramirez, the Gates Early Learning preschool teacher, was a student in East Los Angeles during the ban in California. She was taught in Spanish and English through second grade before Proposition 227 went into effect when she was about 8. After that, she struggled.

"I remember my third grade, I just kind of shut down because I had an idea and comprehended English, but I didn't feel confident to speak it," Ramirez says, holding back tears. "Now coming back and working where I grew up, I feel like many years ago I was where my kids are now. I want to make sure they don't go through the lack of confidence I faced because of the language."

California voters repealed the state's ban on bilingual education in 2016. Massachusetts overturned its English-only instruction law in 2017. Arizona officials, many of whom fought fervently for years to keep Spanish instruction out of public schools, are watering down its law, in part because outcomes for English learners there have been dismal.

At last count by the federal Department of Education, Arizona had the lowest graduation rate for English learners of all states: In 2016, only 32% of them graduated in four years.

"Our English language learner population was performing worse on tests than our special education population," says Republican state Sen. Paul Boyer, a part-time teacher who supported efforts to change the law to help students learning English.

English learners make progress

The city of Vineland, New Jersey, about an hour south of Philadelphia, represents changing U.S. demographics. More than 60% of the 11,000 students in Vineland Public Schools are Latino, reflecting a long-standing Puerto Rican community and a swell of migrants from Central America in recent years. Many of those new arrivals are teens who came without their parents and have no recent history of attending school.

Some of the school's parents work in the surrounding eggplant and cauliflower fields during the day. Some are highly transient, migrating with the seasons wherever the work is.

Like many districts in New Jersey, Vineland hosts a transitional bilingual program for students who arrive with limited English skills. This year, about 800 students are enrolled. They learn their core academics in Spanish - often right next door to classes where the same content is taught in English - but they have time built into the day for speaking, reading and writing in English.

More: Vineland ESL, bilingual programs win state honors

During the first week of school this fall at Vineland High School, students in a 10th grade bilingual algebra class solved problems written on the board while their teacher wandered around, greeting students and checking their homework.

"Did you finish them all, Rafael?" she asked one student in English.

She turned and saw that another had neglected to carry a negative number through an equation. She tapped the student's answer: "Y un negativo, no?" she said.

Vineland's bilingual program has been bolstered by JoAnne Negrin, supervisor of bilingual education. Since she was hired seven years ago, she made sure that all new textbook purchases were available in both Spanish and English, so students in the bilingual program could learn at the same pace as their English-speaking peers.

She made sure bilingual teachers in the lower grades weren't delivering the same lessons in both languages over the course of the day.

"If you're repeating lessons every day, you're never going to help these children make progress," Negrin says.

Vineland's English learners show some of the highest academic improvement scores in the district, she says. Last year, the students met all the targets outlined on the state report cards.

"People sometimes question, 'How are students going to learn English if they spend the whole day learning in Spanish?' " Negrin says. "Well, our data shows that proficiency in literacy in the child's first language is a very good indicator of how well that child is going to eventually learn English."

Other small victories are happening. Kevin Sanchez, 17, who arrived from the Dominican Republic last year with limited English, won first place in a regional science fair after investigating how windmills worked and building a model of one.

Sanchez almost backed out from the fair when he learned that participants were required to make an oral presentation to the judges. Encouraged by his bilingual science teacher, Sanchez enlisted a friend to translate for him.

"It felt really good that a student like me could win in a fair like that," Sanchez says in Spanish.

Negrin, who grew up as a bilingual child abroad, translates for him.

"So often people look at bilingual programs as remedial programs," she says as Sanchez returns to his English as a Second Language class. "But here you have a kid winning a science fair. There's nothing remedial about that."

Bilingual teachers in short supply, high demand

Another major barrier to starting or expanding dual-language programs is the critical shortage nationwide of teachers who can speak and teach in Spanish and English.

More than 30 states reported critical shortages in English as a Second Language teachers and world language teachers.

As a result, more districts groom their bilingual teachers, either by helping staff achieve the necessary certifications or by encouraging former bilingual students to come back and teach.

In Texas' Rio Grande Valley, close to the U.S.-Mexican border, one district and a nearby university tried to bolster the pipeline of bilingual students becoming bilingual educators.

The Pharr-San Juan-Alamo Independent School District serves a nearly all-Latino population of 32,000 students. The district has long supported a dual-language, Spanish-English program in all its elementary schools, which has helped close the gap in the early grades for those who are learning English. Students can choose to continue in the bilingual program in high school.

After students graduate, they can continue their bilingual studies in Spanish and English at the University of Texas-Rio Grande Valley.

The university added a minor in bilingual secondary education, says Janine Schall, chair of the bilingual and literacy studies department.

"Most of our students come from the local community and plan to return to teach in local K-12 schools after graduation," Schall said.

The university can't expand fast enough, she says. Would-be bilingual teachers often face challenges such as the cost of their education and the tests they have to take to become certified in bilingual education.

"We know that there's a greater need for bilingual education teachers than we can meet right now," Schall says.

Dual-language programs grow in Los Angeles

About 15,000 students were enrolled in the Los Angeles public schools' Spanish/English dual-language programs last year. About two-thirds of those students came from Spanish-speaking households, the others were native English speakers, according to district data.

Nearby, the University of California, Los Angeles' Lab School has hosted its dual-language immersion progr am since 2013. As a private school operated by the university's Graduate School of Education, the Lab School wasn't beholden to California's law that banned bilingual instruction in public schools.

About 40% of students in the program speak Spanish at home.

Elena Perez, a bilingual preschool teacher there, says immersing Spanish-speaking children in their native language empowers them and helps them excel past their regular education peers academically, socially and emotionally.

Her classroom features a gigantic world map, and strings and pins link students to the countries from which their families immigrated, such as Guatemala, Mexico and Peru. One morning, the class sang and swayed to the Spanish folk song "De colores."

Outside learning spaces designed to instill cultural pride, Latino students face a world full of structural barriers and racial inequalities, language experts say. They want lawmakers to pay attention to the research and make policy changes that better position English learners to succeed.

"People talk about closing the achievement gap, but it's more closing the opportunity gap," Perez says. "It's important that we come back to the original purpose of dual language, which is to serve the marginalized population."
Contributing: USA TODAY intern Jared Weber Education coverage at USA TODAY is made possible in part by a grant from the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. The Gates Foundation does not provide editorial input.

$1 for 3 months.

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More US schools teach in English and Spanish, but not enough to help Latino kids

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Leer en español The USA TODAY Network is launching a series on the Latino community in the USA called Hecho en USA, or made in America. Roughly 80% of all Latinos living in the USA are American citizens, but media coverage of Hispanics tends to focus on immigration and crime, instead of how Latino families live, work and learn in their hometowns.

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Este articulo habla de los programas de televisión en los Estados Unidos eran originalmente telenovelas. El articulo habla de programas de "Jane the Virgin" o "Ugly Betty. Por ejemplo, "Jane the Virgin" era originalmente "Juana la Virgen" un programa de Venezuela y "Ugly Betty" era originalmente "Yo soy Betty, la fea". Con los dos programas y otros programas que era originalmente telenovelas, hay puntos importantes de la trama que se cambiaron entre las versiones en español e inglés.

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Latinx and Spanish-speaking communities have long been in the know about the drama of telenovelas. Like American television soap operas, these programs hold nothing back when it comes to high-stakes conflicts and shocking twists that elicit gasps from the audience.

RELATED: The 10 Best Spanish Shows On Netflix Right Now

For years, American TV producers have delved into the rich tradition of these cultures for inspiration and adaptations for English-speaking audiences. A few series come to mind when thinking about how successful those adaptations are. The appeal of such shows to an ever-growing multicultural audience keeps American television producers coming back to the source.

10 Jane the Virgin

Before Jane Gloriana Villanueva graced American television on the CW, there was Juana la Virgen, a telenovela from Venezuela. Jane the Virgin tweaked the Spanish-language program's premise a bit when it aged the protagonist up to 23 years old.

In the telenovela version, Juana is a 16-year-old girl who gets accidentally artificially inseminated during a checkup at a hospital visit. The father is Mauricio de la Vega, the owner of the fictional fashion magazine Positivo. The CW's version made a shout out to the original with Rogelio De La Vega's character.

9 Ugly Betty

America Ferrera donned the braces and thick glasses of Betty Suarez for four seasons that won the hearts of American audiences. This story stemmed from the telenovela Yo Soy Betty, la fea. While both follow the unfortunate-looking protagonist as she navigates the fashion world, the two stories took a different approach.

While the telenovela focused on the protagonist as a lovelorn assistant desperately in love with her boss, the American version emphasized Betty's journey to acceptance in her identity. upended the concept of making her looks the butt of the joke.

8 Chasing Life

ABC Family's drama was adapted from the Mexican telenovela Terminales. The story follows April Carver, a young aspiring journalist whose life is just starting to fall into place when she gets a diagnosis of leukemia. As she balances her desire for a career with bonding with her family, this bombshell news rocks her world.

RELATED: 10 Scariest Spanish-Language Horror Films (According To Rotten Tomatoes)

The show only lasted for two seasons and ended on a cliffhanger. But it told a valuable story that there's always a silver lining. April does not get deterred by her diagnosis but rather fights harder to live life to the fullest, no matter what may come.

7 Devious Maids

The Lifetime network dramedy follows four Latina maids with their own ambitions while working for the most powerful and wealthiest families of Beverly Hills, California. In the first season, a fellow maid friend is mysteriously murdered. The plots only get wilder after that.

Devious Maids was adapted from the Mexican Ellas son... la alegría del hogar. The original starts with a condominium breaking ground on a new swimming pool. But the endeavor gets delayed as a mysterious briefcase unleashes chaos that leads to murder.

6 Queen of the South

This USA Network crime drama is adapted twice-over. It started as a Spanish-language novel that was turned into the Telemundo show La reina del sur. The story follows Teresa Mendoza who escapes to Texas after her drug-smuggling boyfriend is murdered in Mexico.

In both premises, the protagonist turns to drug smuggling herself to bring down the very cartel that has her on the run. It's a story that shows how vengeance can turn people into the monsters they run and hide from. The telenovela only lasted two seasons, but the American version is still airing.

5 Hollywood Heights

This Teen Nick family drama took its inspiration from the Mexican telenovela Alcanzar una estrella. The story follows high-schooler Loren Tate who aspires to be a singer-songwriter. The title translates to "to reach a star," which plays on the premise and the protagonist's obsession to make contact with her rock star idol.

The American adaptation only had one season and didn't gain traction among English-speaking audiences. But the original version claimed much success with awards and even a sequel telenovela that starred Ricky Martin.

4 Killer Women

Based on the Argentinian telenovela Mujeres asesinas, this ABC drama tells the story of the sheriff's daughter Molly Parker. The former beauty queen is recently separated from her abusive senator husband and takes on a career with the Texas Rangers, rising in the ranks of the male-dominated institution.

RELATED: The 10 Best Netflix Original Book-To-Series Adaptations, According To Rotten Tomatoes

The original telenovela was adapted from a trilogy of books written by Marisa Grinstein. Killer Women followed the same stories as Molly investigated the homicides committed by women. It was a rare case in which all the main villains were women.

3 American Heiress

The limited-run series was based on the Mexican telenovela La heredera. It's a dramatic romance between a pampered heiress and roughneck pilot that survive a plane crash together in the jungles of Guatemala.

They finally made their way back to civilization where Elizabeth Wakefield, the heiress, fought her family's wishes to remain with her new love Captain JD Bruce, the former Air Force pilot she crash-landed and survived with. The Spanish-language series took a slightly different route but ultimately focused on the same themes.

2 I Am Frankie

The Nickelodeon drama follows Frankie Gaines, an android that tries to pass herself off as a human teenager. She is developed by a scientist working for the government and smuggled out of the facility when the military wants to use the android for warfare.

The Colombian telenovela Yo soy Franky also depicted the android posing as a teenage girl, but with much lower stakes. While the American adaptation took a dystopian sci-fi approach, the original version simply had Franky developed for purely scientific purposes. She was merely meant to be studied among human beings.

1 Saints and Sinners

This MyNetworkTV drama is a modern-day retelling of Romeo and Juliet but in Miami Beach, Florida. Julia Capshaw falls in love with Roman Martin, the man accused of murdering her father. Both their families own hotels and the two find themselves caught in the crossfire of the bitter rivalry.

The American version was adapted from the Mexican telenovela La calle de las novias. The original show also told the story of star-crossed lovers, but this one took place on a street dedicated to selling all things bridal.

NEXT: 10 Best TV Adaptations Of Romance Novels
About The Author

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10 American Shows That Were Originally Telenovelas

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Latinx and Spanish-speaking communities have long been in the know about the drama of telenovelas. Like American television soap operas, these programs hold nothing back when it comes to high-stakes conflicts and shocking twists that elicit gasps from the audience.

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Este video habla de spanglish y "code switching". En el video, Alondra Posada habla de su vida hablando dos idiomas. Una en su casa y un otra en escuela y cómo ella usa los dos de la manera intercambiable. Posada dice que spanglish "representa lo completo de los dos lenguajes" y tiene una transición suave.

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Spanglish is a Language Too! | Alondra Posada | TEDxYouth@UrsulineAcademy

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De qué país es la telenovela "Jane the Virgin"?
A. Colombia
B. México
C. Argentina
D. Venezuela

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El judeoespañol, o Ladino, es la lengua de los sefardíes y judeoespañoles. Este sito de web describe el lenguaje y la historia de estas personas. Ladino tiene aspectos de muchas lenguas: gallego, portugués, turco y más. Sin embargo, la lengua está muriendo porque los hablantes han muerto o hablan otros idiomas.

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El judeo-español es la lengua materna de los sefardíes o sefaradíes (La palabra viene de Sefarad, el nombre hebreo para España), judíos españoles y sus descendientes. Como todo el mundo sabe, el año 1492 es señalado no sólo por el gran descubrimiento del Nuevo Mundo, la colaboración de la primera gramática de la lengua castellana, sino también por el acto anti-semitista de los Reyes Católicos: la expulsión de España de los judíos non-conversos al cristianismo. Estos judíos desterrados fueron acogidos principalmente por tres países: un país cristiano, Portugal y dos países islámicos, Marruecos y Turquía. Pero en 1497 la Corona Portuguesa decretó "o bautismo o expulsión" siguiendo el ejemplo de España. Muchos de estos judíos español-lusitanos se trasladaron a Inglaterra, Bohemia, algunos estados italianos y sobre todo los Países Bajos. Y con la expansión de la colonización, algunos sefardíes llegaron incluso al Nuevo Mundo. Así es que hasta hoy los sefardíes se diepersan por todo el mundo, su distribución geográfica abarca cuatro continentes: Europa, África, Asia y América.

Los judíos españoles habían escrito en lengua castellana desde que hubo literatura. Los redactores de buena parte de la prosa de Alfonso X el sabio, fueron judíos. El autor de la famosísima La Celestina, Fernando de Rojas, también fue un judío. Pero el lenguaje de los judíos españoles, aún desde la Edad Media, tenía peculiaridades atribuibles al carácter restringido de su comunidad, por motivos religiosos y tradición hebrea. El judeo-español en la literatura, sobre todo, en las versiones bíblicas, se diferencia del judeo-español en el habla en que es un lenguaje híbrido de español y hebreo. Este lenguje artificioso recibe la designación de "ladino" mientras que "el judesmo" se refiere al judeo-español de uso general.

La característica más notable del judeo-español es su extraordinario arcaísmo tanto en el sistema fonológico como en las formas gramaticales. Una posible causa consiste en que la diáspora de los judíos hispanos comenzó con la matanza de 1391, un siglo antes de la expulsión, y por eso el judeo-español no participó en las principales transformaciones del castellano en el Norte de la Península, que ocurrieron hacia1400, sin embargo, acogió otras transformaciones en el Sur de España, por ejemplo, comparte el seseo-çeçeo y el yeísmo con el español andaluz y su expansión atlántica. Una muestra del arcaísmo del judeo-español es que, por ejemplo, se desconocen vuestra merced y usted. Para tratamiento de respeto se usan vos en Marruecos y él, eya en Oriente.

El judeo-español también ha sufrido influencias de los dialectos de España. En su vocabulario existen muchas palabras de origen dialectal, por ejemplo, ainda(aún) de gallego, lonso(oso) de aragonés, samarada(llamarada) de leonés, y anozar(enojar) de portugués. El judeo-español también tiene inovaciones. El del norte de África ha recibido influencia del árabe y el español moderno, el del Oriente abunda en palabras griegas, turcas y aun eslavas. Además, la expresión culta muestra gran abundancia de galicismos e italianismos.

Como una variedad de la lengua castellana, el judeo-español es muy importante por haber conservado muchas características arcaicas que han desaparecido del español moderno, y también por su inevitable destino de decadencia debido a la asimilación de y la mezcla con diferentes culturas.

Bibliografía

Alatorre, Antonio. Los 1,001 años de la lengua española. México: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1993.
Lapesa, Rafael. Historia de la lengua española. Madrid: Editorial Gredos., 1981.

1492
la revisión más reciente 4 de mayo de1996, Wang Juping

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El judeo-español es la lengua materna de los sefardíes o sefaradíes (La palabra viene de Sefarad, el nombre hebreo para España), judíos españoles y sus descendientes.

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El Vasco es una lengua muy único. No es español y no es similar a otros idiomas románticos. Hay muchas teorías a los orígenes del vasco pero mi favorito es que el vasco es la lengua más cercana que queda a una lengua pre indoeuropea. La tierra en el País Vasco tiene muchos bosques y la tierra es difícil de navegar. Entonces, vasco tiene la oportunidad a desarrolló sin la influencia de otros lenguajes.

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El voseo se utiliza en la parte rioplatense en América del Sur. El voseo es más popular en los países de Chile, Colombia, Argentina y Uruguay, particularmente Argentina y Uruguay. La palabra "vos" es un otra palabra para "tú" y tiene un único conjugación de verbos también. El video explica la historia del voseo y cómo la gente utiliza la palabra.

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VOSEO RIOPLATENSE | Voseo from the River Plate (Uruguayan-Argentinian Spanish) - B1

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El articulo habla de los dialectos diferentes en la lenguaje de español. En casi todos los continentes, algunos personas hablan español y tiene un dialecto único. Lo más interesante es que hay personas en África que hablan español, se llaman español ecuatoguineano. Ese tipo de español influye el vocabulario y la pronunciación de Guinea y Cameroon.

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10 Spanish Dialects: How Spanish is Spoken Around the World - ALTA Language Services

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Even within a single language or language group there may be major differences in speech. The term dialect refers to those differences in intonation and pronunciation - and even words and expressions that exist in some branches of a language while absent in others. Spanish has a rich history that ...

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En la pragmática, los hablantes de la lengua tiene conocimiento de las normas lingüísticas  y sociales. Con las normas lingüísticas y sociales, las personas pueden entender oraciones que no tienen sentido sin contexto.  Por ejemplo, si una persona dice "¿Quiere tener el pícnic?" y la otra persona responde "Hace llueve", la otra persona no dice "no" o "sí", pero la persona entiende que la otra persona no quiere tener un pícnic.

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La tabla muestra los tipos diferentes de deixis. Deixis es "palabras que señalan la orientación o ubicación espacial o temporal". Como se ve en la tabla, hay tres tipos diferentes con palabras en cada tipo. Personal deixis es relaciones entre los participantes en el discurso. Deixis espacial es la ubica de los participantes y los eventos en el espacio. Deixis temporal define la ubicación del evento que se habla.

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En español hay tres tipos de antonimias: gradual, complementaria y recíproca. La antonimia es dos palabras que tiene un relación binaria y tienen significados opuestos. Este sito de web, explica los tipos de antonimias con ejemplos de español y inglés. Hay antonimias de sustantivos, verbos y adjetivos y cada grupo tiene los tres tipos de antonimias.

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Spanish antonyms are just like their English counterparts-they include adjectives, nouns, and verbs that allow you to express opposite ideas.

In fact, they're the opposite of Spanish synonyms.

Actually, you could say that synonyms are the antonyms of antonyms.

(You see what I did there?)

In this blog post, I cover the fascinating world of Spanish antonyms. I explain in detail what they are, why you should learn about them, and what types of Spanish antonyms exist. Furthermore, I share a long, comprehensive list of Spanish antonyms divided into adjectives, nouns, and verbs.

What Are Spanish Antonyms?

According to the Merriam-Webster dictionary, an antonym is "a word of opposite meaning."

Opposite of what? You may ask, and you have a point, as the concept of "opposition" can only be understood as "opposition to something."

The same dictionary tries to clarify its definition with the following example:

"The usual antonym of good is bad."

And there you have a crucial characteristic of antonyms: they come in pairs, just as synonyms do.

Good is the antonym of bad, in the same way and proportion as bad is the antonym of good.

Spanish antonyms work in the exact same way: bueno is the antonym of malo, just as malo is the antonym of bueno.

Why You Should Learn About Spanish Antonyms

Most importantly, learning Spanish antonyms helps you to improve your vocabulary.

Every new Spanish word you learn is a step closer to total fluency and makes it just a bit easier to express your thoughts to others.

What's more, studying Spanish antonyms helps you to understand the concepts or realities that they describe. For instance, bueno and malo describe the concept of calidad or "quality," while the antonyms frío (cold) and caliente (hot) describe the concept of temperatura (temperature). This way, the use of antonyms can build your vocabulary to describe the variations of a concept or reality.

You may have noticed that more than once I've mentioned the word "describe" in relation to antonyms and that's because, in many cases, antonyms are adjectives. So, learning Spanish antonyms also helps you to master Spanish adjectives.

3 Types of Spanish Antonyms

While English grammar accepts the existence of only two types of antonyms ( graded and complementary), Spanish antonyms include a third category: reciprocal antonyms.

Let's take a look at each to give you a better idea of what you're dealing with.

1. Graded Antonyms

Graded antonyms allow you to express different shades of opposition to another term. For example, the adjectives "lukewarm," "cold," and "frozen" are graded antonyms to "hot."

Let's see them in Spanish:

caliente - tibio, frío, helado.

2. Complementary Antonyms

These antonyms are mutually exclusive-meaning that when one exists, the other ceases to exist.

For example, if you're young, you can't be old. And when you get old, you cease to be young.

Other good examples of complementary antonyms are "single" and "married," "alive," and "dead."

In Spanish:
joven - viejo soltero - casado vivo - muerto
3. Reciprocal Antonyms

With reciprocal antonyms, one of the words cannot exist without the other. For example, "buying" and "selling," or "giving" and "receiving."

In Spanish:
comprar - vender dar - recibir
Antonym Pairs

Learning some of the most common and useful pairs of Spanish antonyms will dramatically improve the quality of your conversations!

This section is organized into three categories:

Spanish Antonyms as Adjectives

Using Spanish antonyms as adjectives helps you to describe things and people (also known as nouns in grammar), which make them helpful words to know that always come in handy.

Spanish Antonyms as Nouns

Learning Spanish antonyms as nouns is a bit more complex as they require dealing with concepts, which tend to be more abstract than adjectives.

On this list, I don't include nouns that have already been covered as adjectives. (For example, I omit bien - mal or "good - evil" as I covered them previously.)

Spanish Antonyms as Verbs

Finally, let's explore some useful pairs of antonym verbs.

Practicar - Olvidar

"To practice - to forget." While these verbs aren't exactly antonyms, they prove an important point! If you practice your newly learned Spanish antonyms, you'll keep growing your Spanish vocabulary and will improve your understanding of adjectives and nouns. If you don't practice what you've just learned, you'll quickly forget this lesson and everything about Spanish antonyms.

So, the question is, what are you going to do?

Sign up for a free class with one of our certified, native Spanish-speaking teachers from Guatemala, and start using Spanish antonyms in your conversations today!

Ready to learn more Spanish grammar and vocabulary? Check these out!

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Spanish antonyms are just like their English counterparts-they include adjectives, nouns, and verbs that allow you to express opposite ideas. In fact, they're the opposite of Spanish synonyms. Actually, you could say that synonyms are the antonyms of antonyms. (You see what I did there?)

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El video describe la diferencia de los palabras que tienen la misma sonidos pero son palabras diferente. Por ejemplo, palabras como votar y botar son homófonos. Votar significa "to vote" y botar significa "to throw away". Sin embargo, las letras 'v' y 'b' tiene la misma pronunciación en español por lo tanto votar y botar sonido igual. Los hispanohablantes usan el contexto de las oraciones a saber que palabra ser usado.

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Este sitio de web tiene la historia de los vocálicos de español y como los vocálicos se transforma de latín a español. El sitio de web va en profundidad a la historia y la lingüística de los vocálicos también. Me gusta el parte de los diptongos porque es muy único del lenguaje español. Porque español tiene diptongos, hay cosas como "boot verbs" que hace español diferente de francés o italiano.

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El video habla de la influencia de árabe de español y portugués. Habla de la historia de la idioma en el país y cómo la historia jugó un papel en cambios de los dos idiomas. Mi parte favorito en este video es los ejemplos de palabras en español y portugués que influyen de árabe. Además, el video tiene las palabras de árabe que influye los ejemplos. Hay muy interesante a ve los palabras específicos de los tres idiomas.

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ARABIC Influence on Spanish & Portuguese!

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El articulo habla de la historia de español y cómo otros países y grupos influyen el lenguaje. Con muchos grupos victorioso la Península Ibérica, las idiomas de los grupos influyen el futuro de el lenguaje español. Por ejemplo, por ocho siglos el árabe controló muchas partes de España. Entonces, el lenguaje de los árabes tienen un influye muy importante en español.

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The History Of The Spanish Language And Its Many Influences

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Have you ever wondered about the history of the Spanish language? Let’s travel back in time and discover where and when everything began.

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En el foto, hay la evolución de interdental fricativo en español castellano y andaluz. Con los ejemplos y el tiempo, vemos cómo la lenguaje cambia a español moderno. El los dos tipos de español, los sonidos no hay la misma en el siglo 14 a el presente. Con los sonidos, las lingüísticas pueden ver cómo lenguajes como latín y el árabe influyen español.

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El articulo habla de los usos del pronombre 'se'. Hay muchos usos y cada uso tiene significa diferente. Algunos de los usos incluyo se reflexivo, se reciproco, se impersonal, se pasivo y otros. No uso 'se reflexivo' en la misma manera de 'se impersonal'. El articulo sugiere que estudiantes oyen a mucho español a saben los diferencias de los usos.

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I will be honest, Spanish is a complex language.

I say this because of it Se one of the most used, but most difficult words to use.

On this occasion, I will try to clarify the uses of the Se with an easy definition and with examples so that you know all the uses that it has.

Many of the Spanish speakers do not know these rules, but you should know them if you are learning Spanish.

Do you want to know everything about "Se"?

But first..

SE is a personal pronoun, that is, it is used to call people, things or animals without naming them.

In Spanish they have no gender, so you can use it for men or women. It also has no "number", that is, you can use it for the plural (Ella, Él, Esos, Esas).

There are many rules to use this pronoun, but I decided to summarize the most important and the most used by any Latin American.

The Se reflexivo is the one in which the action falls on the same subject.

That is, the personal pronoun is always used before a reflexive verb.

Examples:

The Se Reflexivo is a bit confusing and it seems a bit Se Reciproco.

The difference is that reciprocal is used to indicate that two people, animals or things do an action at the same time.

Examples:

In this case, the se is used to replace another personal pronoun (Le or Les).

Les or le are used to replace him or her.

That is, in theory, there are phrases in which we can use him or her, but in certain cases, it is better to use Se.

Examples:

Se Impersonal is used not to say which is the subject of the action.

Examples:

It is very common to find it in sales announcements.

Examples:

There are certain verbs in Spanish, in what you should use Se.

Verbos Pronominales: arrepentirse, abrazar, besar, casarse, comer, irse, etc.

It is also a bit confusing, but it is used to give a stronger sense to an action.

Examples:

¡Se bebió dos cafés! (He drank two coffees!)

¡Se fue a la playa! (She went to the beach!)

¡Se comió dos tacos! (He ate two tacos!)

In this case, it can be used for her and for him.

As I said at the beginning, it is a complicated word, but listen to a lot of Spanish. It will give you the necessary knowledge to know the different uses of Se in Spanish

To confuse with the word I know, this word with an accent means to know, but it is used only for the first person (yo)

Yo sé que no regresará (I know he won't come back)
Recommendation
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Did you like the article?

Maybe you want to read: Por and Para in Spanish

Do you want more examples of this pronoun?

I love reading your opinion.

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7 Uses of the Pronoun Se in Spanish - Blania

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I will be honest, Spanish is a complex language. I say this because of it Se one of the most used, but most difficult words to use. On this occasion, I will try to clarify the uses of the Se with an easy definition and with examples so that you know all the uses that it has.

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El articulo habla de cláusulas dependientes, particularmente cláusulas sustantivas, adjetivo, y adverbiales. El articulo explica cada tipo de cláusula y da un ejemplo también. Cada cláusula tiene palabras que presenta un seguro tipo de cláusula. Por ejemplo, por cláusulas adverbiales ve palabras como antes que, mientras, cuando o tan pronto como.

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The three most common types of dependent clauses in Spanish are:

1. Noun clauses (cláusulas nominales or cláusulas sustantivas). In this case, the entire clause serves as a noun, usually as the direct object of a verb. It is normally introduced with the conjunctionque [that]. [In Spanish, the subjunctive mood will be used in the noun clause when the verb that governs the clause is one of influence, emotion, doubt, or negation; the indicative is used when the governing verb is one of truth, certainty, reporting, or affirmation.]
Example: que vengas conmigo al concierto. I want you to come with me to the concert. Quiero

2. Adjectival clauses (cláusulas adjetivales). Here, the entire clause takes on the function of an adjective, usually modifying a noun or pronoun, the antecedent (antecedente). Adjectival clauses are normally introduced by a relative pronoun such asque [which/that] quien (who), el que (which/that/who), or el cual (which/that/who). [In Spanish, we use the subjunctive mood in adjectival clauses when the antecedent is indefinite, nonexistent, or negated; the indicative is used when the antecedent is known or definite.]
Example:Busco una secretaria que hable español. I'm looking for a secretary who speaks Spanish.

3. Adverbial clauses (cláusulas adverbiales). This type of clause is usually introduced by an adverbial conjunction, for exampleantes de que, cuando, mientras, ortan pronto como to list just a few. [The subjunctive is used for adverbial clauses when the action or state in the clauses is anticipated —i.e., viewed as not yet happening— or hypothetical; the indicative is used when the action or state in the clause is viewed as a customary one or one which has been completed.]
Example:Iremos tan pronto como llegue Juanita.We'll leave as soon as Juanita arrives.

Practice in identifying the types of clauses. Underline the dependent clauses in the sentences given below and identify each as being a noun clause, adjectival clause, or adverbial clause, using an appropriate abbreviation such as noun, adj., or adv. Note: a sentence may contain more than one dependent clause, or none at all.

1. No me dijiste que ibas a Guatemala.

2. No he visto a nadie que sea tan generosa como ella.

3. Cuando me desperté me encontré en algo que parecía una selva.

4. Me gustó que usted nos lo explicara tan inteligentemente.

5. No vamos a hacer el viaje aunque reparemos el coche.

6. Yo lo creo todo porque tú me lo contaste.

7. Yo te daré la respuesta que buscas cuando me confieses qué hiciste anoche.

8. ¿Dónde está mi cámara, Manuel?

9. Antes de jugar, planeemos lo que vamos a hacer.

10. Ojalá que salgamos bien en el examen que nos darán mañana.

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The three most common types of dependent clauses in Spanish are: Noun clauses (cláusulas nominales or cláusulas sustantivas). In this case, the entire clause serves as a noun, usually as the direct object of a verb. It is normally introduced with the conjunctionque [that].

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En el video, el orador habla de oraciones simples en español. Como muchas otros lenguajes, español tiene sujetos, verbos, y objetos que forman oraciones simples. Cada oración tiene un sujeto que realiza la acción del verbo y un predicado que tiene el resto del oración, excepto el sujeto. Pero, es importante recordar que en español, el sujeto no es necesario si el verbo tiene la conjugación correcto.

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El articulo es de el orden de palabras. Cada lenguaje ordena las palabras de cierta manera. En algunos lenguajes, tienen sujeto - objeto - verbo. Otros tienen sujeto - verbo - objeto. En total, hay siete maneras a orden las palabras. Algunos de las maneras son más populares de otros, pero cada lenguaje usan un seguro manera a habla con las otras personas que hablan el mismo lenguaje.

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Word order, as the name implies, is how words are arranged in a sentence. The words "I saw Sam" can't be rearranged as "I Sam saw," "Saw Sam I" or any other configuration without either changing the meaning or descending into gibberish. But if you were to translate this sentence into another language, the word order would need to change to fit the norms. It's one of the biggest reasons that translating a sentence word-by-word doesn't work: if the word order in a language is different, the whole sentence needs to be restructured.

Here, we'll give you an overview of all seven possible word orders and the basics of how they work. When you're learning a new language, it might be a good idea to check which order it uses so you'll be ready from the beginning.

The Parts Of Word Order

A sentence, at its most basic level, has three parts: the subject, the object and the verb. Sentences can certainly be more complicated, with prepositional phrases, adjectives, adverbs and more, but it's these three parts that decide word order. If you need to know more about these components, though, you might need to brush up on the parts of speech.

The subject is the person, place or thing that's performing an action. In English, the subject is the noun or noun phrase that appears before the verb. In "I saw Sam," the subject is "I." In "Italy is beautiful," the subject is "Italy." In "Mike and Sarah went to the movies," the subject is "Mike and Sarah." There can also be multiple subjects in a sentence. In "I saw Sam, and Jake waved," both "I" and "Jake" are subjects because they are part of separate clauses.

The object is the noun to which the action is being done. In "I saw Sam," the object is "Sam." At its simplest, the object is the noun that appears after the verb. Unlike the other two parts of word order, a sentence doesn't require an object. You can just say "I walked," where there's no object at all.

While this isn't important for word order more generally, we'll briefly mention that there are direct objects and indirect objects. The direct object is the person, place or thing that the action is being done to, and the indirect object is the person, place or thing the action is being done for. In the sentence "I gave Sam a present," the direct object is "a present" because it's the thing being given, and the indirect object is "Sam" because the present is for him.

This is probably the simplest of the parts. The verb is the action word in the sentence. In "I saw Sam," the verb is "saw." There can be more than one verb per sentence. In "I came, I saw and I conquered," you have "came," "saw" and "conquered."

The Seven Word Orders

Below, we'll show you the seven word orders, roughly what percentage of languages use them, what they would look like in English and a few languages that use them.

And before we begin, a quick disclaimer that while word order can seem simple, it is actually a pretty murky linguistic topic. Classifications for languages have changed over time, and some languages can use more than one word order pretty interchangeably. English word order can shift in certain sentences, even. For example, if someone asked "Do you like beer or wine?" you could answer "Beer I love, wine I hate," where both of the clauses put the object first and then the subject and then the verb. It's not very common, but it's possible.

We're sticking to the basics here, but it's not hard to get sucked into semantic arguments about what a sentence even is, really.

Subject-Object-Verb (SOV)

In SOV, the verb appears at the end of the sentence, and the subject is first. It's also the most common word order in the world, and it's used across the continents. A few languages that use SOV are Ainu, Basque, Cherokee, Korean, Persian, Tibetan and Turkish, among many others.

Subject-Verb-Object (SVO)

As the example above makes clear, English uses SVO. And taken together with SOV, these subject-first sentence types are by far the most commonly used word orders. Other languages that use SVO are Chinese, French, Igbo, Italian, Norwegian, Polish, Swahili, Swedish and Yoruba.

There are also a few languages that are considered mostly SVO, but that have a few exceptions. Russian and Finnish, for example, use both SVO and SOV pretty commonly. German also can sometimes shift verbs to the end of a clause.

Verb-Subject-Object (VSO)

In VSO, the verb is first, followed by the noun performing the action, followed by the noun that the action is being done to. Languages that use VSO include Arabic, Classic Maya, Egyptian, Filipino, Hawaiian, Irish, Scottish Gaelic and Tongan.

Verb-Object-Subject (VOS)

VOS is just like VSO, except the subject and the object are flipped. Languages that use it include Alsea, Fijian, Malagasy, Ojibwa and Yucatec.

Object-Verb-Subject (OVS)

Languages that put the object first are exceedingly rare. OVS is basically the exact opposite of English. There are a few theories as to why certain word orders are more popular than others. Some theorize that it's evidence of a human Universal Grammar, which means we're genetically predisposed to picking certain word orders (though that should mean that there are no OVS or OSV languages at all, which is not the case). also posits that subject-first languages are more effective at transmitting information, meaning there is a logical bias to the languages.

In any case, languages that use OVS include Hixkaryana and Selknam. It is also used in the constructed language , which was created for the film and television franchise .

Object-Subject-Verb (OSV)

Coming in last is OSV, used in barely half a percentage of classified languages. Most OSV languages come from the same area: the Amazon basin in South America. These include Aparinã, Warao and Xavante. The OSV word order also comes up in discussions of , because the character uses it to say things like "Much to learn, you still have" (the subject is "you," the verb is "still have" and the object is "much to learn").

Free Word Order

Percentage Of Languages: 13.7%

After SOV and SVO, the most popular word order is unfixed. What this means is that these languages can put subject, object and verb into various orders, all of which are grammatically correct. This doesn't mean that it's total anarchy, however. Free word order languages usually have a dominant word order that writers default to. "Unfixed" just means that it's to use any word order without sacrificing proper grammar.

Free word order languages have other ways to mark which word is the subject, the object and the verb. One of the most common methods is through morphology, meaning that there is a complicated system of word endings. Anyone who has ever taken , for example, knows the huge number of declensions that replace word order.

Free word order languages include Albanian (predominantly SVO), Hindi-Urdu (predominantly SOV), Latin (predominantly SOV or OSV) and Portuguese (predominantly SVO).

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Word order, as the name implies, is how words are arranged in a sentence. The words "I saw Sam" can't be rearranged as "I Sam saw," "Saw Sam I" or any other configuration without either changing the meaning or descending into gibberish.

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Qué palabras presentan una cláusula adverbial?
a. que
b. quien, el cual
c.  cuando, antes de que, mientras
d. A y B

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Esta página de web habla de la morfología verbal. La morfología de verbal incluye raiz, tiempo, aspecto, y modo. El articulo habla de los modos diferentes: indicativo, subjuntivo, imperativo y más. Los modos son muy importante en español porque los modos determinan las conjugaciones de los verbos. Por ejemplo: en el indicativo yo hablar ---> hablo, pero en el subjuntivo yo hablar ---> hable.

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In many languages, a number of different features are marked on the verb and serve to situate and contextualize its usage. Tense, mood, aspect, and voice are some of the most common of these types of features. Tense locates an event in time, while aspect refers to the way in which the event unfolds within a time frame. Mood signals the speaker's intent or attitude towards their utterance, and voice distinguishes thematic relationships between the verb and arguments of a sentence. Languages differ in how and the extent to which they realize these categories morphologically, giving rise to a great deal of cross-linguistic variation.

Tense

Tense provides a temporal reference point for an utterance. Tense is sometimes traditionally viewed as a tripartite division between present, past, and future. Such a three-way division of time is seen in languages such as Lithuanian and Irish. However, many languages make finer distinctions, while others make fewer or none at all. In fact, though it often thought of as having three tenses, English is actually a two-tense system, which is common among Germanic languages, and found in many other languages, such as Persian. English only marks a past and a non-past form inflectionally, by added the suffix /-d/ (or its allomorphs /-t/ and /-ed/) to verbal stems or by altering the vowel of the stem (i.e. sing/sang, grow/grew, find/found). English forms a reference to the future with the use of the modal auxiliary 'will.' Languages may also recognize and mark more than three time distinctions in their grammars. Several Bantu languages make use of more tense categories. For example, Kikuyu recognizes six divisions: far past, yesterday past, today past, present, near future, and far future. Yagua, a language of Peru, has five past tenses:

(1)
Yagua past tense affixes (Schmidtke 2006)

There are also languages such a Chinese that do not appear to make any reference to time through the use of verbal morphology. Thus some utterances may seem temporally ambiguous, however a timeframe can be made explicit through reference to pragmatic context or the use of other grammatical markers, such as temporal adverbs. In the following sentence in Mandarin, the adverbial zuotian 'yesterday' situates the event in the past even though the verb itself does not bear any tense marking:

(2)
Zhangsan zuotian qu ni jia
Zhangsan yesterday go you house
'Zhangsan went to your house yesterday.' (Lin 2006)

Other languages mark tense not through the use of inflections, but with separate tense morphemes, much in the same way that English indicates the future. This is common in languages with isolating morphology. For example, in Indonesian, an independent tense marker precedes the verb:

(3)
Kami akan makan nanti.
1pl FUT eat soon
'We will eat soon.' (cited in Dryer 2011)

As can be seen from these few examples, tense and its morphological realization takes on many forms cross-linguistically.

Aspect

Aspect expresses temporal distinctions within a particular time; it indicates how time passes, or how an action unfolds within a timeframe. It can combine with different tense to give finer distinction. There are several different aspects used by the languages of the world. One of the more common is the distinction between the perfective and the imperfective. The perfective indicates a bounded point in time, often with a perceivable beginning and end, while the imperfective suggests a more unbounded period. Many European languages make this distinction, as in the Russian example below:

(4) Imperfective:
On čital pis'mo
He read. PAST.IMPER a letter
'He was reading a letter'

Perfective:
On pročital pis'mo
He read.PAST.PERF a letter
'He read a letter'

While Russian makes aspectusl distinction through the use of inflection, English can mark an utterance as bearing a perfective aspect through the use of the auxiliary verb 'have.'

(5)
Kola has finished painting the barn.

The progressive (or continuous) aspect indicates an ongoing action or event. In English, this is expressed morphologically through the addition of the suffix '-ing' to the verb stem, which is then used with the auxiliary 'to be.' Thus 'She is reading a book' denotes an event in progress in the present, while 'She was reading a book' depicts an action that was continuous at a point in the past. Spanish uses a similar construction, combining the verb estar 'to be' with a verb bearing the progressive ending - ando/-iendo. Thus Ella está leyendo el libro corresponds to'She was reading a book'.

The habitual aspect refers to an action or situation that is repeated frequently over a period of time. Swahili uses the verbal prefix hu- to indicate the habitual aspect, which can be translated into English using an adverb like 'usually' or 'always.'

(6)
Basi hu- fika mapema
bus HAB- arrive early
'The bus usually/always arrives early'

As seen with tense, not all languages mark aspect morphologically. On the other hand, there are languages that, while not marking tense, do make aspectual distinctions. Mandarin is such a language.

(7)
Lisi zai xi- zao
Lisi PROG take bath
'Lisi is taking a bath.' (Lin 2006)

These are only a few of the most common aspects found. Some additional examples include the durative, punctual, stative, dynamic, iterative, and inchoative aspects.

Mood

Mood differs from tense and aspect in that it makes no reference to time or the unfolding of events within a timeframe. Rather, mood indicates intent or attitude of the speaker. Some examples of different moods attested cross-linguistically are the indicative, the conditional, the imperative, the subjunctive, the optative, and the potential. The indicative mood is used to express declarative or questions. In English, this is unmarked; the basic verbal form serves as the indicative form.
The subjunctive mood is used to express doubt, hypothetical situations, desire, or obligation.
Though this mood was once widely used in Old English, it is less common in Modern English, though it still survives in a few constructions (If I were you... and not was). The subjunctive mood is common in a number of languages in the world, and is found in many of the Romance languages:

(8) Spanish:
Espero que Juan llegue pronto.
hope.1sg that Juan arrive.3sgSUBJ soon
'I hope that Juan arrives soon'

The i mperative mood is used to command, prohibit, or advise. Such utterances are usually directed towards the grammatical second person. This can be seen in English (indicative: 'you are careful,' imperative: 'be careful!') and is present in many other languages as well.

(9) French:
tu regardes (tu) regarde
you look.2sg.IND (you) look.2sg.IMP
'You look' 'Look!'

The conditional mood indicates a dependence of one event on another. The English conditional is marked through the use of the modal auxiliary 'would' and is often used in conjunction with the subjunctive 'If I were you, I would not go'. Hungarian uses the affix '-n' with a vowel to mark the conditional:

(10) Jó len-ne
good be- COND
'It would be good'

Additional moods include the potential mood, which suggests the likelihood of an event's occurrence and is found in languages such as Finnish, Persian, and Japanese; and the optative mood, which overlaps somewhat with the subjunctive, also expressing wishes, and is found in Albanian and Ancient Greek.

Voice

Another important concept to be considered here is voice. Voice refers to the relationship between the verb and the argument NPs in the sentence. In active voice, the agent of the action expressed is the subject of the verb. The verb then takes active morphology. In a passive construction, the patient or object of the verb is raised to the position of the subject of the sentence. The agent is then optionally expressed as a prepositional phrase, and the verb takes passive morphology. The following example from English shows both types of constructions:

(11)
Active: The scientist discovered a new cure for the disease.
Passive: A new cure for the disease was discovered (by the scientist).

The active/passive distinction is found in many languages across the world. Here is an example from Sre, a Mon Khmer language (Manley 1972, cited in Keenan and Dryer 2006):

(12)
Cal paʔ mpon
wind open door
'The wind opened the door'

Mpon gə - paʔ mə cal
door PASS- open by wind
'The door was opened by the wind'

Other grammatical voices include the middle voice. As the term suggests, this is somewhere between the active and the passive. For example, in the sentence 'The wood cut easily', the theme 'the wood' is in the subject position, but the verb does not take passive morphology. The middle voice is also used when the subject has elements of both agent and patient, such as when a subject acts reflexively. Middle voice is found in Icelandic and Ancient Greek among other languages. Some languages mark additional voices as well.

This short overview of tense, aspect, mood, and voice, provides only a peek at the wealth and diversity of these topics. Each new language studied provides an opportunity to explore them further.

Sources

Dryer, Matthew S. (2011) Position of Tense-Aspect Affixes. In Dryer and Haspelmath (eds.) The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Munich: Max Planck Digital Library, chapter 69. http://wals.info/chapter/69

Keenan, Edward and Matthew S. Dryer (2007) Passive in the World's Languages. In Shopen (ed.) Language Typology and Syntactic Description, Vol. 1, Cambridge University Press: 325-361. Lin, Jo-wang (2006) Time in a language Without Tense: The case of Chinese, Journal of Semantics 23: 1-53.

Schmidtke, Karsten (2006) A Look Beyond English: Tense and Aspect in the Languages of the World. Class Handout. Friedrich Schiller University, Jena.

N. DelBusso
Back to Morphology Tutorials

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In many languages, a number of different features are marked on the verb and serve to situate and contextualize its usage. Tense, mood, aspect, and voice are some of the most common of these types of features. Tense locates an event in time, while aspect refers to the way in which the event unfolds within a time frame.

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En el artículo en el derecho, habla de categorías léxicas. Explica léxicas, clases abiertas y cerradas y muchas partes de morfología. Pero, me gusta el parte de categorías léxicas porque explica en palabras simples. Sin embargo, a pesar de que el articulo tiene palabras simples, explican muy bueno porque cosas como categorías léxicas, morfología y otros son conceptos muy grandes y el artículo explique bien.

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13.4.3.1 Compensate for human psychology

There are at least three ways to compensate for human psychology to avoid transcription stage errors:

Overcome psychological set

Psychological "set" reduces the ability of programmers to find errors [Uz66]. In our context, set causes the brain to see what it expects to see, rather than what the eye actually perceives. A transcription error may be completely masked by the set of the author. He or she knows what the program is supposed to say and is incapable of seeing what it actually says.

One way to overcome your psychological set is to have another person read your program. That person won't come to the text with the same assumptions you have. If you're working alone, leave the workplace and do something that has nothing to do with programming. When you return, your change of venue will often have broken your set.

A second way to overcome your psychological set is to display the program in a different format than that in which you're accustomed to viewing it. Here is a list of different ways to look at a program listing:

▪

Look at a paper listing instead of a video display.

▪

Display one token per line.

▪

Display a blank space after each token.

▪

Display the listing with the comments deleted.

▪

Display everything in reverse video.

▪

Display different lexical categories in various formats. Lexical categories include keywords, numeric literals, string literals, user names, and those glyphs that aren't numbers or letters. Different formats include all uppercase, italics, boldface, different colors for each category, and so forth.

▪

Display numbers in equivalent formats. Show them in hexadecimal notation, scientific notation, or spelled out in words.

▪

Display the program nesting structure in varying colors.

A third way to overcome your psychological set is to listen to the program being read. You can ask another programmer to read it to you. You can also have a voice synthesis program read it to you. In both cases, read along as the program is read aloud. You will notice that other human readers will separate and group items differently than you do.

Maximize psychological distance

All misreadings aren't created equal. Information theory says that messages have a distance that is computed by counting the number of positions in which they differ [SW49].

The distance between "word" and "work" is one. The distance between "word" and "warm" is two. To reduce the likelihood of transcription errors, maximize the distance between characters and words that may be confused.

The number of different characters is only a starting point. Some pairs of letters and digits are much easier for the brain to misread than others. Easily confused pairs include the following:

The positions of differing characters are also important. When words differ in the first or last positions, people are less likely to misread them. Consider how likely you might be to confuse the following pairs of words:

Prevent typographical errors

Errors in keying must be considered when selecting names for constructs in a program. Names that differ only in characters adjacent on the keyboard are more likely to be mistyped. Touch typists are more likely to mistype characters that are reached by the same fingers on opposite hands.

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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9781555583071500136

5.2.1 Overview of Resources Developed for the Processing of the Serbian Language

Numerous resources that can be used for the purposes of our research were developed for processing of Serbian, but a great number of them has to be modified or improved. Most of these resources were developed in the Unitex system [22], while some of them were adapted for the GATE system [23].

The Unitex system is an open-source system, developed by Sébastien Paumier at the Institut Gaspard-Monge, University of Paris-Est Marne-la-Vallée, in 2001. It is a corpus processing system based on automata-oriented technology that is in constant development. The system is used all over the world for NLP tasks, because it provides support for a number of different languages and for multi-lingual processing tasks.

One of the main parts of the system are electronic dictionaries of the DELA type (Dictionnaires Electroniques du Laboratoire d'Automatique Documentaire et Linguistique or LADL electronic dictionaries), which is presented in Fig. 2. The system consists of the DELAS (simple forms DELA) and the DELAF (DELA of inflected forms) dictionaries. The DELAS dictionaries are the dictionaries of simple words, non-inflected forms, while the DELAF dictionaries contain all of simple words' inflected forms. On the other side, the system contains dictionaries of compounds DELAC (DELA of compound forms) and dictionaries of inflected compound forms DELACF (DELA of compound inflected forms).

The morphological dictionaries in the DELA format were proposed in the Laboratoire d'Automatique Documentaire et Linguistique under the guidance of Maurice Gross. The DELA format of the dictionaries is suitable for resolving problems of the text segmentation and morphological, syntactic, and semantic text processing. More details about the DELA format can be found in [24].

The morphological electronic dictionaries in the DELA format are plain text files. Each line in these files contains a word entry and the inflected form of the word. In other words, each line contains the lemma of the word and some grammatical, semantic, and inflectional information.

An example entry from the DELAF dictionary in English is " tables,table.N+ Conc:p." The inflected form tables is mandatory, table is the lemma of the entry, while the N+ Conc is the sequence of grammatical and semantic information ( N denotes a noun, and Conc denotes that this noun is a concrete object), p is an inflectional code, which indicates that the noun is plural.

These kinds of dictionaries are under development for Serbian by the NLP group at the Faculty of Mathematics, University of Belgrade. According to [21], the present size of the DELAS Serbian morphological dictionary (of simple words), contains 130,000 lemmas. Most of the lemmas from the DELAS dictionary belong to general lexica, while the rest belong to various kinds of simple proper names. The DELAF dictionary contains approximately 4,300.000 word forms with assigned grammatical categories. The size of DELAC and DELACF dictionaries are approximately 10,500 and 54,000 lemmas, respectively.

Similar example entry from the Serbian dictionary of simple word forms with appropriate grammatical and semantic code is padao,padati.V+Imperf+It+Iref:Gms, where the word form padao is singular (S) masculine gender (M) of the active past participle (G) of the verb (V) padati "to fall" that is imperfective (Imperf), intransitive (It), and ireflexive (Iref).

Another type of resources developed for Serbian are different types of finite-state transducers. Finite-state transducers are used to perform morphological analysis and to recognize and annotate phrases in weather forecast texts with appropriate XML tags such as ENAMEX, TIMEX, and NUMEX, as we have explained before.

An example of the finite-state transducer graph for recognition of temporal expressions and their annotation with TIMEX tags is presented in Fig. 3. This finite-state transducer graph can recognize the sequence " 14.01.2012." from our weather forecast example text, and annotate it with TIMEX tag, so it can be extracted in the form "DATE_TIME: 14.01.2012."

Another system that is more suitable for solving the IE (and CM) problem is open-source free software GATE (General Architecture for Text Engineering). The GATE system or some of its components are already used for a number of different NLP tasks in multiple languages. The GATE system is architecture and a development environment for NLP applications. GATE is in development by the University of Sheffield NLP Group since 1995.

The GATE architecture is organized in three parts: Language Resources, Processing Resources, and Visual Resources. These components are independent, so the different types of users can work with the system. Programmers can work on development of the algorithms for NLP, or customize the look of visual resources for their needs, while linguists can use the algorithms and the language resources without any additional knowledge about programming.

Visual Resources, graphical user interface, will remain in its original form for the purpose of this research. It will allow the visualization and editing of Language Resources and Processing Resources. Language Resources for this research involve corpuses of weather forecast texts in multiple languages and weather forecast Concept Model that will be built. The required modification of Processing Resources, especially modifications for application to the processing of Serbian texts are presented below.

The IE task in GATE is embedded in the ANNIE (A Nearly-New Information Extraction) System. Detailed information about ANNIE can be found in [25]. The ANNIE System includes the following processing resources: Tokeniser, Sentence Splitter, POS (part-of-speech) tagger, Gazetteer, Semantic Tagger, and Orthomatcher. Each of the listed resources produces annotations that are required for the following processing resource in the list:

*

Tokeniser splits text into tokens (words, numbers, symbols, white patterns, and punctuation). Tokeniser can be used to process texts in different languages with a little or no modifications.

*

Sentence Splitter segments the text into sentences using cascades of finite-state transducers. It is also application and language-independent.

*

POS Tagger assigns a part-of-speech tag (lexical category tag, e.g., noun, verb) in the form of annotation to each word. English version of POS Tagger included in the GATE system is based on the Brill tagger. It is application-independent, but language-dependent resource, and has to be completely modified for Serbian.

*

Another language-dependent, but application-dependent, resource is Gazetteer that contains lists of cities, countries, personal names, organizations, etc. Gazetteer uses these lists for annotating the occurrence of the list items in the texts.

*

Semantic Tagger is based on the JAPE (Java Annotations Pattern Engine) language [26]. JAPE performs finite-state processing over annotations based on regular expressions and its important characteristic is that it can use Concept Models (ontologies).

Semantic Tagger includes a set of JAPE grammars, where each grammar consists of a set of phases and each phase represent a set of rules. Furthermore, rules contain Left-Hand Side and Right-Hand Side. Left-Hand Side (LHS) of the rule describes the annotation pattern to be recognized usually based on the Kleene regular expression operators. Right-Hand Side (RHS) of the rule describes the action that has to be taken after the LHS recognize the pattern, e.g., new annotation creation. It is an application-and language-dependent resource.

*

Orthomatcher identifies relations between named entities found by the Semantic Tagger. It produces new annotations based on relations between named entities. It is an application-and language-independent resource.

The main goal is to develop language-or application-dependent resources (Gazetteer, POS Tagger, and Semantic Tagger) for Serbian. The way that we chose for solving this problem is to use previously described resources developed for the Unitex system and adapt them for usage in the GATE system. Modifying the Gazetteer lists is a simple process of translation from one language to the other. Building JAPE grammars with ontology support for weather forecast domain requires the initial development of appropriate sublanguage and Concept Model, which will be discussed in the following subsection, as the subject of the authors' ongoing research. The problem of creating an appropriate POS Tagger is highly complex and will not be presented here in details.

Briefly, we made the wrapper for Unitex, so it can be used directly in the GATE system to produce electronic dictionaries for given weather forecast texts and a mechanism for generating appropriate POS Tagger annotation for each word. This solution of the problem, although showed a few disadvantages, could represent a good foundation for building Semantic Taggers based on Concept Models and IE systems in general.

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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B978012408091100004X

4.1 Things and Happenings

One of the peculiarities of the predicate calculus, from the point of view of natural languages, is that there is only one kind of predicate, so that the correspondents of dog and run have the same logical type and form. So also in PTQ: common nouns and intransitive verbs are syntactically distinct but map into the same type in the interpretation, sets of individuals or their intensional counterparts - individual concepts. Similarly for relational nouns, transitive verbs, and so on.

From the point of view of natural language, it seems that thee is a pervasive difference between things and happenings, independently of how this is expressed in the syntactic and morphological categorizations of the languages in question.

In English, for example. there is an affinity between certain predicates and happenings:

(7) and (9) are perfectly ordinary sentences. With (8) we have to supply some understood amplification: 'as chairman' or the like. (10) is anomalous unless we understand Harry as the name of an event or come up with a metaphorical understanding.

There has been a long-standing discussion about the universality of "parts of speech," including much discussion about whether all languages distinguish nouns and verbs (and sometimes adjectives): [Sapir, 1921; Bach, 1968; Kinkade, 1983; Jacobsen, 1974; Jelinek and Demers, 1994; Jelinek, 1995; Demirdache and Matthewson, 1995; Baker, 2003; Evans and Osada, 2005]. A number of different questions are involved in these debates, among them the following:

(i)

Does every language distinguish between nominal and verbal syntactic constructions?

(ii)

Do all languages make a distinction between the lexical categories of noun and verb?

There is no doubt about the answer to the first question. Every language must be able to make truth-bearing constructions (assertions). And every language has a means to refer to an unlimited number of different entities. Quine's minimalist language [Quine, 1948] makes do with a single lexical class but must still include variables as a second category (as well as quantifiers and other syncategorematic signs).

Compare Sapir [1921: 119]:

Yet we must not be too destructive. It is well to remember that speech consists of a series of propositions. There must be something to talk about and something must be said about this subject of discourse once it is selected. This distinction is of such fundamental importance that the vast majority of languages have emphasized it by creating some kind of formal barrier between the two terms of the proposition. The subject of discourse is a noun. As the most common subject of discourse is either a person or a thing, the noun clusters about concrete concepts of that order. As the thing predicated of a subject is generally an activity in the widest sense of the word, a passage from one moment of existence to another, the form which has been set aside for the business of predicating, in other words, the verb, clusters about concepts of activity. No language wholly fails to distinguish noun and verb, though in particular cases the nature of the distinction may be an elusive one. It is different with the other parts of speech. Not one of them is imperatively required for the life of language.

(This passage occurs immediately after a paragraph disparaging the idea that parts of speech might be universal. Sapir opts for a language-particular view of such distinctions.)

The second question is altogether different. It is still debatable whether lexical classes like noun and verb and adjective must be distinguished in every language. It is not in question whether these categories are part of a universal stock of available categories nor that nouns and verbs are specially connected to the syntactic categories associated with naming and referring, and predicating.

There is no doubt that we can refer to the same event using either nominal or verbal expressions. Further there must be logical connections between these references as shown by Terry Parsons' examples [Parsons, 1990:18]:

What we have considered in this section is related to a question that will come up below when we talk more directly about events and other species of eventualities (Section 4.4).

The pertinent question in the present context is whether there is a significant semantic contrast between common nouns and verbs. A positive answer to this was given some time ago by Gupta who pointed out that nouns carried with them a principal of reidentification, so that it makes sense to apply the adjective same to a noun, whereas it is difficult to get that idea across in a purely verbal construction:

(14)

Is that the same squirrel / man / explosion / burning that you saw?

(15)

?? Did Superman and Clark Kent run identically / the same / samely?

(16)

Did Harry run the same run / race / route as Sally?

(Compare [Gupta, 1980], also [Carlson, 1977; Baker, 2003].) Note that this notion of sameness (and difference) can be applied to kinds and ordinary individuals (see next section):

(17)

Is that the same dog? Yes, it's a Basenji. / Yes, it's Fido.

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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/B9780444517470500068

2.1 An overview of NLP

NLP is a prominent sub-field of both computational linguistics and artificial intelligence (AI). NLP covers the " range of computational techniques for analyzing and representing naturally-occurring texts [...] for the purpose of achieving human-like language processing " [8]. Challenges in NLP usually involve speech recognition, natural-language understanding, and natural-language generation.

NL structures might be rule-based from a syntactic point of view, yet the complexity of semantics is what makes language understanding a rather challenging idea. For instance, a study reported that the sentence " List the sales of the products produced in 1973 with the products produced in 1972." offered 455 different semantic-syntactic parses [8]. This clearly demonstrates the problems of computational processing: while linguistic disambiguation is an intuitive skill in humans, it is difficult to convey all the small nuances that make up NL to a computer. For that reason, different sub-fields of NLP have emerged to analyze aspects of NLP from different angles. Those sub-fields include: (1) Discourse Analysis [9], a rubric assigned to analyze the discourse structure of text or other forms of communication; (2) Machine Translation [10], intended to translate a text from one human language into another, with popular tools such as "Google Translate"; and (3) information extraction (IE), which is concerned with extracting information from unstructured text utilizing NLP resources such as lexicons and grammars [11]. Among all NLP approaches, IE is often the most widely used in the software engineering context [12]. We thus provide an overview of concepts in IE.

IE is described by three dimensions: (1) the structure of the content plays a role, ranging from free text, HTML, XML, and semi-structured NL; (2) the techniques used for processing the text must be determined; and (3) the degree of automation in the collecting, labeling and extraction process must be considered. For structured text such as HTML or XML, information retrieval is delimited by the labels or tags, which can be extracted. Free text, however, requires a much thorough analysis prior to any extraction. In the following, we briefly explain the concepts from IE, which are relevant for this paper.

*

Morphology:

○

Part of Speech Tagger (POS): A form of grammatical tagging in which a phrase (sentence) is classified according to its lexical category. The categories include nouns, verbs, adverbs, adjectives, pronouns, conjunction and their subcategories.

○

Stemming:In stemming, derived words are reduced to their base or root forms. For example, the words "am, is, are" are converted to their root form "be".

○

Named-Entity Recognition (NER):NER allocates types of semantics such as person, organization or localization in a given text [13].

*

Syntax:

○

Constituency/Dependency Parsing: Although sometimes used interchangeably, Dependency Parsing focuses on the relationships between words in a sentence (in its simplest form, the classic subject-verb-object structure). Constituency Parsing, however, breaks a text into sub-phrases. Non-terminals in the parse tree are types of phrases (noun or verb phrases), whereas the terminals are the words in the sentence, yielding a more nested parse tree.

*

Semantics:

○

Semantic Role Labeling (SRL):SRL is also called shallow semantic parsing. In SRL, labels are assigned to words or phrases in a sentence that indicate their semantic role in the sentence. These roles can be agent, goal, or result.

○

Word Sense Disambiguation: Detecting the correct meaning of an ambiguous word used in a sentence.

The above definitions shall help the reader understand the NLP concepts, and their usage in software testing, when reading the rest of this paper. As a concrete example, we show in Fig. 1 the outputs of applying several NLP techniques on the following example NL requirement item: If the user enters valid user name and password, then the system should let the user log in. We have used two online tools to do this example analysis: www.corenlp.run and macniece.seas.upenn.edu:4004.

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URL: https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0950584920300744

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There are at least three ways to compensate for human psychology to avoid transcription stage errors: Overcome psychological set Psychological "set" reduces the ability of programmers to find errors [Uz66]. In our context, set causes the brain to see what it expects to see, rather than what the eye actually perceives.

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Este video habla de la ciencia de morfología y morfemas. Morfemas están hechos de la parte más pequeña de las palabras. Por ejemplo, en la video usando la palabra 'rabbits' la parte 'rabbit' y 's' son las morfemas que crean la palabra 'rabbits' y dicen a ellos que hay más de uno conejo. Con morfemas nosotros vemos las diferencias y los similares con otros lenguajes.

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En la video, la maestra se explican las palabras simples, compuestas y derivadas. La maestra dice que palabras simples no tienen partes de otros palabras (carta, leche etc.). Palabras compuestas tienen partes de dos o más palabras simples (sacapuntes, cumpleaños etc.). Finalmente, palabras derivadas tienen un parte de otras palabras, por ejemplo palabras como panadero o esperanza tiene las palabras 'pan' o 'esperar'.

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Concepto de palabras simples, compuestas y derivadas 4°

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Esta foto muestra los vocales de español (azul) y inglés (naranja claro). El foto muestra que los vocales de español tienen sonidos diferentes de inglés. Los sonidos diferentes desempeña un papel en cómo la lenguaje se aprenden para personas que no hablan español. Esta foto muestra que los vocales tienen un gran parte en la fonología y la fonética de español.

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En este video, la oradora explica la ciencia de fonología. El video explica cómo personas que conoce un lenguaje como English no reconoce las diferencias en dos tipos de 't' en nepalí. Esto ejemplo se amplía coas de Tema 1 con hablantes no reconocen sonidos en un leguaje que no hablen.

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En este vídeo, la silabificación de español se explica. El orador explican las reglas de la silabificación y da ejemplos para que la audiencia pueda aplicar las reglas a las palabras que conocen. En la mayoría de los casos, cuando separando las sílabas, todas las sílabas deben ser "sílabas abiertas". Por ejemplo, casa es "ca.sa" y mirada es "mi.ra.da".

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En este articulo, las reglas de los diptongos y triptongos en español. Además, el articulo incluyen ejemplos de los diptongos y triptongos. En español, para cada vocal hay un sonido. Dos vocales son igual a un diptong. For ejemplo, en español, "gue" y "qui" son diptongos. Un error común para los hablantes de inglés es pronunciar un diptong donde no existe.

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Spanish Pronunciation and Accent Reduction | Blanca Quintero

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Diphthong, triphthong, hiatus... These words sound complicated.

Why are they so important?

Why do you need to know how to recognize them? Actually, you don't need it; unless you want to pronounce Spanish correctly, of course!

And I guess that's why you're here.

Before you continue reading I recommend you take a look at this article on how to pronounce the Spanish vowels so that you squeeze the 100% of this post.

I'm going to make it as simple as possible so that you can easily understand how Spanish diphthongs and triphthongs work.

I didn't want to make this post very thick, so I've divided it into 2 parts:

1. Diphthongs and triphthongs (this post)

2. Hiatuses (next post)

If you want to go straight to the point, click here.
This is what you'll find in this post

Diphthongs

Spanish diphthongs are quite different from English diphthongs so before telling you how to pronounce Spanish diphthongs, I will explain to you:

What's a diphthong

2 differences between English and Spanish diphthongs

How to recognize Spanish diphthongs in 2 steps.

What is a diphthong

A diphthong is formed by two vowel sounds, which are pronounced within the same syllable.

Examples of Spanish and English diphthongs:
- In English, the word - it's pronounced . The 2 vowels are pronounced in the same syllable.- In Spanish, the word - it's pronounced . The vowels A and I are pronounced in the same syllable too.

The 2 differences between English and Spanish diphthongs

Single yolk eggs.

Guess how many yolks there are inside these 2 eggs. One in each egg, right? So 2 eggs = 2 yolks.

Good. That's what happens with Spanish vowels: 1 vowel (egg) = 1 sound (yolk).

Examples:
Ir and mini .

The letter I is always pronounced as one sound.

However, sometimes you can find 2 yolks in one egg.

Great! That happens sometimes with English vowels. 1 vowel (egg) may have 1 or 2 sounds (yolks).

Example:
The word king.

The letter I is pronounced as one sound [i]. But in the word ice, the letter I is pronounced [aɪ] (two sounds).

In Spanish, that doesn't happen.

You need 2 vowels to form a diphthong. In Spanish, 1 vowel = 1 sound. Always (there's an exception we'll see it later).

In any case, a single vowel never sounds as a diphthong. Example:

The word no:

- In English, it's pronounced as a diphthong: [nəʊ]. Double yolk! (1 vowel = 2 sounds).
- In Spanish, this word could never be a diphthong because there's only one vowel. The letter O is pronounced as it's written: [no] (1 vowel = 1 sound).

No empty eggs.

In English, the egg can be empty as well.

A vowel may have no sound. Example:

The word good:
It has two vowels, but they're pronounced as one [gʊd].
In the Spanish language, there aren't empty eggs.
Every single egg (vowel) has a yolk (sound) inside. All of the vowels are pronounced -except for the letter U, in words with gue, gui, que, qui. But that's another story and you already knew it.

In short, this is the difference between English and Spanish diphthongs:mylittl
♣ Spanish diphthongs always have two (written) vowels -" gue", "gui", "que" and "qui" are an exception. (In Spanish, 1 vowel equals 1 sound.)
♣ English vowels may be pronounced as two sounds (like in y), as one sound (like in es) or may have no sound at all (like the letter E in e).

How to recognize Spanish diphthongs in 2 steps

The first step to knowing whether you have to pronounce the vowels in the same syllable: Recognize the vowels

To understand how diphthongs work you should know that there are two kinds of vowels -as you've already seen in the previous post on how to pronounce the Spanish vowels.

So first of all, you should recognize if the vowels are open or closed.

Why?

Spanish diphthongs are formed by one open vowel (a, e, o) + one closed vowel (e, i).

The diphthong is formed by the vowels I+E, but the emphasis is on the open vowel (e). It's pronounced /bi é n/.

The diphthong is formed by the vowels U+E. But the letter E is the protagonist of the syllable. The letter U is weaker. It's pronounced /pu é r.ta/.

If I say -without pronouncing the closed or weak vowels-, people will understand more easily than if I only pronounce the closed vowels.

In fact, this is the way babies speak when they say their first words. Instead of saying "bueno" they say "beno" (or something like that similar) and instead of "agua" they say "aba".

Let's make it easier.
By reading the following story you'll remember all this theory.
Story (part 1): Alberto doesn't know that he lives with a mouse

The main characters of this story are Alberto, a strong elephant, and Milu, a weak and hungry mouse.

Their names aren't a coincidence.

The elephant Alberto represents the open or strong vowels (a, e, o).
Milu, the mouse, represents the closed or weak vowels (i, u).

As you can see, Alberto is huge. He takes most of the attention and space -and food! He's the king of the house (syllable) and doesn't know that Milu is living with him.

Poor Milu, he's weak and hungry -look at his teeth!

He's so weak that he can't go very far.

He wants to have his own house but he needs to stay close to Alberto, to eat his crumbs, and get a bit of energy when Alberto doesn't realize.

But this energy isn't enough. Milu needs urgently a big piece of cheese (accent mark).

Alberto (open -or strong- vowel) is the protagonist of the syllable so we pronounce it with more emphasis than the closed vowel (Milu).

Examples : pierna, piel
In both words, the open vowel (E) is pronounced stronger and the letter I sounds weaker:

Remember that open vowels are the most important part of the syllable, but this doesn't mean that they are the most important part of the word.

The words cambio and cambió.

The two words have the same diphthong (I+O).

In both cases, the letter O is pronounced with more emphasis than the letter I.

However, the most important part of the word (accent) is different in the two words: /CAM.bio/, /cam.BIÓ/

But this isn't the point of this post.

Story (part 2): Milu invites his girlfriend over

Sometimes, when Alberto goes for a walk, Milu invites his girlfriend over to Alberto's home.

But only sometimes (you'll know why when you read the 4th part of the story).

They are only two little mice so the two of them have plenty of space in the house. No protagonist.

The diphthong is formed by I+U. None of these 2 vowels is the protagonist. It's pronounced /triun.'far/.

Remember:
- Alberto (strong) = a, e, o.
- Milu (weak) = i, u.

The second step to knowing whether you have to pronounce the vowels in the same syllable: Answer this question

You already know that Spanish diphthongs always have two written vowels and that you should identify them (open/closed).

But how can you recognize that those 2 vowels should be pronounced in the same syllable?

Easy peasy.

There's room only for one Alberto at home (syllable). In Spanish, any syllable contains a máximum of 1 strong vowel or 2 week vowels.

All the Spanish diphthongs have, at least, one weak vowel. But the weak vowel can't have an accent mark (i, u) . The other vowel can be weak or strong.

So this is the question:

"Is there 1 closed vowel without an accent mark (i, u) ?"
If the answer is YES, then you have to pronounce those 2 vowels in the same syllable.

On the following image, you can see how to form diphthongs and some examples with each combination.

Be alert to these letters

Common mistake: pronouncing diphthongs where they don't exist

For English natives, it's very natural pronouncing diphthongs where they don't exist in Spanish, mainly at the end of the words:

This is something that comes naturally to English native speakers, while we (Spaniards) tend to do the opposite when speaking in English.

Remember, in Spanish 1 vowel = 1 sound.

We never add extra sounds. In any case, we'd skip them!

Triphthongs

If a diphthong is the combination of two vowels pronounced within the same syllable then, what is a triphthong?

That's it. 3 vowels, side by side, pronounced in the same syllable.

The 3

The vowels which form triphthongs are always the same: closed + open + closed - or what is the same: (i/u) + (a/e/o) + (i/u).

None of the two closed vowels have an accent mark (cheese)- Here you can find out why.

Story (part 3): Alberto comes back home

Milu and his girlfriend are enjoying at home when suddenly, they notice Alberto is opening the door.

The two mice run towards the corners of the room so that Alberto can fit in it.

The 3 of them form a triphthong.

2 vowels pronounced in the same syllable.

It contains at least 1 closed vowel (i, u) without the tilde.

3 vowels pronounced in the same syllable: (i/u) + (a/e/o) + (i/u).

Closed vowels (i, u) never carry a tilde.

That's all. Easy?

If you want to know when you should pronounce vowels in different syllables, you can read this post: Spanish hiatus.

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♣ Spanish Diphthongs & Triphthongs ♣ Pronunciation + Examples

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Diphthong, triphthong, hiatus... These words sound complicated. Why are they so important? Why do you need to know how to recognize them? Actually, you don't need it; unless you want to pronounce Spanish correctly, of course! And I guess that's why you're here.

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En esta foto, hay las lenguajes que provienen de "Proto-Indo-European". Español es una de las lenguajes y es una idioma Latino-Faliscan. Las otras lenguajes románticos son Latino-Faliscan también. Por esto, las lenguajes románticos tienen cosas similar. Por ejemplo, en francés el numero 'uno' es "un". Además, italiano y portgues tienen la misma palabra por el numero 'nueve', "nove".

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En esta foto, hay las características del lenguaje humano. Las características del lenguaje humano muestran que las palabras están sujetos a las personas que hablan el lenguajes. El uso de 'slang' es la prueba que lenguaje siempre está cambiando. En casos raros, hay una institución como el RAE. Aunque hay RAE, las características del lenguaje están sujetos a las reglas de los miembros de el RAE.

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Esta video describe los dilectos diferentes en la lengua español. Hay muchas diferencias en los dilectos, por ejemplo las palabras "güey" y "che" que significa "dude" or "man". Pero, los dos palabras son de países diferentes (Mexico y Argentina). Los diferencias en la lengua están influenciados por la historia de el país.

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Spanish Dialects Around The World: How Spanish Varies From Country To Country

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En este articulo, La Real Academia Española dice que la palabra "compañere" no es necesario porque "el masculino gramatical ya cumple esa función como término no marcado de la oposición de género". Además, en 2020, la RAE retiró el Observatorio de Palabras después de confusión con la palabra "elle".

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Fachada del edificio de la Real Academia Española. Foto: Facebook @RAE

jueves, 26 de agosto de 2021

CIUDAD DE MÉXICO (apro). - Tras el video de una persona que pidió a un alumno llamarle "compañere" y que fue criticada por quienes supusieron que esta palabra es inexistente y citaron a la Real Academia Española (RAE), esta institución respondió a la controversia:

"El uso de la letra 'e' como supuesta marca de género inclusivo es ajeno a la morfología del español, además de innecesario pues el masculino gramatical ya cumple esa función como término no marcado de la oposición de género".

Noticias Relacionadas

La cuenta de la RAE respondió a la consulta de un usuario que a su vez la formuló a propósito de una publicación relacionada con el uso de la palabra "compañere".

El tuit de la RAE

Sin embargo, el 28 de octubre de 2020, el Observatorio de Palabras de la RAE incluyó el pronombre "elle" como una nueva expresión usada por los hablantes, aunque no la incluyó en el diccionario. Que aparezca en este sitio no significa que su uso sea aceptado, se aclaró.

La definición fue que "es un pronombre de uso no generalizado creado para aludir a quienes puedan no sentirse identificados con ninguno de los dos géneros tradicionalmente existentes".

El 30 de octubre, ante las presiones, la RAE retiró el pronombre del Observatorio de Palabras "debido a la confusión que ha generado la presencia de 'elle'. Se ha considerado preferible sacar esta entrada", expuso en Twitter.

El 1 de julio de ese año indicó que su difusión en español es muy reciente y está en curso su incorporación en el Diccionario de la Lengua Española (DLE).

Después de este debate, la RAE informó que para que una palabra sea integrada en el DLE es un procedimiento "muy riguroso", explicó el director, Santiago Muñoz Machado, en la presentación de la 'Crónica de la Lengua Española 20202'".

El 20 de enero de 2020, en un resumen del discurso del director de la RAE, Santiago Muñoz Machado, sobre la Constitución española y el lenguaje inclusivo, éste dijo que la RAE "subraya que este fenómeno es puramente gramatical y no es consecuencia del acuerdo expreso de una institución, sea política o cultura, antigua o contemporánea, española o extranjera".

Señaló que, en la Constitución Española se admiten dos interpretaciones:

"Se entiende a veces por ' lenguaje inclusivo' aquel en que las referencias expresas a las mujeres se llevan a cabo exclusivamente a través de palabras de género femenino. Desde este punto de vista sería inclusiva la expresión los españoles y las españolas, y no lo sería, en cambio, la expresión los españoles. También se considera inclusiva, en esta misma interpretación, la estrategia de emplear sustantivos colectivos de persona, sean femeninos (la población española), sean masculinos (el pueblo español), así como usar términos nominales que abarquen en su designación a los dos sexos (como en toda persona española en lugar de en todo español).

"También puede interpretarse que es lenguaje inclusivo la utilización de términos masculinos que integran claramente en su referencia a hombres y mujeres cuando el contexto deja suficientemente claro que ello es así, de acuerdo con la conciencia lingüística de los hispanohablantes y con la estructura gramatical y léxica de las lenguas románicas. Por ejemplo, en la expresión 'todos los españoles son iguales ante la ley'.

"El constituyente de 1978 optó, en general, por esta segunda interpretación partiendo de la convicción, verificada en múltiples estudios y en la práctica general de los hispanoblantes, de que en gran número de contextos el masculino es el término no marcado, que abarca e incluye no sólo a los hombres sino también a las mujeres".

El 14 de abril de 2021, The Washington Post publicó que la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU) creó una guía que reconoce como "un documento vivo que evoluciona con el tiempo", para asegurar el lenguaje "sensible al género".

"Dicha guía se aleja de las recomendaciones puramente lingüísticas y aconseja evitar sesgos de género en el idioma, y así, por ejemplo, sustituir "las enfermeras" y "los doctores" por "personal médico".

Por su parte, Cultura UNAM publicó un video de 2:30 segundos, en Facebook, sobre cómo el uso no discriminatorio del lenguaje puede convertirse en una herramienta para visibilizar la diversidad, combatir los estereotipos y promover un mayor sentido de la inclusión.

"¿Cómo podemos ser una sociedad inclusiva sin nombrar nuestras diferencias? Aquí te platicamos más sobre este tema", indicó.

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La Real Academia Española entra a la polémica por la palabra "compañere"

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jueves, 26 de agosto de 2021 CIUDAD DE MÉXICO (apro). - Tras el video de una persona que pidió a un alumno llamarle "compañere" y que fue criticada por quienes supusieron que esta palabra es inexistente y citaron a la Real Academia Española (RAE), esta institución respondió a la controversia: "El uso de la letra 'e' como supuesta marca de género inclusivo es ajeno a la morfología del español, además de innecesario pues el masculino gramatical ya cumple esa función como término no marcado de la oposición de género".