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my reaction: i find it really ugly to have auction sales for children that should not exist . it kills a lot of family

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Félix's reaction:

I think it's horrible because ther family are separeted and lot of people was got rich by this bisness.
I don't understand how we can emagine to take people to sent it, because they are diferent.

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My reaction to the video of the Auction scene :

For my opinion the video was really shocking because it's a reconstitution of the reality before and it proves the indifference and the cruelty of humans. The fact that they have not pity for these people who just have black skin and who are also humans, disturb me a lot because we are all come from the same species.
These racist feel more superiors than the other people, just because the color of the skin.
For me it's not normal and livable to mistreat people like that, separated there family etc because we are all the same inside.

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My reaction :
First , we can see an auction of slaves .White men , are in the center , they watch and inspects the slaves like beasts , then they buy like cattles .
Children are separated from their family .  This all auction is an
" abject persecution " .

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My reaction : the auction is horrible because separated family

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Leny
Réaction:

I think this is horrible, black people were sold for slave same animals.
White people hasn’t any respect to black so they hit them and separate there  family.

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My reaction : I'm shocked than pleople made a business with slavery. I think the way they were treated was terrible and the family's separations were heartbreaking.

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my reaction : I think the auction scene shouldn't exist, it was a horrible scene and that's unhuman.

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reaction: This reconstruction of an auction is really moving because the separation shoul be horrible for the parents and children. In my opinion, we doesn't make it.

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17 au 20 mai

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Match and copy

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correction

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observation et réflexion

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faut-il débaptiser les rues des villes ?

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"Débaptiser des rues, c'est effacer les traces de l'histoire et ça empêche de faire de la pédagogie mémorielle"

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Faut-il enlever les statues du roi Léopold II ou, au contraire, les laisser et ajouter un panneau pour expliquer ce qu'il a fait? Cette question agite notre pays. Ailleurs dans le monde, ce sont d' autres statues qui suscitent la polémique.

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faut-il débaptiser les rues des villes ?

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Depuis la mort de George Floyd, la colère gronde aux Etats-Unis et en Europe. Pour dénoncer le racisme et le passé colonial, des statues de personnages controversés sont déboulonées ou dégradées et les symboles de l'oppression sont attaqués.

Nantes, 1er port négrier de France

A Nantes, les manifestants ont choisi de mettre un genou à terre devant le mémorial de l'abolition de l'esclavage. Certains réclament le retrait des plaques de rues portant le nom d'armateurs qui se sont enrichis grâce à la traite des Noirs.

Pour nous, il fallait garder les noms de rues parce que c'était justement une trace du passé négrier de Nantes par contre rajouter des informations sous forme de panneaux indicateurs.

Mathilde Bouclé-Bessard
Présidente de l'association "Les anneaux de la mémoire"

Bordeaux fait aussi le choix de plaques explicatives

Bordeaux, deuxième port négrier de France, a construit sa richesse avec le commerce des esclaves. Une vingtaine de rues portent le nom d'armateurs ou de propriétaires bordelais de plantations. Cinq plaques explicatives ont été installées récemment, dont une rue de Grammont. Jacques Barthélémy Gramont de Castéra (1746 - 1816) ancien maire de la ville, a financé trois expéditions de traite négrière et a influencé le rétablissement de la traite des Noirs sous Napoléon Ier.

L'apposition de ces plaques explicatives est une satisfaction pour Karfa Diallo, président de l'association "Mémoires et partages" qui les réclamait depuis 1998.

Bordeaux, La Rochelle, Biarritz, sont des villes qui se sont enrichies et ont vécu de la traite et de l'esclavage des Noirs, donc quelque part du racisme et qui en portent les traces. Donc il faut expliquer ces traces.

Karfa Diallo, président de Mémoires et partages

Un travail de mémoire

Longtemps accusée de camoufler son embarassant passé, la ville de Bordeaux a entrepris depuis une quinzaine d'années ce travail de mémoire. Son musée d'Aquitaine retrace l'histoire de l'esclavage, quand au XVIIIe siècle, 484 bateaux bordelais ont déporté entre 120 000 et 150 000 Noirs africains.

Autre témoignages de cette prise de conscience, deux statues symboliques ont été érigées en ville : après un buste de Toussaint Louverture, celle de Modeste Testas, une esclave vendue par deux frères bordelais, a trouvé sa place sur les quais de la ville. La statue a été inaugurée en mai 2019, à l'occasion de la journée nationale des mémoires de la traite, de l'esclavage et de son abolition.

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VIDEO. passé négrier : faut-il débaptiser les rues ?

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En réponse à la mort de George Floyd aux Etats-Unis, des manifestants anti-racisme s'en s'ont pris aux symboles du passé esclavagiste de leur pays. En France, la question se pose à Nantes et Bordeaux : faut-il dépabtiser les rues portant le nom des familles qui se sont enrichies grâce à la traite des esclaves ?

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26 au 30 avril 2021

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plan de travail 3e semaine du 26 avril 2021

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correction

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fiche de travail

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2a-history of slavery questions and pictures

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watch the video and note down key words

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The History of Slavery In America (part 1 of 3)

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analysis

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Painting Tour: "New Kids in the Neighborhood" (1967)

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Lucille Bridges, who in 1960 braved a gauntlet of threats and racist slurs to escort her daughter to a formerly all-white school in New Orleans in what became a symbol of opposition to segregation, has died at age 86.

Civil rights activist Ruby Bridges, who walked upthe stairs of William Frantz Elementary School six decades ago to become its first Black student, announced her mother's death on Instagram late Tuesday. She included a photo showing mother and daughter holding hands as they exited the school, flanked by U.S. marshals.

"Today our country lost a hero. Brave, progressive, a champion for change. She helped alter the course of so many lives by setting me out on my path as a six year old little girl. Our nation lost a Mother of the Civil Rights Movement today. And I lost my mom. I love you and am grateful for you. May you Rest In Peace," wrote Ruby Bridges, who was memorialized in an iconic painting by Norman Rockwell depicting her, notebook and ruler in hand and accompanied by burly marshals, walking past a wall scrawled with a racial epithet.

New Orleans Mayor LaToya Cantrell said in a statement Tuesday night that Lucille Bridges is "one of the mothers of the Civil Rights Movement in New Orleans." She said the city mourns her loss.

"Lucille insisted, seeing the action as an opportunity to help all Black children, and walked Ruby, with federal marshals, past chanting and taunting white protesters and to the schoolhouse," Cantrell said. "Mother and daughter both revealed their character and courage."

Lucille was born to Mississippi sharecroppers at a time when Black children rarely went beyond the 3rd grade, according to WGNO. Her family later moved to New Orleans.

She gave birth to Ruby in 1954, the same year as the landmark Supreme Court case Brown vs. Board of Education, which struck down the decades-old "separate but equal" doctrine, ending segregation in the schools.

But Louisiana was one of several southern states that defied Brown until a federal court ordered them to integrate in 1960. Even so, the school district where the Bridges lived required Black students to take an exam to determine if they could compete with white classmates. Out of 165 students taking the exam, Ruby was one of five to pass and the only one to decide to attend William Frantz Elementary.

In an interview several years ago, Lucille explained that before her daughter's first day of classes on Nov. 14, 1960, the Orleans Parish school superintendent "explained to me and my husband that ... we had to pray because things were going to get really worse."

She said that when they "drove up right by the school, they had so many United States marshals, so many people just standing, screaming and hollering 'Two, four, six, eight, we don't want to integrate.'"

She said the crowd tossed eggs and tomatoes at them and even followed them home. "And when they followed us home, they started pitching bottles and things."

The families of many of the white students subsequently pulled their children out of the school.

Lucille said she and her family lived under armed guard from federal marshals for the whole school year.

According to the National Women's History Museum, Ruby's father, Abon, was reluctant to have her attend an all-white school - it was Lucille who insisted.

"I wanted it better for my kids than it was for us, so that my kids could go to school and learn," Lucille explained in the interview.

The museum says the Bridges suffered for Ruby's right to attend the school: her father lost his job, local grocery stores refused to sell to Lucille, and Ruby's grandparents were evicted from the farm where they had lived for years.

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Lucille Bridges, Mother Of Anti-Segregation Icon Ruby Bridges, Dies At 86

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Lucille Bridges, who in 1960 braved a gauntlet of threats and racist slurs to escort her daughter to a formerly all-white school in New Orleans in what became a symbol of opposition to segregation, has died at age 86.

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news of her death

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Lucille Bridges, mother of civil rights icon Ruby Bridges, dies at 86

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African American veterans after WW2

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When Eugene Burnett saw the neat tract houses of Levittown, New York, he knew he wanted to buy one. It was 1949, and he was ready to settle down in a larger home with his family. The newly established Long Island suburb seemed like the perfect place to begin their postwar life-one that, he hoped, would be improved with the help of the GI Bill, a piece of sweeping legislation aimed at helping World War II veterans like Burnett prosper after the war.

But when he spoke with a salesman about buying the house using a GI Bill-guaranteed mortgage, the door to suburban life in Levittown slammed firmly in his face. The suburb wasn't open to Black residents.

"It was as though it wasn't real,"Burnett's wife, Bernice, recalled. "Look at this house! Can you imagine having this? And then for them to tell me because of the color of my skin that I can't be part of it?"

The Burnetts weren't the only Black Americans for whom the promise of the GI Bill turned out to be an illusion. Though the bill helped white Americans prosper and accumulate wealth in the postwar years, it didn't deliver on that promise for veterans of color. In fact, the wide disparity in the bill's implementation ended up helping drive growing gaps in wealth, education and civil rights between white and Black Americans.

While the GI Bill's language did not specifically exclude African-American veterans from its benefits, it was structured in a way that ultimately shut doors for the 1.2 million Black veterans who had bravely served their country during World War II, in segregated ranks.

Fear of Black Advancement

When lawmakers began drafting the GI Bill in 1944, some Southern Democrats feared that returning Black veterans would use public sympathy for veterans to advocate against Jim Crow laws. To make sure the GI Bill largely benefited white people, the southern Democrats drew on tactics they had previously used to ensure that the New Deal helped as few Black people as possible.

During the drafting of the law, the chair of the House Veterans Committee, Mississippi Congressman John Rankin, played hardball and insisted that the program be administered by individual states instead of the federal government. He got his way. Rankin was known for his virulent racism: He defended segregation, opposed interracial marriage, and had even proposed legislation to confine, then deport, every person with Japanese heritage during World War II.

When the bill came to a committee vote, he stonewalled in an attempt to gut another provision that entitled all veterans to $20 a week of unemployment compensation for a year. Rankin knew this would represent a significant gain for Black Southerners, so he refused to cast a critical proxy vote in protest. The American Legion ended up tracking down the Congressman who had left his proxy vote with Rankin and flying him to Washington to break the deadlock.

Roosevelt signed the Servicemen's Readjustment Act into law on June 22, 1944, only weeks after the D-Day offensive began. It ushered into law sweeping benefits for veterans, including college tuition, low-cost home loans, and unemployment insurance.

The GI Bill's Effect on Black Veterans

From the start, Black veterans had trouble securing the GI Bill's benefits. Some could not access benefits because they had not been given an honorable discharge-and a much larger number of Black veterans were discharged dishonorably than their white counterparts.

Veterans who did qualify could not find facilities that delivered on the bill's promise. Black veterans in a vocational training program at a segregated high school in Indianapolis were unable to participate in activities related to plumbing, electricity and printing because adequate equipment was only available to white students.

Simple intimidation kept others from enjoying GI Bill benefits. In 1947, for example, a crowd hurled rocks at Black veterans as they moved into a Chicago housing development. Thousands of Black veterans were attacked in the years following World War II and some were singled out and lynched.

Though Rankin had lost the battle to exclude Black men from VA unemployment insurance, it was doled out inequitably. Men who applied for unemployment benefits were kicked out of the program if any other work was available to them, even work that provided less than subsistence wages. Southern postmasters were even accused of refusing to deliver the forms Black veterans needed to fill out to receive their unemployment benefits.

Black veterans and civil rights groups protested their treatment, calling for protections like Black involvement in the VA and non-discriminatory loans, but the racial disparities in the implementation of the GI Bill had already been set into motion. As the years went on, white veterans flowed into newly created suburbs, where they began amassing wealth in skilled positions. But Black veterans lacked those options. The majority of skilled jobs were given to white workers.

A White Post-War Housing Boom-And Redlining in Black Neighborhoods

The postwar housing boom almost entirely excluded Black Americans, most of whom remained in cities that received less and less investment from businesses and banks.

Though the GI Bill guaranteed low-interest mortgages and other loans, they were not administered by the VA itself. Thus, the VA could cosign, but not actually guarantee the loans. This gave white-run financial institutions free rein to refuse mortgages and loans to Black people.

Redlining-a decades-old practice of marking maps by race to characterize the risks of lending money and providing insurance-made purchasing a home even more difficult for Black veterans. Lenders froze out poorer neighborhoods, ensuring that loan assistance and insurance would be denied. And new white suburbs often came with overtly racist covenants that denied entry to Black people.

In 1947, only 2 of the more than 3,200 VA-guaranteed home loans in 13 Mississippi cities went to Black borrowers. "These impediments were not confined to the South," notes historian Ira Katznelson. "In New York and the northern New Jersey suburbs, fewer than 100 of the 67,000 mortgages insured by the GI bill supported home purchases by non-whites."

Failure to Receive GI Bill Education Benefits

Black veterans in search of the education they had been guaranteed fared no better. Many Black men returning home from the war didn't even try to take advantage of the bill's educational benefits-they could not afford to spend time in school instead of working. But those who did were at a considerable disadvantage compared to their white counterparts. Public education provided poor preparation for Black students, and many lacked much educational attainment at all due to poverty and social pressures.

As veteran applications flooded universities, Black students often found themselves left out. Northern universities dragged their feet when it came to admitting Black students and Southern colleges barred Black students entirely. And the VA itself encouraged Black veterans to apply for vocational training instead of university admission and arbitrarily denied educational benefits to some students.

Those students who did try to attend college found doors closed at every turn. A full 95 percent of Black veterans were shunted off to Black colleges-institutions that were underfunded and overwhelmed by the influx of new students. Most were unaccredited, and with a massive influx of applicants, they had to turn away tens of thousands of veterans.

"Though Congress granted all soldiers the same benefits theoretically," writes historian Hilary Herbold, "the segregationist principles of almost every institution of higher learning effectively disbarred a huge proportion of Black veterans from earning a college degree."

The GI Bill and the Racial Wealth Gap

The original GI Bill ended in July 1956. By that time, nearly 8 million World War II veterans had received education or training, and 4.3 million home loans worth $33 billion had been handed out. But most Black veterans had been left behind. As employment, college attendance and wealth surged for whites, disparities with their Black counterparts not only continued but widened. There was, writes Katznelson, "no greater instrument for widening an already huge racial gap in postwar America than the GI Bill."

Today, a stark wealth gap between Black and white Americans persists. The median income for white households in 2019 was $76,057, according to the U.S. Census. For Black households, it was $46,073.

Fact Check

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How the GI Bill's Promise Was Denied to a Million Black WWII Veterans | HISTORY

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The sweeping bill following World War II promised prosperity to veterans. So why didn't Black Americans benefit?

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biography

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Martin Luther King was the most famous champion of Black Civil Rights in the US Martin Luther King was born on 15 January 1929 when America was both r...

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At this point it's never surprising to hear Katy Perry's name associated with cultural appropriation. The singer is a repeat offender, who has not only co-opted Black culture but also managed to offend the Asian community as well.

However, in an unexpected move Perry apologized for her racially insensitive transgressions during an interview this past Saturday (June 10) with Black Lives Matter activist DeRay McKesson. The live-streamed conversation touched on an array of topics, but the internet really took noticed once the Grammy Award-winning songstress mentioned her "several mistakes" while attempting to celebrate other cultures.

She kicked off the apology by acknowledging her misstep in the "This Is How We Do" video where she sported a head full of cornrows.

In the clip below you hear Perry explain how a Black friend had to school her on the subject of Black hair.

Katy Perry acknowledging her mistakes regarding cultural appropriation, this is extremely respectable of her pic.twitter.com/RkvIhEnXxX
- N*IC*K (@touchnick) June 11, 2017

"She told me about the power of Black women's hair, and how beautiful it is, and the struggle. And I listened, and I heard, and I didn't know. And I will never understand some of those things because of who I am. But I can educate myself, and that's what I'm trying to do along the way," Perry told McKesson.

While it's encouraging to see Perry recognize that her actions were inappropriate - it's ridiculous that we're still at a point where these type of mistakes are happening.

The internet is torn as well. Some have applauded her apology and others are questioning it's sincerity. McKesson has weighed in on the backlash as well and offered the following statement on the matter via Twitter:

I started #PodSaveThePeople with the goal of discussing activism, race, equity, and solutions with a range of people in a candid way.
- deray (@deray) June 11, 2017

Bottom line is we'll be watching her ever move from this point on. Don't apologize and fine yourself cherry picking other cultures, Ms. Perry. Get woke!

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Katy Perry Apologizes For Cultural Appropriation, Rocking Cornrows

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At this point it's never surprising to hear Katy Perry's name associated with cultural appropriation. The singer is a repeat offender, who has not only co-opted Black culture but also managed to offend the Asian community as well.

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1991

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Interview en français et en anglais de Nina SIMONE, assise devant son piano, qui évoque ses études classiques, le racisme aux Etats Unis, de l'affaire Clarence Thomas, son combat pour l'égalité des droits, ses regrets de ne pas avoir été la première pianiste classique noire (grande émotion) "Je ne suis pas très heureuse actuellement".

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Institut National de l’Audiovisuel – Ina.fr

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Interview en français et en anglais de Nina SIMONE, assise devant son piano, qui évoque ses études classiques, le racisme aux Etats Unis, de l'affaire Clarence Thomas, son combat pour l'égalité des droits, ses regrets de ne pas avoir été la première pianiste classique noire (grande émotion) "Je ne suis pas très heureuse actuellement".

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Le réalisateur de "BlackKklansman" a reçu son premier Oscar (meilleure adaptation) et en a profité pour rendre hommage à sa grand-mère, fille d'esclave, et à appeler à se mobiliser pour la prochaine élection présidentielle.

Voici son discours : " C'est ironique. Aujourd'hui, nous sommes le 24, du mois de février, qui est le plus court de l'année, mais aussi le Black History Month (mois de l'histoire des Noirs). Nous sommes en 2019, et cela fait tout juste 400 ans que nos ancêtres ont été dérobés à la Mère Afrique, et amenés à Jamestown, en Virginie, pour y être mis en esclavage.

Nos ancêtres ont travaillé cette terre sans relâche de l'aube au coucher du soleil. Ma grand-mère, Zimmie Shelton Reatha, qui vécut jusqu'à 100 ans, fut diplômée d'université magré le fait que sa mère était une esclave (...) Devant le monde entier, ce soir, je salue ces ancêtres qui ont aidé à bâtir ce pays, et aussi vous rappeler le génocide qui a été commis contre le peuple indigène. Si nous nous connectons à nos ancêtres, nous gagnerons de l'amour, de la sagesse, nous regagnerons notre humanité. Ce sera un moment puissant. L'élection présidentielle de 2020 arrive bientôt. Mobilisons-nous ! Soyons du bon côté de l'Histoire ! Choisissons l'amour plutôt que la haine ! Faisons ce qui est juste ("do the right thing"). Je devais dire cela ici ! "

A noter que Spike Lee a visiblement été mécontent que Green Book reçoive l'Oscar du meilleur film (pour lequel il était également nommé) : il a tenté de sortir de la salle avant la fin de cet ultime discours de remerciements, mais en a été empêché. Lors de la conférence de presse qui suivait, il a refusé en plaisantant de commenter le choix de Green Book.

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Oscars 2019 : revoyez le discours engagé de Spike Lee

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Le réalisateur de "BlackKklansman" a reçu son premier Oscar (meilleure adaptation) et en a profité pour rendre hommage à sa grand-mère, fille d'esclave, et à appeler à se mobiliser pour la prochaine élection présidentielle. Voici son discours : " C'est ironique.

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un site pour s'entrainer

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Differences between owners and slaves on the plantation.

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Charlottesville violence: What you need to know - CBBC Newsround

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There has been trouble in the American city of Charlottesville, following protests.

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The Atlantic slave trade: What too few textbooks told you - Anthony Hazard