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Cohen criticises the whole school by claiming that its followers believe they have a special insight into decoding the meaning of these styles therefore this approach is SUBJECTIVE.
Postmodernist, Redhead argued that fashions and subcultures are really devoid of any meaning.

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Desribed subcultural fashion as 'intentional communicatin' e.g. Punks chose 'bricolage' to signify a voluntary outcast status. This was a protest to wide scale unemployement

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Using semiology, Hall and Jefferson attempted to examine hidden ideological meanings behind the styles that youth subcultures adopt. Youth subcultures choose styles that reflect negative attitudes towards the prevailing culture and their own oppositional values. Styles are designed to shock, creating symbolic power in order to compensate for the wears lack of power in a capitalist society.

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Youth culture needed to be analysed in both the immediate and wider context.

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Working-class subcultures emerged in order to resist Hegemonic pressures that they are exposed to through capitalist ideological state apparatus.
The CCCS claimed that youth culture was much more than a coping strategy, there was a strong sense of resistance to the dominant values. Brake and Hebdidge argue that different generations of working class youth develop their subculture as a means of coping with their problems.

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Largely ignores the relationship between crime and important non-class inequalities such as Gender and Ethnicity.
It is too deterministic and over predicst the amount of crime in the working class

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Large corporations and the government are mutually dependent. The government needs large corporations for tax and employment and large corporations depend on the government for a sympathetic organised environment to work in. * Kramer's study of the space shuttle Challenger explosion.

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Hard to detect because they are often committed under intricate systems of expert knowledge and legal terminology which can be complex and confusing. It is often too late by the time they are detected, also they are conducted by powerful people who can persuade the government, police and public that their actions are not serious or harmful.
Differences in power: Marxist theorists like Pearce believe that the laws and the enforcement of laws are reflections of inequamslities of power in capitalist society. Braithwaite and Tombs both believe this same point, but don't see a ruling class at the root.
Media representations: Tombs and White believe that corporate crimes are not newsworthy because the average non-expert person would not understand the crime.
The policing of corporate crime: Braithwaite found that instead of 'policing' corporations they are 'regulated' which is a whole new thing.
Lack of research: Tombs realised that the government puts loads of effort into finding out how many crimes are 'committed' through surveys, but none at all to research into corporate crime.

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Differential Association- Sutherland explains that corporate crime is learned through adoption of the normal practices of a company. Believes that much like crime is learned from the people around you, if you are working in a corporation where illegal activities are practices and are a way to achieve for the business, people will do it.
Marxist explanations- Corporate crime is functioning or normal capitalism because of its goal to maximise profits. Capitalism has created what Box calls a 'mystification' as it has spread an ideology that corporate crime is less harmful or widespread that working-class crime.
Strain Theory- Box argues that if corporations cannot achieve their huge profits legitimately they could turn to illegal methods to maximise profits. Braithwaite found that companies were willing to fabricate their results in an order to have their products adopted by their companies.
Labelling- Cicourel argued the middle-class are more able to negotiate non-criminal labels for their misbehaviour. Neiken calls this 'de-labelling' as professionals often have the power to avoid labelling. Lack of investigation and prosecution reduces the amount of crimes officially

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These are crimes which are committed by or on behalf of large companies and directly benefit or profit them. Forms of corporate crime include:

Paper work and non-compliance- categorises many difference offences like not obtaining the right paper work, legal permits and licenses of failing to comply to legal regulations.

Environmental or 'green crimes'- damage is caused to the environment either through negligence or deliberately e.g. illegally dumping or disposal of toxic waste.

Manufacturing offences- false advertising, incorrect labelling, failure to inform customers about faulty products.

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Official statistic do not record the complete picture when it comes to establishing how much crime there actually is. Sutherland was the first sociologist to explore the 'dark-area' of crime. White-collar crimes are committed by persons of high social status and respectability in the course of their occupations. Sutherlnad's study of white collar crime was prompted by the view that criminology had inccorectly focused on social deterninants of crime. What made Sutherland's view so important was his 'discovery' that crime is committed at all levels of society.
Nelken challegened Sutherland's definition by arguing white-cllarcrimes can be committed by people of high social status beyond the confines of their occupation. Corporate crime is extensive. The problem of assesing white-collar crime remains due to the traditional methods of recording crime data remain impotent at recording white-collar crime:
1. Difficult to detect crimes within the workplace because there are no 'victims'.
2. Someone in receipt of a bribe wont report the incident and neither will the proponent as they're both guilty.

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Taylor, Walton and Young said that they agree with Marxism on three key issues:
The economy is the most important part of society
Capitalism is to blame for crime
To eradicate crime we must see a transformation of society
One way they differ from Marxism is that they believe the labelling theory has some truth in it. The ruling class label certain members of the working class in order to gain benefits this is called a 'fully social theory of deviance'. The work of neo-Marxists in the area of labelling was epitomised by Stuart Halls 'Policing Crisis'. The ruling class use labelling to sustain their control

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The law, crime and criminals also perform an ideological function for capitalism. Laws are occasionally passed that appear to be for the benefit of the working class rather than capitalism. Pearce argues that such laws benefit the ruling class by keeping workers fit for work. By giving capitalism a 'caring face' it creates false class consciousness among workers. This encourages workers to blame the criminal rather than capitalism.
The ultimate function aids the ruling class' ability to manipulate the values of members of society in two ways:
1. Socialisation- people are persuaded by the 'rightness' of capitalism by agencies such as school and mass media
2. Threat/force- occurs if socialisation fails and when groups present a threat to social order

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When it comes down to application of the law by the CJS, there is a selective enforcement. Powerless groups such as the working classes and some ethnic minorities are criminalised, the police and the courts ignore crimes of the powerful.
Box argued that most people convicted of serious offences are young uneducated males, often unemployed who live in impoverished neighbourhoods. Box claims that the media, law enforcement agencies and many academies view these petty crimes as 'the' crime problem rather than 'a' crime problem and there is then according to Box a danger of our attention being distracted from larger-scale crimes.

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Chambliss argued that all laws created ultimately benefit the ruling class. Chambliss studied crime in Seattle and concluded that crime is committed throughout the social strata, but prisons were full of those who had committed petty offences. This was further evidence that the law seeks to benefit the ruling class.
Snider argues that law makers never pass any legislation that will seriously jeopardies or threaten profits of the ruling class.
Box argues that health and safety legislation are introduced to placate the working classes. Box also claims that definitions of laws against murder, rape, arson, theft and assault are narrow and defined by the powerful.

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Crime is inevitable because capitalism is criminogenic:
1. Poverty may mean that crime is the only way the working class can survive
2. Crime may be the only way the working class can obtain consumer goods encouraged by capitalist advertising
3. Alienation and lack of control may lead to frustration and aggression
4. Crime is not confined to the working class, as capitalism encourages greed and self-interest
Eval: Doesn't account for crime in communist societies

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1. Rules are made by the bourgeoisie to protect their own interests
2. Attempts by the working class to gain a fairer share of goods are called property crimes
3. Capitlaism breeds competitiveness and commodity fetishism. Wealthy owners of business, who like the justification of the poor, commit corporate crime to increase their wealth. This activity often ggoes undetected, unreported and unpunished