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NBA creates social justice award named after Kareem Abdul-Jabbar

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The NBA announced Thursday the creation of a new award — the Kareem Abdul-Jabbar Social Justice Champion Award — to recognize players who are making strides in the fight for social justice.

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Kareem changing his name because of his practice of sunni islam. showing that there should be no punishment because of his different religion and black ethnicity.

Kareem also advocated and fought for the compensation of labor and right to express yourself. paved the path for advocating athletes to come (lebron)

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At first glance, these two iconic players, separated by more than a generation, could not be more different. Jabbar, an introverted and intellectual homebody, publishes history books and writes critical thought pieces on his personal Substack, while James, a confident, yet affable star, has cultivated a massive global presence on both traditional and social media. However, age and personality differences aside, their connections run deep-much deeper than just a scoring record or the interminable debates about who is the NBA's GOAT (greatest of all time).

In many respects, Jabbar set the stage for James and the rise of the twenty-first-century Black professional athlete. He and other outspoken and unapologetically Black players of the 1970s took advantage of their increasing visibility in the media to express new forms of Black masculine identity and to weigh in on current affairs. Yet, in the first years of his storied career, Jabbar, then known as Lew Alcindor, was not only misunderstood, but often vilified for challenging the racial etiquette expected of African American athletes at the time.

"How it is for a 22-year-old rookie thrust into a pressure-cooker; how it is to be rich and talented and black and troubled." That is how Roger Kahn of Sport magazine had summed up "Lew Alcindor's Life as a Pro" in February 1970. The Milwaukee Bucks center seemed emblematic of the growing power of Black pro athletes, chafing against the rigid expectations of the white team owners and league officials, the white sports media, and white fans. Kahn had interviewed Alcindor in a dingy room at the Quality Courts Motel in St. Louis on November 25, 1969.

It had been difficult for Kahn to get an appointment with the NBA's newest superstar. Not wanting to antagonize its franchise player, the Milwaukee Bucks front office did little to help the writer connect with Alcindor. It appeared as if Alcindor was running the show. Kahn, not surprisingly, had come to the meeting chock-full of nerves and with very low expectations. Even before his difficulties in reaching the enigmatic Black center, he had already had a bad impression of Alcindor, thanks to the sports pages. Alcindor was reportedly "mercenary, rude, possibly anti-white," and "he had an unnerving recent record of aggressiveness toward opponents: one broken jaw, one knockout and one foiled attack in a few months."

Despite his fears, what Kahn discovered instead in that dreary motel room was "a bright, sensitive, and esthetic young man." It made Kahn wonder. What did this misunderstanding say about the status of Alcindor and other Black people in America? What did it say about U.S. society-"the society that had made him both millionaire and n-----"?

In the wake of the civil rights victories of the sixties and amid surging Black Power activism and what was perceived as a deepening "urban crisis," which disproportionately affected African Americans, the racial politics that greeted Alcindor and his generation of Black ballplayers were complicated. "How do you see your role in the black movement?" Kahn asked. Born on April 16, 1947, one day after Jackie Robinson officially desegregated Major League Baseball, Alcindor understood that what was expected of him as a Black athlete was much different from what had been expected of Robinson and other pioneering African American pros. All Robinson had to do was make base hits "because white people thought he wasn't good enough to do it," Alcindor noted. But that was not enough anymore. "It's fragmented, man," Alcindor said of the wider Black movement. "Some go to church. Some go to school. Some do nothing. Some want revolt." For the young Alcindor, figuring out where he fit into this complex picture was no easy task, especially because his own ideas about Black activism were still evolving.

He seemed to embody the intricacy of African American politics in the post-civil rights era. His favorite book was the Autobiography of Malcolm X. He listened to the jazz music of Miles Davis, converted to Islam, and studied African languages. Although he called out white racism, he was not a militant in the same vein as the Black Panthers or Kwame Ture. Unlike some African American athletes from previous generations who sought crossover acceptance from white fans, Alcindor simply endeavored to be his own man, to explore and define his evolving sense of Blackness on his own terms. "Try to get change as quickly and painlessly" as possible, Alcindor said of his political vision. "Try to stand for something positive. Be something positive."

For many white sportswriters and fans, Alcindor was anything but positive. He had managed to alienate much of the local media in Milwaukee, for he often declined to answer questions or replied with grunts and one-word answers. Alcindor refused to play by the typical rules of etiquette that white reporters and fans alike expected of African American athletes: be humble, be grateful, be cheerful, be accessible, and, above all, be apolitical. Instead, the quiet, brooding rookie kept white journalists off balance.

Although he worked hard on the court, he felt in no way compelled to go out of his way to please or placate the NBA's majority-white fan base. At a game against the Seattle SuperSonics in late November 1969, Alcindor fouled out in the final seconds of the fourth quarter after lunging at Black center Bob Rule. As the capacity crowd of 13,000 in the Seattle Center Coliseum jeered at him, Alcindor responded by spitting on the court. The game ended with a narrow 117‒115 victory for the Bucks. As the teams walked to the locker rooms, a white teenager ran toward Alcindor and yelled, "You big bum!" With one swing of his long arm, Alcindor knocked the teen to the floor. "It gets me," he told Kahn, "the way people say now you've got the money, you've got contentment. The money makes for a stability, but there are pressures, man. Out there you're a vector for all the hostility in the stands." How white sportswriters and fans wrestled with Alcindor's dominance on the court and surliness off the court was a microcosm of their reaction to the rising wealth and influence of Black professional ballplayers throughout the 1970s.

In June 1971, Alcindor stood in front of the U.S. State Department, flanked by teammate Oscar Robertson and Coach Larry Costello, for a press conference announcing their upcoming government-sponsored tour of the African continent. "For me this is a return to the fountainhead," Alcindor told reporters. He had studied African history at UCLA and now looked forward to visiting the original home of his forebears.

Alcindor also insisted that reporters call him by his new name, Kareem Abdul-Jabbar. "I first used the name in 1969," he said, "but now that I am going overseas to represent my country, I would appreciate that courtesy." He explained that Kareem translated to "noble or generous" and Abdul-Jabbar meant "servant of Allah." As his faith had deepened, it no longer felt authentic to keep it hidden from public view. "I had lived two lives too long," he recalled. "I knew I was going to take some heat for it, but Muhammad Ali had established a precedent and borne some of the brunt of the attack." To dispel any confusion between his religion and that of the controversial heavyweight boxer, however, Jabbar clarified that he was not a member of the Nation of Islam. He practiced Sunni Islam.

Though exceptional in size and talent, Jabbar was by no means singular in his desire to push back against white Americans' rigid and simplistic expectations of Black athletes. As African American ballplayers gained strength in numbers and greater financial clout in the early 1970s, they were no longer content to abide by the rules and customs of the white basketball establishment, whether on or off the court. They led the fight for free agency and a greater share of the profits. They introduced the moves and attitude of Black street basketball to the league. Above all, they demanded respect as professionals and as men-on their own terms.

In 2012, James and the Miami Heat took a pregame photo wearing hoodies in support of Trayvon Martin, the African American teenager gunned down by vigilante George Zimmerman in Florida. Over the years, James has remained outspoken in support of the larger #BlackLivesMatter movement and critical of racism within the league.

James stands on Jabbar's shoulders, not just in terms of his talent on the court, but also in terms of his stature and recognition off the court. Jabbar and Black players of the seventies fought many hard-won battles for higher compensation, labor protections, and the right to express themselves on their own terms-battles that opened up space for this vibrant critique decades later. Though sometimes disparaged and often disregarded, Jabbar and his generation helped pave the way for the growth of the NBA (and James) as a global brand and cultural force.

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Kareem Abdul-Jabbar Changed the Rules for Black Athletes

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At first glance, these two iconic players, separated by more than a generation, could not be more different. Jabbar, an introverted and intellectual homebody, publishes history books and writes critical thought pieces on his personal Substack, while James, a confident, yet affable star, has cultivated a massive global presence on both traditional and social media.

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Kareem shares powerful messages about social justice and the #blacklivesmatter movement

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Kareem Abdul-Jabbar Delivers Powerful Message On Social Justice | The Arena

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shares the legacy of Kareem as the NBA creates an award named after him rewarding athletes who pursue social justice.

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LOS ANGELES - Los Angeles Lakers legend Kareem Abdul-Jabbar was recently named to the NBA's 75th Anniversary Team. Still, the Hall of Famer's legacy goes beyond his basketball accomplishments, including six NBA championships and six MVP awards.

What You Need To Know

The NBA created the Kareem Abdul-Jabbar Social Justice Champion Award in 2021

The award recognizes a player for pursuing social justice and upholding the league's decades-long values of equality, respect and inclusion

Abdul-Jabbar was named to the NBA's 75th Anniversary Team

Abdul-Jabbar is also a best-selling author and award-winning columnist

Abdul-Jabbar has been an advocate for civil rights and social justice since the 1960s, and he continues to use his platform to educate and inspire.

Last year, the NBA created the Kareem Abdul-Jabbar Social Justice Champion Award. The honor is given to a player who goes above and beyond in their pursuit of social justice and awards that player $100,000 to donate to a charity that aligns with their efforts. The award's first recipient was Carmelo Anthony.

"What I'd like to do is inspire all the teams to do more for social justice," Abdul-Jabbar said.

Some of his personal experiences have served as inspiration for Abdul-Jabbar's Social Justice Champion clothing line, which he initially launched a few years ago in partnership with vintage clothing company Mitchell & Ness.

Quotes from Abdul-Jabbar's writing and images of notable events are incorporated into the designs. A portion of the proceeds benefits the Skyhook Foundation.

One photograph that inspired a design features Abdul-Jabbar alongside Muhammad Ali, Bill Russell and Jim Brown as they sit with Cleveland's first Black mayor, Carl Stokes. Another image shows a young Abdul-Jabbar standing behind Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. while addressing the Harlem media in 1964.

"Because I was in a journalism workshop, they gave me press credentials, and I covered it like any of the other journalists," Abdul-Jabbar said. "And I got to ask Dr. King a question which he answered for me ... it actually happened."

While Abdul-Jabbar has become an inspiration to others, his pride and passion for furthering a cause greater than himself continue today.

"Social justice issues affect us every day, so it's important that we take a little bit of time to remind people of what's important," Abdul-Jabbar said.

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Beyond the Sport: Social justice champion

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Kareem Abdul-Jabbar continues to inspire

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kareem speaks about boycotting the 1968 olympics

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Kareem Abdul-Jabbar on Athletes & Activism | NowThis

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used to gather information about how kareem stood on the 1968 olympics

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(Right: Spencer Haywood (8) leads way during U.S. gold-medal win at the 1968 Games, where there was a protest by black Americans but no boycott. Left: Smith, who won the 200-meter dash at the Olympic Games in Mexico City, along with bronze medalist and teammate John Carlos.)

Quick note: I will be replying your comments shortly.

In 1968 I was a twenty-year-old college junior whose basketball success had been made famous. I'd been honored as Player of the Year, Most Outstanding Player in the NCAA Tournament, named the USBWA Player of the Year, and played the "game of the century" against the Houston Cougars at the Houston Astrodome. So it wasn't surprising that I was invited to try out for the Olympic basketball team to represent the U.S. in the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City. Any other year I would have been proud and elated at the prospect of playing for my country against the world's elite athletes. But 1968 wasn't like any other year.

The Vietnam War had divided the country more violently than any time since the Civil War. The nightly news clips of U.S. planes bombing the Vietnam jungle was paralleled by clips of angry, sometimes bloody, clashes between war protesters and war supporters. The Tet Offensive, in which 80,000 Viet Cong troops attacked 100 towns and cities in an effort to end the war, proved that the enemy was resourceful, resilient and in no mood to surrender. It also increased public opinion against the war. But the war wasn't the only cause for all the social unrest and upheaval. It was more like a bright light that illuminated many other social ills that we'd all managed to ignore or, even worse, pretend didn't exist.

Black soldiers stationed in Vietnam complained of ramant racism. When Martin Luther King, Jr. was assassinated that same year, some white soldiers flew Confederate flags outside their barracks. Some blacks tried to avoid the racism by requesting to serve in all-black units. One Air Force report confirmed what black soldiers already knew: "Unequal treatment is manifested in unequal punishment, offensive and inflammatory language, prejudice in assignments of details, lack of products for blacks at the PX, harassment by security police under orders to break up five or more blacks in a group and double standards in enforcement of regulation." Military discrimination didn't just result in hurt feelings, it could result in death: by 1966 over 20 percent of U.S. combat casualties in Vietnam were black, which was a much higher percentage than the total of blacks in the military.

As the racism became more evident, some black soldiers naturally questioned their loyalty. After all, the Vietnamese were people of color, subject to the same racial discrimination that they themselves were experiencing at the hands of whites. Muhammad Ali articulated this dilemma when he said, "No Viet Cong ever called me nigger." And for refusing to register for the draft, even though he was guaranteed he wouldn't see combat, he was stripped of his title and sentenced to five years in prison (later the U.S. Supreme Court overturned his conviction). On the other hand, some blacks saw the war as an opportunity. "I thought the only way I could make it out of the ghetto," confessed one black paratrooper, "was to be the best soldier I possibly could." Although Vietnam veterans were often disappointed at the tepid reception they received upon their return home, black veterans were even more disillusioned because the injustices they had left to fight against were still alive and well. One black vet remembers coming home in 1968 and entering a restaurant in Virginia with some army pals that included two whites and three Hispanics. The waitress told them she would serve the whites, but not the others. "I think that going in a lot of us felt like things were going to be different," the vet recalls. "And when we realized that things wouldn't be, a lot of us felt used."

Violence was almost as rampant at home. First Dr. King was shot, then Robert Kennedy. The 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago featured thousands of anti-war protesters that were met with police violence. In the midst of all this international and domestic turmoil, the Olympic Games represented, to some, an opportunity to bring people of all nationalities together, maybe heal some wounds. To others it represented the usual hypocrisy of ignoring the political problems in the name of entertainment and profit, because billions of dollars were at stake.

And there I was in the middle. Twenty years old. The age of many of the soldiers who were fighting and dying in Viet Nam. Some of them were my childhood friends who I'd grown up with. Because of my visibility as an athlete, whatever I chose to do would have international reverberations.

At that time sociology professor Dr. Harry Edwards, only twenty-six in 1968, urged black athletes to boycott the Olympic Games in Mexico City. "For years we have participated in the Olympic Games, carrying the United States on our backs with our victories, and race relations are now worse than ever," he told the New York Times Magazine in 1968. "We're not trying to lose the Olympics for the Americans. What happens to them is immaterial....But it's time for the black people to stand up as men and women and refuse to be utilized as performing animals for a little extra dog food." Harsh words to many white sports fans and self-proclaimed patriots alike, but for African-American athletes, there was a clear ring of truth behind the rhetoric. Clearly the Olympic Games and the Vietnam War were parallel competitions. In each, blacks were supposed to go overseas to drive themselves as hard as they could in order to bring glory to their country, only to return home and still be treated as second-class citizens.

All that gave me a lot to think about. Then baseball-pro-turned-broadcaster Joe Garagiola interviewed me on the Today Show and for the first time I spoke publicly about my concerns and frustrations regarding the direction the country was taking politically. Garagiola was clearly annoyed that I would even consider boycotting the Olympics. My response was that for black Americans life in this country was still something that included racially based discrimination in every area of life. The economic, legal and social biases against blacks were at the time a very real burden in any black person's life. Most of white America was focused on the chaos of the war, the rebellion of the youth against traditional values, of women insisting on more rights, and of economic pressures. The problems of black Americans just seemed like a lower priority. But to us, the social upheaval was an opportunity to be heard, to be seen, to evoke change. Ending racial discrimination so that we could all enjoy the opportunities that whites had was our highest priority.

Eventually the idea of a boycott was abandoned because Dr. Edwards was unable to attract a critical number of athletes to the idea. Jim Brown, Muhammad Ali and I met to discuss the boycott and each of us had our own reasons for not becoming involved. In my case, I had a summer job with the city of New York that paid me very well and enabled me to attend school without having to worry about financial matters. We didn't boycott, but we did not support it either.

However, that October at the Olympics, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, after winning first and third in the 200-meter dash, raised their black-gloved fists from the medal podium and bowed their heads during the playing of "The Star-Spangled Banner." This image captured the spirit of the times: whites were outraged, blacks felt some rush of pride. Ironically, their gesture was a compromise; dozens of black American athletes had debated boycotting the games but decided that this gesture would speak louder than not showing up. Dr. Edwards was credited with suggesting this compromise. Today, Dr. Edwards is a renowned sports psychologist who teaches at the University of California at Berkeley, and he served as a consultant to the San Francisco 49ers football team and the Golden State Warriors basketball team, as well as an assistant to the Commissioner of Major League Baseball. Although the rhetoric has softened, his commitment to the black athlete has not. He continues to fight for black inclusion, but on the management side of sports.

Here we are forty years later and we are once again about to send our young athletes overseas to compete in games while we send our young soldiers overseas to fight in war. And, as before, there is a social agenda attached to the Olympic Games.

There is an unpopular war going on in the Middle East that has divided America into two camps. There is a genocidal war going on in Darfur, Central Africa, and the government of China, the host country of the Olympics, supports the Sudanese government, which is pursuing the Darfur conflict thorough proxy insurgents. China also has been involved in what many people see as the suppression of the rights of its Tibetan subjects. China took control of Tibet in 1956 and has absorbed it into its political structure with very little concern for the reactions of Tibetan people. The Dalai Lama, who is the spiritual leader of Tibet as well as its political leader, has been exiled in India for many years and the Chinese accuse him of promoting secession and violence among those who are still loyal to him. Many people around the world support autonomy or even independence for Tibet, which is a very irritating position for the Chinese. Violent demonstrations against anyone who supports the Tibetans' cause have flared up throughout China. But that's just the tip of the iceberg. China's record of human rights violations is long and varied, including the persecution of everyone from political rivals, journalists, artists, students, prisoners, and many other groups. Despite China's public relations blitz to portray a kinder, gentler panda-bear cuddliness, most people can't erase the horrors of the 1989 massacre at Tiananmen Square when peaceful protestors calling for democratic reform were gunned down by the military, killing anywhere from hundreds to thousands.

Should we boycott the Olympic Games to protest China's arrogant human rights performance, their political imperialism, their shoddy exports that recently have left some Americans ill or dead?
The answer is no. While it may seem disingenuous to be playing games with countries that aim weapons at us, the same claim can be made about us by many other countries. I am of a mind that the actions of Tommy Smith and John Carlos made a difference in 1968. However, this Olympics is an entirely different situation that requires different tactics to achieve a satisfactory resolution. Instead of turning our backs, we need to continue a dialogue with the Chinese. When people stop communicating with each other, the situation doesn't get better, it gets worse. The more we talk with each other, the more we understand each other and can reach compromises that will benefit the lives of those we are trying to help. Getting innocent people freed from prison or preventing others from being persecuted is much better than just wagging our fingers from across the ocean. Jackie Robinson once said that the great thing about athletics is that "you learn to act democracy, not just talk it." That's what our athletes will demonstrate to the one billion Chinese who may be watching.

A second means of influencing the Chinese is through globalization, in which we share products, entertainment, and culture with others-and they share theirs with us-in order to break down the barriers that make us fear each other's differences. Economic interdependence, in which we share risks and profits of international sales-makes us more dependent on each other and therefore more willing to compromise in other areas. The NBA is a good model for globalization. In China, the Chinese Basketball Association permits only two foreign-born players per team. But the NBA's policy of choosing the best players, regardless of nationality, has not only kicked up the level of play, but it's made basketball more popular on an international level than ever. The fact that the NBA brought in China's Yao Ming, Wang Zhizhi, Yi Jianlian, Sun Yue, and Mengke Bateer has increased NBA fans in China-and when the Chinese people are exposed to America through basketball, we become more human to them, less a threat.

So, let's not just pick up our ball and stay home. We have many more options-political, commercial, and cultural-to express our displeasure with China's policies. The more we have in common, the more impact we can make. It's all about building trust.

(Photo credit: Associated Press/Olympics 1968)

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Boycott Questions: 1968 vs. 2008 - Kareem Abdul-Jabbar

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(Right: Spencer Haywood (8) leads way during U.S. gold-medal win at the 1968 Games, where there was a protest by black Americans but no boycott. Left: Smith, who won the 200-meter dash at the Olympic Games in Mexico City, along with bronze medalist and teammate John Carlos.)

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NBA creating an award for athletes who advocate like kareem

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Since 1967, Kareem Abdul-Jabbar has been speaking publicly about social and political issues, allowing nobody the right to silence his opinions.

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Kneeling, Fiercely Debated in the N.F.L., Resonates in Protests (Published 2020)

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Some demonstrators, and in some cases the police, have paused to kneel, recalling the manner of George Floyd’s death and the gesture by Colin Kaepernick.

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Getty Images.

Over the weekend, NBA legend Kareem Abdul-Jabbar suggested that the NBA insist on vaccination against COVID-19 and admonished those who are still holding out.

In a recent interview with Rolling Stone, Abdul-Jabbar spoke about the tender subject and pulled no punches. He called vaccine deniers "disingenuous" for going against medical science as it relates to the pandemic and vaccines, but not when it comes to getting medical advice to treat their own ailments.

"The NBA should insist that all players and staff are vaccinated or remove them from the team. There is no room for players who are willing to risk the health and lives of their teammates, the staff, and the fans simply because they are unable to grasp the seriousness of the situation or do the necessary research.

"What I find especially disingenuous about the vaccine deniers is their arrogance at disbelieving immunology and other medical experts. Yet, if their child was sick or they themselves needed emergency medical treatment, how quickly would they do exactly what those same experts told them to do?"

As with just about every conversation concerning vaccines and the pandemic, the overall reaction was mixed. But the NBA's all-time scoring leader is finding no shortage of agreement on social media:

While the NBA has reportedly achieved vaccination in a majority of players, there are several very prominent holdouts.

Brooklyn Nets guard Kyrie Irving and Golden State Warriors forward Andrew Wiggins have maintained that they will not get the vaccine unless forced to, and even then, they may seek loopholes.

Irving and Wiggins also play in cities that have vaccine mandates, and may not be able to play in home games where vaccines are mandated.

Kareem Abdul-Jabbar is putting his foot down on this issue though. We'll see if his words have the power to either move players into action - or force the NBA's hand.

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NBA World Reacts To Kareem Abdul-Jabbar's Message

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Over the weekend, NBA legend Kareem Abdul-Jabbar suggested that the NBA insist on vaccination against COVID-19 and admonished those who are still holding out.

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Kareem Abdul-jabbar Action Portrait #1 by Andrew D. Bernstein

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Kareem Abdul-jabbar Action Portrait #1 by Andrew D. Bernstein

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Poster - Kareem Abdul-Jabbar Iconic Basketball Poster Legendary NBA Star Sports Art Print Old Hollywood Aesthetic Wall Decor

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Premium vinyl PVC poster with waterproof glossy lamination. UV-resistant ink delivers vibrant and lasting colors with crispy detailed image. Transform your space with posters of iconic celebrities, including actors, musicians, athletes, and models. Celebrate stars and add glamour and inspiration to any room.

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Amazon.Com: Vancostar Kareem Abdul-Jabbar Iconic Basketball Poster Legendary NBA Star Sports Art Print Old Hollywood Aesthetic Wall Decor 12x16 Poster: Posters & Prints, us.amazon.com/VANCOSTAR-Abdul-Jabbar-Basketball-Legendary-Hollywood/dp/B0DJFQFRVJ. Accessed 17 Jan. 2025.

Ferolito, Phil. Kareem Abdul-Jabbar Visits Yakima to Share Experiences during Town Hall Series. 26 May 2022. EBSCOhost, research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=d8f36af9-132e-352a-ac13-c64a63a658a8.

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“NBA Creates Kareem Abdul-Jabbar Social Justice Champion Award: New Award to Recognize NBA Players’ Efforts in Pursuit of Equality.” Washington Informer, vol. 56, no. 31, May 2021, p. 30. EBSCOhost, research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=5b574688-7d9e-3829-9cd5-93f338af582c.

NBA World Reacts to Kareem Abdul-Jabbar’s Message - the Spun: What’s Trending in the Sports World Today, thespun.com/top-stories/nba-world-reacts-to-kareem-abdul-jabbars-message. Accessed 16 Jan. 2025.

Press, Associated. “NBA Creates Social Justice Award Named after Kareem Abdul-Jabbar.” Sportsnet.Ca, 13 May 2021, www.sportsnet.ca/nba/article/nba-creates-social-justice-award-named-kareem-abdul-jabbar/.

“Q&A: Abdul-Jabbar Talks New Documentary, MLK, Social Justice.” Canadian Press, The, June 2021. EBSCOhost, research.ebsco.com/linkprocessor/plink?id=5d018de2-313b-36c3-8299-8ad2089238be.

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