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No longer tied to Britain, Australia is still searching for its place in the world

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No longer tied to Britain, Australia is still searching for its place in the world

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It is worth noting that Australia Day commemorates the dumping of a cargo of the outcasts of Britain on the shores of the Australian continent. It was not an act of escaping religious oppression, as in the case of America, or the founding of a new political order, as in France.

British Australia was the creation of an imperial decision. This meant that strong links to Britain, and the British monarchy, continued well into the 20th century. There were occasional republicans who advocated a so-called independent Australia, particularly in the 19th century, but, if anything, enthusiasm for the British Empire increased in the first half of the 20th century.

Australians were Australians, but they were also British. There was the proud boast that Australians were more “British” than the inhabitants of London. This, of course, was probably true given that London attracted people from all over the empire and was cosmopolitan in a way that Australia was not.

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Shutterstock

This is part of a series examining Australian national identity, especially around the ongoing debate about Australia Day.
It is worth noting that Australia Day commemorates the dumping of a cargo of the outcasts of Britain on the shores of the Australian continent. It was not an act of escaping religious oppression, as in the case of America, or the founding of a new political order, as in France.

British Australia was the creation of an imperial decision. This meant that strong links to Britain, and the British monarchy, continued well into the 20th century. There were occasional republicans who advocated a so-called independent Australia, particularly in the 19th century, but, if anything, enthusiasm for the British Empire increased in the first half of the 20th century.

Australians were Australians, but they were also British. There was the proud boast that Australians were more "British" than the inhabitants of London. This, of course, was probably true given that London attracted people from all over the empire and was cosmopolitan in a way that Australia was not.

The early settlers were British in a very Australian way. Australianness was embedded in their Britishness; the two were not in conflict. In celebrating Australia Day they were celebrating themselves and their peculiar Australian way. Such celebrations could not be construed as indicating a desire to be rid of the monarchy or the empire.

The "cultural cringe" may be important for Barry Humphries and other literary figures who attended Melbourne private schools but, as Len Hume has argued, ordinary Australians of the first half of the 20th century had a lively popular culture, including great comic figures such as Roy Rene and Lennie Lower.

Moreover, Australians felt a great deal of solidarity with their British cousins. Consider the following quote:

Australians know that our future is linked with Britain, not only by ties of race and kinship, but because of hard, practical reasons.

No, the speaker was not Robert Menzies but Ben Chifley in 1948.

Witness the massively popular reception of the new monarch, Queen Elizabeth, when she visited Australia in 1954.

In 1950, Britain was still taking 38.7% of Australia's exports, which dropped to 26% by 1960. Even in the 1950s, a strong connection between Australia and Britain made a lot of sense.

By that time, though, it had become clear that the British Empire was no longer a going concern, and that Britain's time as a significant world power had come to an end. The old relationship between Australia and Britain was changing, and Australia was turning its political allegiances more to the US and its trade to Asia.

There was no reason before the second world war to presume that, 25 years later, there would no longer be a British Empire and that Britain would be seeking to "join Europe".

I think that it can be argued that it came as a shock and that the history of Britain over the past 50 years can be understood, at least in part, as an attempt to deal with its loss of "greatness". Last year's Brexit vote indicates that the British have not yet come to terms with their new place in the world.

The shock of the post-war decline of the British Empire was also great for Australia. Cut adrift from empire, it had to refashion and remake itself. It most certainly continued to have a political, social and cultural heritage derived from Britain, but it was moving away and increasingly forming its own, separate identity.

Trade ties were diminished and large numbers of immigrants from many parts of the world arrived, reshaping the country. The bonds of solidarity with Britain so obvious to Chifley in 1948 would only puzzle a young Australian in 2017.

Again, like Britain, much of the history of Australia over the past 50 years has been an attempt to come to terms with the end of empire. Many solutions have been proposed, and tried, ranging from the new nationalism of the Whitlam years, to multiculturalism, to the idea that Australia is part of Asia. Or even a mixture of all three. And then, of course, there is the continuing issue of the place of Indigenous Australians.

Australia has still not worked out its place in a post-imperial world. It knows that it cannot be another US; Australia doesn't possess the resources to support 300 million people. It knows that the ties with Britain will only get weaker over time. There appears still to be much anxiety about where we belong, when what is needed is a clear, sober and realistic approach to the past and the present.

Australia Day celebrates the origins of British Australia and, in a sense, can be understood as an imperial creation. In more recent times, it has become a celebration of Australian popular culture, marked by barbecues and the donning of clothing marked by the Australian flag. Is this a sign that the day has lost its relevance?

Perhaps one of the most attractive elements of Australian history since 1788 is the fact that so many of its people, at least in the early days, were the cast-offs of British society who had to make their way in an alien world that they were forced to call home.

Perhaps because of this, Australia developed a vigorous popular culture from the bush ballads to The Bulletin and beyond. There is a lot to be said for celebrating Australian ordinariness, which surely goes beyond its imperial roots.
Catch up on other pieces in the series here.

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No longer tied to Britain, Australia is still searching for its place in the world

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This is part of a series examining Australian national identity, especially around the ongoing debate about Australia Day. It is worth noting that Australia Day commemorates the dumping of a cargo of the outcasts of Britain on the shores of the Australian continent.

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Donald Trump is rumoured to be visiting Australia this year after the election. The Morrison-Turnbull-Abbott Liberals have warmly invited him to visit, saying President Trump is welcome in Australia.

This is not okay. Scott Morrison must immediately rescind Trump's invitation. His horrific treatment of migrant children, his advocacy for the gun lobby, his treatment of women and his history of dangerously divisive political rhetoric is not welcome in Australia.

We can stop President Trump from coming here. In the United Kingdom, over 1 million people signed a petition calling on the British Government to prevent Trump from visiting. Under pressure and not wanting to be embarrassed, Trump cancelled his scheduled visit.

Why is this important?

While visiting Washington in 2017, PM Malcolm Turnbull warmly invited President Trump to Australia. Now it seems more likely than ever, with July reported to be the preferred month.

When questioned about the rumours of President Trump visiting, fellow Liberal Christopher Pyne said, "We have 100 years of mateship with the United States this year, of course we would welcome him here."

We have to stop him. Trump's racism, sexism and homophobia have dangerously emboldened a violent far-right both in Australia and abroad.

Years ago, Australia made a peaceful, bipartisan decision to introduce gun controls, making our country safer for all. Trump's presence in Australia is anathema to our most cherished shared values, and would only create unnecessary tension and hostility here. He should not be afforded or extended an official state visit.

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NATIONAL GOVERNORS ASSOCATION 2018 PARTNERSHIP The Australian Government partnered with the NGA, reflecting the close bilateral relationship between Australia and the United States, and allowing for extensive discussions across levels of government.The Prime Minister of Australia, the Hon Malcolm Turnbull also met with United States President Donald Trump at the White House to discuss an Australia-United States partnership for the 21st Century, including how we can strengthen our economic links to create more jobs, and expand our national security cooperation.As part of this partnership, the Embassy of Australia in Washington hosted a reception honouring the US Governors in recognition of the 'first 100 years of Mateship' and to further enhance our relationship as we look towards another century of partnership.

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NATIONAL GOVERNORS ASSOCATION 2018 PARTNERSHIP The Australian Government partnered with the NGA, reflecting the close bilateral relationship between Australia and the United States, and allowing for extensive discussions across levels of government.The Prime Minister of Australia, the Hon Malcolm Turnbull also met with United States President Donald Trump at the White House to discuss an Australia-United States partnership for the 21st Century, including how we can strengthen our economic links to create more jobs, and expand our national security cooperation.As part of this partnership, the Embassy of Australia in Washington hosted a reception honouring the US Governors in recognition of the 'first 100 years of Mateship' and to further enhance our relationship as we look towards another century of partnership.

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a. This was soon followed by the deputy director of the Australian Security Intelligence Organization, claiming that China posed an extreme threat to Australia, particularly in the area of espionage. The rhetorical back and forth is nothing new and is symptomatic of how Australia’s immediate economic needs can be at odds with its longer-term strategic objectives.

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Australia Weighs Its Relationships With the US, China

For Australia, the dilemma ultimately comes down to the fact that its key security partner is at odds with its top economic partner.

Canberra is questioning whether it should shift its focus from the United States to Asia. The pull Australia feels between China and the U.S. was captured in the government’s 2017 Foreign Policy White Paper. In the document, the Australian government identifies the U.S.-China relationship and its effects on the Pacific region as the source of Canberra’s main challenges. Australia’s main goal, and challenge, is to protect global shipping lanes so that the island nation’s imports and exports can move freely throughout the world. Located in the Southern Hemisphere, the country is on the periphery of major maritime trade routes. It has a small population – especially compared to its landmass – and a very long coastline, which limits the country’s military capabilities.

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100 YEARS OF MATESHIP - A BOND FORGED UNDER FIRE

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100 YEARS OF MATESHIP - A BOND FORGED UNDER FIRE

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On 4 July 2018 Australia and the United States of America celebrated the first 100 Years of Mateship.

The date marked the 100th anniversary of the first time our troops fought side by side in an offensive action, at the Battle of Hamel on France’s Western Front. They fought under the command of one of Australia’s most revered military leaders, General Sir John Monash.

Since that day, which helped turn the tide of the First World War, Australian and American soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen and women have served alongside one another in every major conflict. This is symbolic of the deep and enduring bond, mutual respect and close co-operation that exists between Australia and the United States.

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Trump’s Volatility in Asia Distresses a Longtime U.S. Ally: Australia

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Trump’s Volatility in Asia Distresses a Longtime U.S. Ally: Australia

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DARWIN, Australia — South Korea, Japan and the United States have grown accustomed to North Korea’s diatribes, but Pyongyang recently threatened a new target with a nuclear strike: Australia.

During a visit by Vice President Mike Pence to Sydney, the North warned Australia to think twice about “blindly and zealously toeing the U.S. line” and acting as “a shock brigade of the U.S. master.”

Australian and American troops have fought side by side in every major conflict since World War I, and there are few militaries in the world with closer relations: 1,250 United States Marines recently arrived in Darwin for six months of joint exercises; the two countries share intelligence from land, sea and even outer space; and Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull is slated to meet President Trump on Thursday on an aircraft carrier in New York.

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Lt. Col. Brian S. Middleton, center, the commanding officer of the Third Battalion, Fourth Marines, of the United States, during Anzac Day in Darwin, Australia, last week. The American unit just moved into Darwin for six months of training. Credit Credit David Dare Parker for The New York Times

DARWIN, Australia - South Korea, Japan and the United States have grown accustomed to North Korea's diatribes, but Pyongyang recently threatened a new target with a nuclear strike: Australia.

During a visit by Vice President Mike Pence to Sydney, the North warned Australia to think twice about "blindly and zealously toeing the U.S. line" and acting as "a shock brigade of the U.S. master."

Australian and American troops have fought side by side in every major conflict since World War I, and there are few militaries in the world with closer relations: 1,250 United States Marines recently arrived in Darwin for six months of joint exercises; the two countries share intelligence from land, sea and even outer space; and Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull is slated to meet President Trump on Thursday on an aircraft carrier in New York.

But North Korea's threat against the country, far-fetched as it might seem, is an example of how Australia's most important military alliance faces a new challenge: the risk that President Trump will draw the nation into a conflict or other unexpected crisis that destabilizes the region, angers its trading partners or forces it to side with either the United States or China.

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"The question is: What might America drag Australia into?" said Ashley Townshend, a research fellow at the United States Studies Center at the University of Sydney. "That's a very scary thought for Australians, many of whom perceive Donald Trump to be an erratic and highly self-interested commander in chief."

Mr. Trump has already embarrassed Australia once, with an abrupt phone call to Mr. Turnbull that seemed to dismiss Australia's historic role as a friend who often gives more than it gets. Now his unpredictable approach is fueling a national debate about Australia's relationship with the world, and especially the United States. Last week, Paul Keating, a prime minister during the Clinton years, reignited discussion by arguing that Australia must end its status as a "client state."

Australia is essentially caught between two powers: China, its largest trading partner, and the United States, its faithful ally, with a military connection that has been strengthened by the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and more recent agreements to gradually expand the American footprint in Darwin.

What Australia and the United States are now trying to work out is how to manage that military momentum in an increasingly tense part of the world. If the military is a hammer in the Trump era, at what point does every dispute start to look like a nail?

"It's always important that there's a balance between the military and the diplomatic - because of the scale of the military," Mr. Keating said in an interview. "In both economic terms and in strategic terms, they squeeze diplomacy out."

Darwin, a humid, crocodile-infested coastal city at the northern end of this vast country, captures the past, present and future of Australia's alliance with the United States.

Japan attacked the city on Feb. 19, 1942, killing 235 people, and residents are quick to point out that the raids were led by the same commander responsible for the attack on Pearl Harbor 10 weeks earlier.

Within a few months, Darwin became a hub for counterstrikes from bombers flown by Americans. A pocket guide for arriving American troops set the tone: "You're going to meet a people who like Americans and whom you will like."

During the Cold War, the relationship expanded.

Kim Beazley, a former defense minister and ambassador to the United States, cited the rise during the 1960s of three joint installations to maintain contact with American submarines in the Indian Ocean and provide infrared detection of Soviet capabilities, increasing the warning time for a potential Soviet strike to 30 minutes from 15.

Those installations and the ones that followed - especially Pine Gap, a joint Australian-American spy base that helps provide battlefield intelligence and early warnings for missile launches around the world - "are never talked about, but they're really the guts of the alliance," Mr. Beazley said.

On the ground in countries like Iraq and Afghanistan, Australian troops are also peers in battle, said Lt. Col. Brian S. Middleton, commanding officer of the Third Battalion, Fourth Marines - the American unit that just moved into Darwin for six months of training with the Australians.

As part of the American pivot to Asia, the long-term plan, negotiated under the Obama administration, is to send up to 2,500 Marines to Darwin - the largest deployment of United States forces to Australia since World War II. "It'll make us more effective in whatever conflict we end up serving in together," said Kelly Magsamen, the Pentagon's top Asia-Pacific policy official at the end of the Obama administration.

Other American officials said that in space, missile defense and cyberwarfare, the Australians are all in. Australia is working with the United States to relocate a special radar that helps better track satellites. The Australian military is also making a big push in innovation in undersea warfare and drones in the air and underwater.

And in many cases, that means purchases of American equipment. An Australian defense planning report last year laid out a $20 billion increase in the annual military budget by 2025, including money for fighter jets, surveillance technology, submarines, surface ships and other equipment.

Australians are embedded at every level of the American military. Australian Air Commodore Phillip Champion's story is common: He first worked with the Americans as a young pilot in the early '80s, flying surveillance aircraft, and later as a commander all over the world, including Afghanistan.

"We've grown up together," he said in an interview by phone from Hawaii, where he has been posted to the United States Pacific Command since January. "We trust each other and know we can operate together."

Still, there have been challenges. In a discussion last year about the cost of the Marines in Darwin, the Australians came in with a data-heavy presentation asserting that United States Marines eat more than typical Australian soldiers, and therefore strain sewage systems more, and argued that the Americans should pay more of the costs of improving wastewater lines on military bases. The proposal stunned even the lead Australian negotiators, who quickly dropped it, according to American defense officials.

The toughest issues have involved China, the crucial lever of influence with North Korea and the region. Some American officials have urged Australia to engage in robust freedom-of-navigation operations in the South China Sea, where China has set up bases on disputed islands, but the Australians have resisted.

Last year, American officials also expressed alarm about a port in Darwin that local officials leased to a Chinese company for $361 million, possibly making it easier to collect intelligence on American and Australian forces stationed nearby.

"China is the elephant in the room for both of us," Ms. Magsamen said. "We need to have a more frank and structured discussion amongst ourselves about how to manage that relationship."

Allan Gyngell, who ran Australia's intelligence agency from 2009 to 2013, argues in a new book, " Fear of Abandonment," that Australia's foreign policy is still driven by worries about being left isolated, without the promise of security from a powerful friend: first Britain, now the United States.

Mr. Keating, the former prime minister, is among those urging a more independent foreign policy in which Australia accepts China as the region's dominant power.

In the discussion last week at the Lowy Institute, a think tank in Sydney, Mr. Keating said Australia should say no to the United States more often - as France and Canada do - especially on issues that affect Australia's relationship with China.

Those who reject this argument include John Howard, the prime minister who followed Mr. Keating and was in Washington on Sept. 11, 2001. In an interview at his modest office, with worn carpets and military memorabilia, Mr. Howard warned against being "mesmerized by China" and said his Liberal Party, which is the more conservative of the country's two largest parties, had "pulled off the daily double."

"We deepened our relationship with the U.S. - and China became our biggest customer," he said.

He added that too many Australians were jumping to conclusions about President Trump. "He's different," Mr. Howard said. "Whether he's good different or bad different is not the point; the world has to get used to him."

In Darwin too, there are divisions. Luke Bowen, who heads an economic development agency for the Northern Territory, which includes Darwin, would like to see even more American troops and equipment move in to the area, possibly from the Philippines.

"It's a priority for us to make the fit as comfortable as possible," he said. "It's not just about the Australian presence. It's about the combined presence."

But Justin Tutty, who works with a watchdog group that monitors the impact of the American Marines, said he was worried about "a one-sided relationship" in which the Americans lay out the priorities.

"The overinvestment in 'interoperability' ties us closer to our larger foreign partner's attack formation, and reduces our capacity to act, relate and think independently," he said.

Last week for Anzac Day, commemorating Australians and New Zealanders who died in battle, American Marines and Australian soldiers marched through Darwin's streets together. Later, there were friendly games of rugby, and infantrymen shared war stories.

"The Australians have been fighting in the same places we've fought for over 100 years," said Colonel Middleton of the Marines. "When we operate with the Australians, we learn as much from them as they learn from us."

Damien Cave is the new Australia bureau chief for The New York Times. Follow him on Twitter at @damiencave and on Instagram, also at @damiencave.
Eric Schmitt contributed reporting from Washington.

A version of this article appears in print on , on Page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Australia Feels Its Ties to U.S. Put It in a Bind. Order Reprints | Today's Paper | Subscribe

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Trump's Volatility in Asia Distresses a Longtime U.S. Ally: Australia

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DARWIN, Australia - South Korea, Japan and the United States have grown accustomed to North Korea's diatribes, but Pyongyang recently threatened a new target with a nuclear strike: Australia. During a visit by Vice President Mike Pence to Sydney, the North warned Australia to think twice about "blindly and zealously toeing the U.S.

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Australia is at a point where it has to choose between its ally America and its economic backer China

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Australia is at a point where it has to choose between its ally America and its economic backer China

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With America’s commitment to Asia-Pacific security looking shaky and China’s economic—and military—might rising, a peculiarly Australian question is at the forefront: Are we Asian or Western? It’s a dilemma not just of cultural identity—but about which major power Australia’s future hinges on.

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Australia is at a point where it has to choose between its ally America and its economic backer

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With America's commitment to Asia-Pacific security looking shaky and China's economic-and military -might rising, a peculiarly Australian question is at the forefront: Are we Asian or Western? It's a dilemma not just of cultural identity-but about which major power Australia's future hinges on.

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 This article is more than 1 year oldAustralia will back US in any conflict with North Korea, Turnbull says.

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 This article is more than 1 year oldAustralia will back US in any conflict with North Korea, Turnbull says.

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Commitment to Anzus treaty is rock solid, and ‘in terms of defence, we are joined at the hip’, Australian prime minister says.
Malcolm Turnbull has made it plain that Australia will be involved in any conflict in the event North Korea attacks the United States.

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Australia will back US in any conflict with North Korea, Turnbull says

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Commitment to Anzus treaty is rock solid, and 'in terms of defence, we are joined at the hip', Australian prime minister says

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Beyond “Mateship”: Tough Choices in Australian Foreign Policy

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Beyond “Mateship”: Tough Choices in Australian Foreign Policy

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In recent weeks, the Australian government has invested significant commemorative capital to mark the one hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Hamel on the Western Front in World War I in July 1918. This was the first time that Australian and U.S. troops had fought alongside each other—a practice subsequently seen in World War II, Korea, Vietnam, and more recently in Afghanistan and Iraq. Few, if any, close U.S. allies can boast that kind of record in fighting alongside U.S. troops repeatedly.

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By James Curran

In recent weeks, the Australian government has invested significant commemorative capital to mark the one hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Hamel on the Western Front in World War I in July 1918. This was the first time that Australian and U.S. troops had fought alongside each other-a practice subsequently seen in World War II, Korea, Vietnam, and more recently in Afghanistan and Iraq. Few, if any, close U.S. allies can boast that kind of record in fighting alongside U.S. troops repeatedly.

Since the election of Donald Trump, the Australian government has expended a great deal of effort in crafting a new narrative for the Australia-U.S. alliance centred around this theme of "100 years of mateship." The phrase fuses the history of Australian-U.S. relations in times of international conflict with Australia's military tradition. At the instigation of the Australian government, a television documentary celebrating this history has been produced and is currently airing on Fox TV channels in both Australia and the United States. The Australian embassy in Washington also had a medallion struck for the occasion and a special beer, dubbed "mateship ale" and brewed in Texas, now features at selected embassy functions.

This is however the diplomacy of gimmickry. It bears little relation to a rather more complex historical tale of Australia-U.S. relations over the last century, a history in which the two countries, for all their convergence on the battlefield, have also, like most alliances, experienced moments of great tension and indeed serious differences in the bilateral relationship. It is doubtful, too, that many Americans are aware of this record of sustained Australian loyalty to the United States during wartime. The Australian government appears determined to remind them and also to signal Canberra's renewed commitment to the next one hundred years of the bilateral relationship.

Canberra's appeal to sentiment raises the intriguing question of how allies handle President Trump as his "America First" stance becomes more entrenched in U.S. foreign policy, as demonstrated at the recent G7 meeting in Quebec and in his launching of trade wars. Of course, there is every reason why the two countries should recall this history of shared sacrifice: that, after all, is what allies do. Another argument is that appealing to past military heroics is the best way to seize the attention of a U.S president who, although hardly given to extolling the benefits of alliances, has nevertheless surrounded himself with military top brass.

Australia is not the only ally pulling on the emotional heartstrings in dealing with the Trump administration. Canada's Justin Trudeau has also tried to remind the White House of his own country's special historical links to the United States. The difference is that Trudeau also has followed that up with resolute statements about his preparedness to adopt a defiant stance toward the United States if necessary, protecting Canadian interests while also appealing to shared historical ties. Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull on the other hand has not highlighted his willingness to challenge U.S. foreign policy; he has backed the Trump administration at almost every turn.

What then does Australia really gain from employing this campaign of appealing to the two states' military history? Perhaps these attempts to remind Washington of Canberra's role as a faithful ally explain Australia's exemption from the Trump administration's recent steel and aluminium tariffs. But whether these appeals would make a difference in the event of a more serious clash of interests between the United States and Australia, especially over issues in Asia, is another matter entirely. The history of U.S.-Australia relations, after all, does not provide much comfort for Australian policymakers. When conflicts between the two allies have arisen before, Washington quite properly prioritized its own interests over any idea of mateship. In arguments over Indonesia's annexation of West New Guinea in the early 1960s, for example, or in the prosecution of the Vietnam War, Australia often found that pronouncements of loyalty to the alliance were unable to either shift U.S. policy or secure the level of consultation Australian policymakers felt they deserved.

Indeed, Canberra is struggling to negotiate the two headwinds buffeting its foreign policy: the first being the ongoing anxiety about U.S. staying power in Asia, and the second being how to deal with the more muscular stance taken by China in its foreign policy. The problem is more acute, of course, because of Australia's economic dependence on China.

These two factors have combined to apply greater pressure to the delicate diplomacy that has characterized Australian diplomacy for the last twenty-five years, as China has become an economic and strategic power-the idea that Canberra could retain an ally in Washington without alienating its major economic partner in Beijing. This mantra had virtually become an article of faith amongst leaders, policymakers and commentators: Australia could ride two horses simultaneously. But over the last few years it has been getting much harder to maintain this difficult balance.

So far, the Turnbull government is not faring well in dealing with this dilemma. In short, it is perhaps too optimistic about continuity in ties with the United States and too harsh in some of its language towards China. Last year the Australian foreign minister, for example, did what no other Australian leader has done since Canberra recognized Beijing in 1972: lectured China on their system of government.

In its formal pronouncements, such as last December's Foreign Policy White Paper, Canberra maintains that it wants to see U.S. leadership in Asia continue. It continues to plead for Washington to rediscover its exceptionalist impulse, its role as the "indispensable nation" in world affairs. Australia wants the United States, in many ways, which existed before the Trump administration, although previous U.S. administrations also frequently ignored Southeast Asia and the Pacific Rim.

On China, Turnbull has attempted to take a tough rhetorical stance while simultaneously maintaining close economic ties. But late last year, in the process of introducing special legislation designed to protect Australian political institutions from interference by China and all other foreign actors, he appropriated the supposed words of Chairman Mao to state that Australia too, just like the Chinese communists in 1949, will now "stand up" to protect itself from foreign interference. It is unclear whether Mao actually said these words at that time, but the prime minister's phrase was perceived in Beijing as a needless poke in the Chinese eye.

Beijing has subsequently given Canberra a frosty diplomatic shoulder. China has not made a concerted effort to drive down the numbers of either Chinese students or tourists coming to Australia, industries worth $7.4 billion and $7.7 billion respectively to the Australian economy last year. But the potential is there for China to cause Australia significant economic pain, if Beijing so desired. It is not surprising then, that there is much talk in Canberra of the need for a "reset" of Australian China policy. In a recent speech Turnbull spoke of a "positive" and "optimistic" future for the Australia-China relationship.

An alternative interpretation of Turnbull's bullish line on China is that it is calculated to further toughen Trump's own stance towards Beijing. That too is testament to the nervousness in Canberra that the unpredictable Trump, despite the launching of a trade war on China, could ultimately strike strategic and economic deals with Xi that might well leave Australia high and dry. Accordingly, it will take much more than appeals to shared history to solve Australia's foreign policy challenges.

James Curran is professor of history at Sydney University and a non-resident fellow at the Lowy Institute for International Policy.

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Beyond "Mateship": Tough Choices in Australian Foreign Policy

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By James Curran In recent weeks, the Australian government has invested significant commemorative capital to mark the one hundredth anniversary of the Battle of Hamel on the Western Front in World War I in July 1918. This was the first time that Australian and U.S.

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Australian as part of the United Nation 

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Australian as part of the United Nation 

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The Australian Defence Force (ADF) and Australian Federal Police (AFP) have been involved in over a hundred operations  including
-Korea
-the Middle East,
-Kashmir
-Cyprus
-Sinai
-Cambodia
-Namibia
-Rwanda and East Timor, providing forces for peace observation and enforcement, weapons destruction, demining, training, and disaster relief all over the world.

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The Australian Peacekeeping Memorial Project

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Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein ordered the invasion and occupation of  Kuwait in early August 1990. Alarmed by these actions Saudi Arabia and Egypt called on the USA to intervene.
Over 1800 Australian Defence personnel were deployed in the war.
-The Australian contribution was two Oliver Hazard Class frigates.
-No deaths occured among Australian personnel.
-Operation were named Desert Shield, Desert Stom.

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After the September 11 attacks on the United States 2001 Prime Minister John Howard commited Australia to assist on the war declares by George Bush.
Their task was to dismantle al-Qaeda.
Australian forces remained in Uruzgan until 2013.
The Foreign Minister has spoken about Australian commitment to helping the Afgan people chart a course towards peace and a more secure and prosperous future.
https://www.nla.gov.au/unbound/the-war-on-terror

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Population: 25 million
Capital: Canberra
Landmass: 7,617,930 square kilometres

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-Australia has no official language although english is the national language
-Australians have more than 200 spoken languages.

Australian english 80%

Indigenous languages:     Tasmanian, Australian aboriginal languages

Minority languages: Mandarin, Italian,Arabic, Greek, Cantonese.

Sign languages

Australian languages

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Sydney Opera House: Lighting the Sails - The Spinifex Group - Vivid LIVE 2013

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The 2018 Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras PARTY line up!

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Meet the worldwide known ballet company of Australia!

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The Australian Ballet exists to inspire, delight and challenge audiences through the power of its performances. The Australian Ballet is one of the world's premier ballet companies and has delivered extraordinary performances for over 50 years. A commitment to artistic excellence, a spirited style and a willingness to take risks have defined the company from its earliest days, both onstage and off.

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Art begins with the Aboriginal Australians

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Art begins with the Aboriginal Australians

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Indigenous Australians are the custodians of one of the oldest continuous living cultures in the world. Indigenous culture is diverse, and contributes strongly to Australia’s national identity and arts scene.
This is were Australian art begins...

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Aboriginal Australians. The Men of the Fifth World | Tribes - Planet Doc Full Documentaries

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There are many unique Aussie (slang terms, expresions, words).
Aussie slangs are often characterized by making words as short as possible in orther to avoid blowies (blow flies) from getting into the mouth.
More expressions Here!

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Margot Robbie Teaches You Australian Slang | Vanity Fair

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Is Australian english more similar to American or ritish English?

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Is Australian english more similar to American or ritish English?

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British english similarities:
- The "u" is retained in words like "colour" and the ending "ise".
-Australians pronounce somewhat similar to how British English do; for example in words like "day", "way" or "mate", they might say (aye).
-They say "aluminium" rather than "aluminum"; "mobile phone" instead of "cell phone"; "petrol" instead of "gasoline"
American english similarities:
-Are more likely to say numbers like 1,100 as “eleven hundred”
-Collective nouns: they prefer to say “the football team has scored a goal” like in american english, whereas in British English, they would say “the football team have scored a goal”.

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Considered one of the major variations of the English language, Australian English is the official language of Australia, having originally deviated from British English in the 18th century, after the founding of the Colony of New South Wales. It has been recognised as being distinctive from British English for almost 200 years and emerged as European settlers from Britain, Ireland and Germany mixed with one another.

Generally speaking, Australian English takes features from both British and American English, so it is sometimes considered a combination of the two variations. However, it is important to understand that there are a number of unique features as well, including exclusive vocabulary.

Learning the specific features can be beneficial to anyone planning on travelling to the country, or anyone hoping to find work in the country in future. So, with that in mind, here is our quick guide to Australian English.

Australian English's reputation as an amalgam of British and American English can be understood more clearly when you look at its grammatical features. For example, in terms of spelling, Australian English most closely resembles British English. The 'u' is retained in words like 'colour' and the 'ise' ending is used instead of the Americanised 'ize' suffix on words like 'realise'/'realize'.

Yet, there are plenty of exceptions to this. The word 'inquire' is often used instead of 'enquire', which resembles American English, while the word 'program' is used instead of the British English 'programme'. Furthermore, even though the British English spelling of 'labour' is most common, the Australian Labor Party's name has an Americanised spelling instead.

Much like with British English, Australian English has irregular past tense and past participles of verbs like 'spell' and 'smell', so they become 'spelt' and 'smelt', respectively. However, like with American English, Australians are more likely to say numbers like 1,100 as "eleven hundred", rather than "one thousand, one hundred".

When dealing with collective nouns, Australian English has more in common with the American version of the language. For example, both Australians and Americans would say "the football team has scored a goal", whereas in British English, they would say "the football team have scored a goal".

Interestingly, the naming of rivers follows either American or British conventions, depending on where in the country you are. For most of Australia, the American naming convention is used, so the word 'River' appears last, as with the Hudson River or the Mississippi River. To give an Australian example, it would be the Darling River.

Yet, in Southern Australia, the British naming system is used, with the word 'River' appearing first, as with the River Thames. Therefore, the river mentioned above would be called the River Darling.

Australian English truly takes on a life of its own when it comes to the pronunciation of words and this is why most people with Australian accents sound so distinctive. One of the most noticeable features is the different sound for the 'i' in words like 'night' and 'like'. Instead, it sounds like a less pronounced 'oi', (e.g. 'noight').

The soft 'a', which can be heard in words like 'cat' and 'hat', is usually pronounced similar to 'eh'. As such, this means that the word 'cat' sounds like 'ceht', while the word 'hat' sounds like 'heht'.

Likewise, a similar phenomenon can be observed with the hard 'a' sound, which features in words like 'day', 'way' or 'mate'. In this instance, the 'a' is pronounced somewhat similar to how a British English person might say the word 'aye'. Therefore, the word 'mate' becomes 'm-aye-te'.

In most cases, the 'ing' ending is not pronounced in full, meaning words like 'singing', 'jumping' and 'catching' are pronounced 'singin', 'jumpin' and 'catchin'. This is a trait that is sometimes seen in informal English in both the United States and Great Britain as well, but it is more common in Australian English.

Finally, Australian English is said to be a non-rhotic variation of the language, which means that the /r/ sound is not pronounced if it is after a vowel and not immediately followed by another vowel. For instance, the word 'card' is pronounced 'caːd', with the /r/ sound being dropped. Meanwhile, the ending of words like 'better' and 'wetter' is lowered, to sound similar to 'ah'. This means you would say 'bett-ah', 'wett-ah', 'riv-ah', and so on.

Australian English Vocabulary

As far as everyday vocabulary is concerned, Australian English once again shares words and phrases with both British and American English, but also has some terminology of its own.

Perhaps the most obvious examples of Australian words which are now recognised in other variants of the language are 'outback', used to describe a remote location, and 'barbie', used instead of the noun 'barbecue'. An example of an Australian-only expression, meanwhile, would be 'doona', which is used instead of the word 'duvet',

Like in British English, Australians say 'aluminium' rather than 'aluminum' and 'mobile phone' instead of 'cell phone'. Australian English also utilises the words 'anti-clockwise' instead of the American 'counter-clockwise' and 'petrol' instead of the American 'gasoline'. The cover on the front of a car is called a 'bonnet', rather than a 'hood', while an Australian will typically say 'holiday' instead of 'vacation'.

Nevertheless, Australian English vocabulary differs from British English in many ways and Australians sometimes use American English words instead. For instance, Australians will usually say 'soccer' instead of 'football' and 'overalls' instead of 'dungarees'. A 'lorry' is referred to as a 'truck' and the word 'pants' is used in place of 'trousers'.

Moreover, there are some phrases which are common in both British and American English, but which very rarely feature in Australian English, if they are used at all. These include the word 'abroad', where an Australian would usually say 'overseas', and 'village', as even small settlements in Australia are usually called 'towns'.

Australian Slang Words

Last, but not least, it is important to learn a few slang words that are widely used in Australia. Below, we have listed fifteen of the most common slang words and phrases, along with a quick description of what they mean, or how they are utilised in conversation:

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Considered one of the major variations of the English language, Australian English is the official language of Australia, having originally deviated from British English in the 18th century, after the founding of the Colony of New South Wales.

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Australian bands and singers that you should know...

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Australian bands and singers that you should know...

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AC/DC, a rock band formed in Sydney, Australia in December 1973 by Angus and Malcolm Young. Their albums have sold in colossal numbers; over 200 million copies worldwide, with the 1980 album Back In Black selling over 60 million worldwide.

Kylie Minogue (born May 28, 1968, in Melbourne, Australia) is an Australian pop singer who rose to fame after starring in the Australian TV soap Neighbours. Whilst her cover of The Loco-Motion in 1987 reached the Australian #1 spot, it was the Stock Aitken Waterman 'hit factory' which produced her first UK chart-topper, I Should Be So Lucky, in 1988.

Architecture in Helsinki are an indie pop band which formed in Melbourne, Australia in 2000. The band has released four studio albums: "Fingers Crossed" (2003), "In Case We Die" (2005), "Places Like This" (2008) and "Moment Bends" (2011). The band consists of Cameron Bird (vocals, guitar), Gus Franklin (horns, drums, guitar), Kellie Sutherland (vocals, keyboards, melodica, other instruments), Jamie Mildren (multiple instruments) and Sam Perry (multiple instruments).
Read more on...

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The world's largest online music service. Listen online, find out more about your favourite artists, and get music recommendations, only at Last.fm

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Australia is one of the countries with the most varied climate in the world. This map was created by comparing each city's average highest and lowest temperatures alongside its Koppen Classification which is the universal tool for categorising climates.
Cool!

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From the soaring heat of the Sahara Desert to chilly British temperatures: Fascinating climate map shows which countries have the same weather as Australia

Australia has six different climate zones across its states and cities

The weather in each zone varies drastically in rainfall and temperature

Analogue map shows which foreign cities have similar climates

Uluru is like the Sahara Desert while Sydney's climate is like Buenos Aires

It's what draws millions of expats and holidaymakers year-on-year.

But it seems Australia's famous climate is in fact more like scores of others around the world than first thought.

Sydney is in fact more akin to Argentina's Buenos Aires while Melbourne is like Freemont in western California, according to a new analogue map.

It was created by comparing each of the city's average highest and lowest temperatures alongside its Koppen Classification which is the universal tool for categorising climates.

According to the results, Uluru has the same climate as the Sahara Desert which can soar to more than 40C in summer.

Brisbane, which has an average summer temperature of 26C, has a similar climate to Sao Paolo in Brazil while Cairns, a haven for beach bums and wildlife, is like Miami.

North-west Queensland, the Northern Territory and parts of Western Australia suffer the same searing heat as India, according to the map, with Darwin likened to Mumbai.

Perth is like Los Angeles with its coastal summer heat while Adelaide, in South Australia, is comparable to San Jose.

Tasmania, which is exposed to less sun and lower temperatures, is more like Britain.

Hobart has the same climate as the UK and Ireland while the eastern part of the state is like Southern Chile.

Australia has six climatic zones which experience two main seasonal patterns. They are the temperate zone, grasslands, desert, subtropical, tropical and equatorial zones.

The temperature zone applies to the coastal cities of NSW, Victoria, most of Tasmania, Perth and some coastal cities in South Australia.

Desert is found at the heart of the continent and stretches into parts of Queensland, north west NSW, NT, SA and WA.

Cape York in far north Queensland is among the most tropical of locations, with parts of the Kimberley region also falling in to this zone.

The Equatorial climate applies only to the tip of Cape York and the islands north of Darwin.

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Fascinating climate map shows foreign weather compared to Australia

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Australia has six different climate zones across its states and cities The weather in each zone varies drastically in rainfall and temperature Analogue map shows which foreign cities have similar climates Uluru is like the Sahara Desert while Sydney's climate is like Buenos Aires It's what draws millions of expats and holidaymakers year-on-year.

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Geography can be fun! (not like in elementary school) 

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Geography can be fun! (not like in elementary school) 

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Here is a video with general info about the geography in Australia, also some interesting facts like this country has an Antarctic territory or that it is the driest continent on the planet :o

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Dia nacional de australia
Celebran todo lo que es genial de ser australiano.
Los australianos celebran su día nacional el 26 de enero con un día festivo. El día marca el aniversario de la llegada de la Primera Flota a Sydney en 1788.

Vivid Sydney
Sydney prepara el escenario para el festival de luz, música e ideas más grande del mundo.

Cada año, Sydney se convierte en un lienzo para instalaciones y proyecciones de luz brillante. Vivid Sydney ve lugares de interés histórico, como la Casa de la Ópera de Sydney, la Casa de Aduanas y el Zoológico de Taronga Sydney, iluminados en colores brillantes.

Festival de iluminacion

Durante 17 días en marzo, la capital de la nación brillará con cultura y creatividad.
Hay mucho para comer, ver y explorar en Enlighten Festival . El Triángulo Parlamentario y el recinto de la ciudad se transforman en un vibrante recinto artístico con actividades exclusivas y exclusivas eventos gratuitos y con boleto.

Nochevieja en Sydney

Nochevieja en Sydney

Sydney Gay y Lesbiana Mardi Gras

El Mardi Gras Gay y Lésbico de Sydney es un festival de tres semanas con más de 100 eventos que culminan en el mundialmente famoso desfile de Mardi Gras el primer sábado de marzo. Cada año, el festival atrae a más de 200.000 personas.

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Blood on the door: 24 hours of chaos in Australian politics

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Blood on the door: 24 hours of chaos in Australian politics

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Australian politics has experienced one of the most bizarre days in recent memory, with allegations of sexual harassment levelled at members of parliament, a physical altercation that left a senator in bandages, that same senator admitting he daubed blood on the door of another politician’s office, and a question time so long it broke records.
FULL NOTE HERE

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We all know that Australia was conquered by Great Britain but, did you know that it were not the first that discovered this contient

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Who would imagine that eating kangaroo was so healthy?

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Who said that wars can't start after some drinks?

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It is amazing what man is capable of doing to get what he wants. The conquest of every country has been a complex and a bloody process, however, the history of the Australian natives was especially painful and now its habitants have closed their eyes to these genocides.
Watch the video and then click in the pink letters to listen about the today's treatment of these events.

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Genocide in Australia  EXPOSED - Australian Aborigines Genocide 250K -Terrorist

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The recent conflicts that the United States has had with North Korea, have brought to light several international traties, among them the ANZUZ in which the Australian Prime Minister assures that he will give support to the United States in case of an attack by the Koreans.

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Australia will back US in any conflict with North Korea, Turnbull says

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Commitment to Anzus treaty is rock solid, and 'in terms of defence, we are joined at the hip', Australian prime minister says