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Black Lives Matter Gets Indians Talking About Skin Lightening And Colorism

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Black Lives Matter Gets Indians Talking About Skin Lightening And Colorism

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Chandana Hiran loves reading, arts and crafts, and recycling. At 22, she's enrolled in college, studying to be an accountant. She considers herself a feminist.

But something else is a big part of her identity too.

"I'm slightly dark," Hiran tells NPR in a phone interview from her family's Mumbai home, her bold voice suddenly going soft. "I'd be called one of the dark-skinned people in our country."

In India, colorism is rampant. Darker-skinned Indians, especially women, face discrimination at work, at school - even in love. Some arranged marriage websites let families filter out prospective brides by skin tone.

So it may be no wonder that about half of all skin care products in India, according to the World Health Organization, are lighteners designed to "brighten" or "lift" - essentially to whiten - a user's skin color. WHO estimates that such products amount to about a $500 million industry in India alone. Until recently, some of them even came with shade cards - like paint swatches - so that users could track the lightening of their skin.

Some products claim to "lighten" the skin using multivitamins such as vitamin B3, and many users have said they're happy with the results. Other products may contain mercury or bleach, which WHO cautions can damage skin cells. Other skin-lightening treatments, including intravenous and pill formulas, have been linked to liver and kidney damage.

The most popular brand of skin lightener is Fair & Lovely, made by the consumer goods giant Unilever. Generations of Indians have grown up with grocery store shelves lined with Fair & Lovely creams and face washes. They've been sold in India since 1975 with a marketing campaign of TV commercials and billboards that equate pale, fair skin with beauty and success.

Those are stereotypes that many find deeply unfair. And as the Black Lives Matter movement spreads across the world, it has prompted a reckoning about skin color in India and a brazen revolt against one of its most popular cosmetics.
Feeling insecure
Being slightly browner than the average Indian, by her own assessment, has left Hiran feeling insecure all her life.

"Even the smallest of things, like not wanting to wear brighter colors or just random people coming to you and saying, 'Oh, maybe you should apply something on your face,' " Hiran recalls. "There is not a single Bollywood actress who could represent my skin tone."

Instead, Bollywood actresses star in TV commercials for skin-lightening creams.

The Indian beauty queen-turned-actress Priyanka Chopra - who starred in the U.S. TV hit Quantico - is one of the most famous. In 2008, she appeared in a series of promotional videos for a product called White Beauty. She played a forlorn-looking single woman who, in the first episode, watched a slightly lighter-skinned woman strut past with a handsome man on her arm. In later episodes, after she used the skin-lightening cream, the man fell in love with her instead.

Another ad for Fair & Lovely suggests using it before going to a job interview.

Praise for white skin is a theme in popular music too. In a 2015 hit song called " Chittiyaan Kalaiyaan" - which means "pale wrists" in the Hindi language - the male singer croons about how a woman's pale skin makes him swoon.

"Oh my darling, angel baby, white kalaiyaan drives me crazy!" the refrain goes.

When Hiran was a teenager, listening to such songs, she started using Fair & Lovely. She didn't even have to buy it; her mother always had some in the family medicine cabinet.
The impact of Black Lives Matter
So that was the backdrop in India this spring, when George Floyd was killed in the U.S. and calls for racial justice echoed around the world.

"Can Indians support Black Lives Matter when we ourselves have so many prejudices?" asks activist Kavitha Emmanuel, founder of a women's charity in southern India called Women of Worth.

In 2009, Emmanuel started a campaign called Dark Is Beautiful to combat colorism in India. Over the years, while counseling girls, she says she realized how deeply hurt Indian women have been by media messages about skin color.

"In our counseling sessions, this would keep surfacing. [They would keep] saying, 'I am dark,' " she told NPR by phone from her home in Chennai. "It is not just about self-esteem in terms of their looks, but it also affects their overall performance in life."

A study confirms that the scenes in TV commercials for skin-lightening creams may sadly be accurate. A 2015 report by professors at Southern Illinois University and the Rochester Institute of Technology found that in India:

"A woman's dark skin can preclude her from entering positions such as news anchor, sales associate, flight attendant and even receptionist because these jobs require exposure to and interaction with the public, who will judge her as unattractive, unworthy and incompetent. Fair-skinned women, conversely, are seen in most of these roles; their skin tone grants them unearned privilege and power within organizations as a result."

Emmanuel says many Indians now expressing support for Black Lives Matter in the U.S. are blind to colorism, caste discrimination and violence against religious minorities at home. Many of the same celebrities tweeting about racial justice in the U.S. have actually starred in ads for skin-lightening creams.

There is so much work to be done and it needs to starts at an individual level on a global scale. We all have a responsibility to educate ourselves and end this hate. End this race war here in the US, and around the world. Wherever you live, whatever your circumstances, NO ONE deserves to die, especially at the hands of another because of their skin color. ⁣⁣⁣ ⁣⁣⁣ On May 25th, George Floyd was pinned down by the neck by a Minneapolis police officer and died. He laid there, fighting for his life, struggling to breathe, and other officers just stood there and watched. The officer has now been charged with murder.⁣ ⁣⁣⁣ George, I am praying for your family. ❤️ ⁣⁣⁣ ⁣⁣⁣ Text "FLOYD" to 55156 and sign the petition. ⁣⁣⁣ #JusticeForGeorgeFloyd

A post shared by Priyanka Chopra Jonas (@priyankachopra) on

Bollywood backlash
Among the first Indian celebrities to express public sympathy after Floyd's killing in the U.S. was the film star Chopra, who posted a lengthy message on Instagram in May with some of Floyd's last words: "please, i can't breathe."

https://www.instagram.com/p/CAx5P_njP-S/

"There is so much work to be done and it needs to starts at an individual level on a global scale," she wrote. "We all have a responsibility to educate ourselves and end this hate."

Her comments drew a backlash online. When Chopra's husband, American singer/songwriter Nick Jonas, tweeted that he and his wife "Pri" have "heavy hearts" over "systemic racism, bigotry and exclusion," one user replied: "Was pri's 'heart heavy' before or after she promoted skin lightening creams?"

Was pri's "heart heavy" before or after she promoted skin lightening creams? Was it "heavy" when she watched Muslims get lynched in her own country & said nothing? What about the time when you invited a fascist to your wedding? It seems like her heart is doing just fine.
- Amsi (@thisisamsi) June 3, 2020

Chopra has not replied to the tweets. But in a 2017 interview with Vogue India, she said she regretted appearing in ads for skin-lightening products. "I used it [when I was very young]. Then when I was an actor, around my early twenties, I did a commercial for a skin-lightening cream. I was playing that girl with insecurities. And when I saw it, I was like, 'Oh s**t. What did I do?' " Chopra was quoted as saying.

She told Vogue that she now sympathizes with girls who feel insecure about their skin tone and has turned down offers to star in any more such ads.

Human rights activists in India have also accused Chopra and other Indian celebrities of hypocrisy for expressing sympathy for Floyd and outrage over his killing but not condemning similar violence against minorities, particularly Muslims, in India. In recent years, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Hindu nationalist government, attacks on India's minority Muslims have skyrocketed. Dozens have been lynched in the streets with little public outcry.
Colonialism and caste
Emmanuel and others trace India's color discrimination back to the colonial period when mostly white Britons ruled over darker-skinned Indians. But its roots may go back even further than that - to Hinduism's ancient caste system, roughly based on a hierarchy of professions people are born into.

Historians of ancient India say discrimination based explicitly on skin color has never been part of the Hindu caste system. But it may have evolved over time. For centuries, members of the less privileged, lower castes traditionally did manual labor outdoors under the sun.

"The British colonizers were able to build on India's existing caste system. So the upper-caste people who were powerful had fairer skin. And the lower-caste people, when they would work outside, those castes started having darker skin [from prolonged sun exposure]," explains Neha Dixit, an Indian journalist who has studied the history of colorism and written about her own experience as a slightly darker-skinned woman. (The euphemism her relatives used for her skin color is "wheatish" - the color of wheat.)

"We have actually internalized all those prejudices," she says. "So anybody with fairer skin is supposed to be better off than a dark-skinned person."

Those stereotypes have been reinforced in India for millennia. But modern ideas of racial equality - and the Black Lives Matter movement - are slowly making a dent. A landmark case against caste discrimination is currently under litigation in California, where Indian American tech workers are accused of discriminating against a colleague because he's a member of a lower caste.
New name, same cream
A few years ago, when she was in her late teens, Hiran, the accounting student, stopped using Fair & Lovely cream. Unilever says its products do not contain potentially harmful bleach or mercury. But Hiran's decision had more to do with a maturing sense of self rather than any health concerns, she says.

"I started to realize, OK, maybe the problem is not with me. Maybe I'm not supposed to look any other way," she says. "And I'm not supposed to feel insecure about my own skin."

This year, Hiran started an online petition to get the name of the product changed. It's one of several such petitions that have flooded the Internet in the wake of the Black Lives Matter movement.

A Texas woman of South Asian descent, Hetal Lakhani, also started an online petition against Shaadi.com, one of the most popular matrimonial websites, demanding that it remove a function that allows users to search for potential partners on the basis of their skin color. Last month, the website obliged, issuing a statement saying that it "does not discriminate" and that the skin color filter was a "product debris left-over in one of our advanced search pages."

Then, in late June, Fair & Lovely's manufacturer, Unilever, made an announcement: It's removing any references to "fair/fairness," "white/whitening" and "light/lightening" from all of its packaging.

"We are fully committed to having a global portfolio of skin care brands that is inclusive and cares for all skin tones, celebrating greater diversity of beauty," Sunny Jain, president of the company's beauty and personal care division, was quoted as saying. "We recognize that the use of the words 'fair,' 'white' and 'light' suggest a singular ideal of beauty that we don't think is right."

But even though the packaging now says only that the product moisturizes and gives a pink glow, these terms are understood to be euphemisms for lightening your skin.

This month, Unilever's Indian branch announced a new name: Glow & Lovely. Its men's product line will also be rebranded, as Glow & Handsome. The company says the name changes will happen in the coming months.

The cosmetics brand L'Oréal says it's making a similar change.

But some activists say that's not enough - that it's not the names that needed to be scrapped but the products themselves. Another big company, Johnson & Johnson, says it's discontinuing two of its skin-lightening products altogether.
Souvenir tube
Hiran calls the Fair & Lovely name change "a step in the right direction."

"It's not a small thing that Fair & Lovely has done. Because this brand has thrived all these years on the insecurities of women. This is really changing the narrative," she says. "But it's only the first step toward being more inclusive and diverse. No matter what you call it, it's still going to be offensive."

Even though she hadn't used the product in years, Hiran says she recently found an old tube of Fair & Lovely in her medicine cabinet. She says she'll probably hold on to it.

"Now it's going to become a souvenir," she laughs.

So the Fair & Lovely label will soon be history. But the question remains as to how long these skin-lightening products - whatever they're called - will remain in India, along with the attitudes behind them.
NPR producer Sushmita Pathak contributed to this report.

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Black Lives Matter Gets Indians Talking About Skin Lightening And Colorism

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Chandana Hiran loves reading, arts and crafts, and recycling. At 22, she's enrolled in college, studying to be an accountant. She considers herself a feminist. But something else is a big part of her identity too. "I'm slightly dark," Hiran tells NPR in a phone interview from her family's Mumbai home, her bold voice suddenly going soft.

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Black fathers share stories of raising their sons in America today

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Black fathers share stories of raising their sons in America today

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Remember Precious? The 2009 film earned six Oscar nominations, including a best actress nod for newcomer Gabourey Sidibe. Precious was Sidibe's first acting job, and audiences ached for her character, a teen who is physically and sexually abused by her family.

Before Precious, Sidibe had been in two school plays - in the chorus. Since then, she has gone on to make a career for herself in movies and TV shows, like Fox's Empire.

Now the 33-year-old has written a book of essays about her rise to fame, body image and what it's like to be her. The book is called This Is Just My Face: Try Not to Stare. She tells NPR about how fame changed her life and how she responds when people comment on her weight.

Interview Highlights
On anticipating the fame Precious might bring after she finished filming
The film was coming out and I'd shot it and everyone was telling me that I was about to be a star. But, like, I still lived in a two-bedroom apartment with, you know, my mom sleeping in the living room on a day bed, and my brother. And I would go from, you know, really, really, really excited moments to depression. ...

There was a lot of like, "Yeah, maybe." ... [The film] could have been not as big a deal as they all thought it was going to be. It could have gone straight to video. But also I didn't want to be famous, like that wasn't my goal. My goal was just to live a good life that I was happy with. And I wasn't exactly sure that that meant being the star of a movie.

On not having anything to wear when she started attending film festivals for Precious
I didn't have any money. I had to compete with, you know, the Mariah Careys, all the fancy people that were in the film that had, you know, whole teams behind them - makeup artists, stylists, everything - and I had none of it. ...

We're at Cannes; we're in the south of France. I'm wearing this dress that I bought from Torrid or something, and I'm also wearing jeans underneath. ... I also was wearing a headband because there was a very real point in my career where I thought, Oh, headbands will be my thing. Like, I really thought that. I was like, Ya gotta have a gimmick. ... And like these brown wedges that I truly bought from Payless. My whole outfit cost maybe $37, but I still had to stand in between Paula Patton - as gorgeous as she is, as stylish as she is - and Mariah Carey. I don't think I need to tell you how gorgeous and stylish and fancy Mariah is. That is real pressure.
On what it was like to have fans confuse her for her character in Precious
Having people call me Precious and having people confuse me for this character was both really scary, frustrating, but also really endearing and powerful. ... People would see the film and then come up to me and say, you know, "I was Precious and I was abused by my parents," and "I was abused by this family member," or, you know, "I've dealt with these issues." And these people were 70-year-old white men and [Asian teenagers], just like so many different people from all over the scope of the world. So many different people connected to this struggle because it's not about race, it's not about gender, it's not about sexuality, it's not about age - it's not about any of that. It's about humanity. ...

And people would say, even when they couldn't see me as a different person from this character, they would say, "This happened to me the same way it happened to you." And I didn't feel like I could say, "This didn't happen to me. This is a character." All I could do was give sympathy and push forth strength, in a way. Say, "She made it and you can make it too."
On the chapter in her book titled "MYOB"
MYOB: Mind your own body. It's important because I don't happen to have the kind of body that we usually see on television and in films. I am plus-size, I have dark skin and I am 100 percent beautiful, but I get a lot of flak. "Oh, you should lose weight." And now that I have lost weight - I lost weight for health reasons - I get, "You look good, but don't lose too much weight because your face is starting to sink in." ...

Literally someone said, "Congratulations, I see you lost weight. Congratulations." And I say, "That's a weird thing to congratulate me on because this is my body." And it's not just the male gaze, it's like the human gaze. People do this to me. ... People staring at me. But also, this has been my body since I was 5ish, you know? It's been a 30-year thing of other people putting their own stuff on my body. But it's mine, so I will police it, thank you.
On overhearing a conversation between Precious director Lee Daniels and then-Vogue editor André Leon Talley in which they called her a "fat bitch" while planning to get her on the cover of Vogue
I know that Lee himself has struggled with his weight throughout his entire life. Lee is always on my side. But he also is very much a part of Hollywood, and Hollywood in general is not on my body's side, you know. And he's a part of that. Everyone I work with is a part of that. ...

I was listening in on the phone call where André Leon Talley was saying that he was going to get my fat black ass on the cover of the magazine, and Lee was excited about it. You know André Leon Talley is fat and black, and Lee was at that time, too, and I think that they saw me as this thing that was closer to them than I was to Hollywood, and they were celebrating that. And it hurt my feelings. It hurt my feelings. But it also was a lesson in this is what they think and this is what they will always think, and there's no way of being too talented or too pretty or too confident around it. People will still have their opinions....

I never got that cover. ... I'm not sure I want it.
Shannon Rhoades, Maddalena Richards and Nicole Cohen contributed to this story.

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Gabourey Sidibe's Message To The World: 'Mind Your Own Body'

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Remember Precious? The 2009 film earned six Oscar nominations, including a best actress nod for newcomer Gabourey Sidibe. Precious was Sidibe's first acting job, and audiences ached for her character, a teen who is physically and sexually abused by her family. Before Precious, Sidibe had been in two school plays - in the chorus.

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Defending your beliefs in an aggressive culture

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Defending your beliefs in an aggressive culture

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Fox News - Opinion

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Defending your beliefs in an aggressive culture

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The answer is not to cower, cave or go on the attack, but to have a better strategy for rational and respectable response to difficult issues.

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"Toni Morrison: Quote on Identity." The American Mosaic: The African American Experience, ABC-CLIO, 2021, africanamerican.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/1468861. A

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Do you agree or disagree? Why?

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Podcast: Former 'Pregnant Girl' Now Helps Other Teen Moms Succeed

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Podcast: Former 'Pregnant Girl' Now Helps Other Teen Moms Succeed

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subscribe to Fresh Air podcast

subscribe to Fresh Air podcast

In her new memoir, 'Pregnant Girl,' Nicole Lynn Lewis recalls feeling overwhelmed and isolated as a young mom in college. Now she runs an organization that is designed to support young parents with their education. We talk about her experience as a teen mom, the way society abandons young mothers - particularly young Black mothers - and how to help give young families the support they need to succeed.

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Former 'Pregnant Girl' Now Helps Other Teen Moms Succeed : Fresh Air

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In her new memoir, 'Pregnant Girl,' Nicole Lynn Lewis recalls feeling overwhelmed and isolated as a young mom in college. Now she runs an organization that is designed to support young parents with their education.

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How Schools Can Help Kids Heal After A Year Of 'Crisis And Uncertainty'

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How Schools Can Help Kids Heal After A Year Of 'Crisis And Uncertainty'

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Kai Humphrey, 9, has been learning from home for more than a year. He badly misses his Washington, D.C., elementary school, along with his friends and the bustle of the classroom.

"I will be the first person ever to have every single person in the world as my friend," he said on a recent Zoom call, his sandy brown hair hanging down to his shoulder blades. From Kai, this kind of proclamation doesn't feel like bragging, more like exuberant kindness.

But when Kai's school recently invited him back, he refused. That's because his worry list is long, topped by his fear of getting COVID-19 and giving it to his 2-year-old sister, Alaina. She was born with a heart condition, Down syndrome and a fragile immune system. To her, the disease poses a mortal threat, and he is her protector, the only one who can make her giggle breathlessly.

Kai also worries about being separated from his mom, Rashida Humphrey-Wall. His biological father died in 2014, and she remains his rock, his mama bear and occasional taekwondo partner. He sometimes visits her bedside, in the middle of the night, just to check on her.

This pandemic has been stressful for millions of children like Kai. Some have lost a loved one to COVID-19, and many families have lost jobs, their homes and even reliable access to food. If that stress isn't buffered by caring adults, it can have lifelong consequences.

"Kids have had extended exposure to chaos, crisis and uncertainty," saysMatt Biel, a child psychiatrist at MedStar Georgetown University Hospital.

But there's some good news for kids like Kai: Educators across the country say their top priority right now isn't doubling down on math or reading - it's helping students manage all of this pandemic-driven stress.

"If kids don't return to school and get a lot of attention paid to security, safety, predictability and re-establishing of strong, secure relationships, [they] are not gonna be able to make up ground academically," Biel says.
Promoting mental wellness in the classroom
To reestablish relationships in the classroom - and help kids cope with the stress and trauma of the past year - mental health experts say educators can start by building in time every day, for every student, in every classroom to share their feelings and learn the basics of naming and managing their emotions. Think morning circle time or, for older students, homeroom.

At Hernandez Middle School in Chicago, teacher Lilian Sackett starts off each day by checking in with students, then diving into a short lesson on mindfulness and other social-emotional skills.

The school is in a predominantly Latino area that was hit hard by the pandemic, Sackett says. She teaches English as a second language, and she learned early on that many of her students' families were dealing with a lot of stress related to job losses and illness - that's on top of any trauma that may have predated the pandemic.

"We need to allow the students to share their experiences with the pandemic and to give them that safe space [to] talk about it," Sackett says.

What's more, she says, children can benefit a lot from just a few minutes each day of classwide calm. When she found out her students love Bob Ross and his tranquil, televised painting lessons from the 1980s and '90s, Sackett decided to work him into their morning routine.

"We watch five minutes of Bob Ross, and we watch the whole painting session within one week," she explains. "When they're having fun, they're so excited - they'll learn anything you throw at them."

Sackett says her approach was informed by a virtual training, provided by Ann & Robert H. Lurie Children's Hospital, that focused on the impacts of trauma on children.

"They mentioned a bad grade is never about a lazy kid," she says. If a child is struggling academically, they may be dealing with really tough circumstances at home. Sackett learned that teachers can help by creating a supportive environment that fosters resilience.

Sheyla Ramirez, an eighth-grader at Sackett's school, has benefited a lot from daily check-ins with her teacher. Last fall, her family came down with COVID-19, and her baby sister ended up hospitalized before she recovered. Sheyla's uncle had died after testing positive for the virus months earlier. She says it was a really stressful time, especially for her third-grade sister.

"My sister was like, 'Oh, I don't want to die,'" Sheyla remembers. "And it made me feel bad because it's just like... I didn't know what to tell her because I was in shock, too."

School staff routinely checked in to see if she or her family needed anything, and they offered to connect Sheyla with a school counselor. But Sheyla says the short daily lessons in mindfulness at the start of each school day - and being able to share her feelings and concerns with her teacher - were enough to help her get through.

"They've been doing an excellent job," says Sheyla's mom, Amparo Ramirez. "I've been telling them, 'I'm thankful for you being here.'"
When more serious help is needed
For many kids, a little morning circle time with a caring teacher, or an occasional chat with a school counselor is all they'll need. And the more schools invest in promoting mental health and equipping children with social-emotional skills, the fewer children will go on to develop more serious problems, says child psychiatrist Matt Biel.

But there will always be children who need more intensive interventions, which could involve school social workers and psychologists, when available, or a referral to a mental health professional beyond the school.

Kai has been talking regularly with a therapist through his elementary school. And he says she has helped him come up with strategies to manage his stress at home.

"I would go in my room, lay on my bed, and either watch TV or play with my toys or do something like that," Kai says. "And then I'll come back out when I'm more calm and happy."

As a solo parent, Kai's mom, Rashida Humphrey-Wall, has also had a tough year. She admits that looking after two kids, in addition to taking on a new job, during a pandemic has been stressful. "In the beginning I think I had depression, anxiety... anything you can think of, I probably had it."

Biel says that kind of stress can trickle down to children.

"All of the best evidence-based practices in the world are not going to have the desired effect if that child is living in a family that's overwhelmed by stress," he explains.

One of the best ways to address that is to also help caregivers, like Humphrey-Wall. And that's exactly what Kai's school has done. Through a partnership with Medstar Georgetown Center for Wellbeing in School Environments, Kai's school arranged for Humphrey-Wall to meet with a clinical psychologist once a week for what they call "parent wellbeing sessions."

Without it, she says, "I don't know what I would have done, really."

Partnerships between schools and mental health care providers can be expensive for districts and may not be an option in rural or under-resourced areas where there simply aren't enough child-focused services.

Biel says he's hopeful the rise in telehealth will help. But whatever the solution, he says schools need support as they explore their options.

"Schools can't beg, borrow and steal from what they already have to do this," Biel says. "We need to support schools and school systems with more resources to make this possible."
Federal help for schools
For districts that want to do more, the latest COVID-19 relief package could be a big help. The American Rescue Plan contains roughly $122 billion for K-12 schools, some of which can be used to hire more counselors, social workers and psychologists. And one U.S. senator has been pushing the Biden administration to emphasize mental health as it guides districts on how to spend that money.

"Not all schools and districts are equipped to work on these complex mental and behavioral health issues and meet the unique needs of today's students," Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto wrote in a letter to the secretaries of the U.S. Departments of Education and Health and Human Services. "Many suffer from drastic shortages of counselors, social workers, and psychologists to work with students even under normal circumstances. They will need robust assistance from community-based service providers and the health care community."

Cortez Masto says a recent spate of student suicides in one county in her state, Nevada, underscores just how urgent the needs are.

"This is a unique situation we're in, hopefully a once-in-a-lifetime pandemic," she tells NPR. "We don't know the impact it's going to have long-term [on] our kids. But we know the short-term. I've seen it here in southern Nevada and its devastating consequence here. So we've got to change that dynamic."

In the U.S., where access to health care - especially for children's mental health - is inequitable and inconsistent, the difficult work of identifying and tending to the mental and emotional health of this pandemic generation will fall largely on the shoulders of educators.

Programs like the one at Kai's school, in Washington, D.C., could play a critical role in helping to change that dynamic. Cortez Masto hopes the flood of federal relief dollars will help other districts create similar partnerships with child mental health providers, or find other solutions.

In the meantime, Kai and his mom are trying to figure out when Kai will return to in-person school. Humphrey-Wall thinks it would be good for her son to get out of the house, but Kai still fears bringing COVID-19 home. He's talking it through with his school-based therapist, doing his best to give those worries a roundhouse kick:

"We all need to be free from this quarantine. I'm going crazy. I want to be free!" Kai shouts. He's eager to get back to the business of making friends with the entire world.
If you or someone you know may be considering suicide, contact the This story is part of a reporting partnership that includes NPR, Illinois Public Media and Kaiser Health News. National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-8255 (en español: 1-888-628-9454; deaf and hard of hearing: dial 711, then 1-800-273-8255) or the Crisis Text Line by texting HOME to 741741.

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How Schools Can Help Kids Heal After A Year Of 'Crisis And Uncertainty'

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Kai Humphrey, 9, has been learning from home for more than a year. He badly misses his Washington, D.C., elementary school, along with his friends and the bustle of the classroom. "I will be the first person ever to have every single person in the world as my friend," he said on a recent Zoom call, his sandy brown hair hanging down to his shoulder blades.

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Naomi Scumpieru

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Keira Knightley is speaking out against the normalization of sexual harassment and misogyny in today's society.

From being cat-called to being groped, the "Pirates of the Caribbean" actress admitted during a Harper's Bazaar interview published Tuesday that she has experienced sexual harassment - and she knowsshe's not the only one.

"Literally, I don't know anyone who hasn't been (sexually harassed), in some way, whether it's being flashed at, or groped, or some guy saying they're going to slit your throat, or punching you in the face, or whatever it is, everybody has," Knightley said.

Like many other women, Knightley said she takes many safety precautions when walking home alone, calling this "(expletive) depressing."
Sexual harassment: How common is sexual misconduct in Hollywood?
"When women started listing all the precautions they take when they walk home to make sure they're safe ... I thought, 'I do every single one of them, and I don't even think about it,' " she said.

Knightley said she appreciated the suggestion of a "curfew for men."
Keira Knightley talks 'male gaze,' why she won't film nude scenes with male directors
"I love that politician who said there ought to be a curfew for men and men were outraged, and you think - but there's a curfew for women and there always has been," she said.

USA TODAY reached out to reps for Knightley for comment.

This isn't the first time Knightley has spoken out against sexism. In January, Knightley confirmed she would no longer act in sex scenes directed by men, attributing her reasoning to "the male gaze."
Contributing: Charles Trepany
According to the actress, she would be open to shooting scenes with nudity if they were for a story about motherhood or body acceptance that was being made by a female filmmaker. Knightley is mom to 6-year-old Edie and 1-year-old Delilah, both of whom she shares with musician husband James Righton.

"If it was about motherhood and literally about how extraordinary that body is ... then yeah, I would totally be up for kind of exploring that with a woman who would understand that," she said during an interview for the Chanel Connects podcast. "But I feel very uncomfortable now trying to portray the male gaze."

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Keira Knightley opens up about sexual harassment: 'I don't know anyone who hasn't been'

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Keira Knightley is speaking out against the normalization of sexual harassment and misogyny in today's society. From being cat-called to being groped, the "Pirates of the Caribbean" actress admitted during a Harper's Bazaar interview published Tuesday that she has experienced sexual harassment - and she knowsshe's not the only one.

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Parents abused as children may pass on emotional issues [Adna Cufurovic]

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Parents abused as children may pass on emotional issues [Adna Cufurovic]

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"Study suggests boys more vulnerable when parents have poor coping mechanisms"

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Study suggests boys more vulnerable when parents have poor coping mechanisms

Childhood abuse and trauma are linked to many health issues in adulthood. New research from the University of Georgia suggests that a history of childhood mistreatment could have negative ramifications for the children of people who experienced abuse or neglect in childhood.

Teaching your children how to manage their emotions is an integral part of parenting. For people who experienced childhood abuse, that can become a difficult task. People who were frequently mistreated as children may find it hard to identify their emotions and implement strategies to regulate them. This difficulty, in turn, can harm their kids' emotional development.

The study, published in the Journal of Psychopathology and Behavioral Assessment, found that parents with a history of childhood abuse or neglect often had difficulty accepting negative emotions, controlling impulsive responses and using emotional regulation strategies, among other emotion regulation issues. Further, many of those parents with emotional regulation difficulties passed that trait down to their children.

"Parents implicitly and explicitly teach their children how to regulate their emotions. I've worked with young toddlers, and when you're teaching them about their emotions, you can see how malleable that skill is," said Kimberly Osborne, lead author of the study and a doctoral candidate in the Department of Human Development and Family Science. "It's a lot harder to train someone to manage their emotions later in life. If we can understand the transmission pathways and the risks of regulation difficulties later in life, then we can use this research for prevention and to equip people with better skills so that the pattern doesn't continue."

Measuring emotional regulation

The study focused on 101 youth and their primary caregivers. The parents took a questionnaire to measure childhood neglect, trauma and abuse, along with a survey that gauged their own ability to control their emotions. Researchers measured children's heart rate variability, an established measure of emotional regulation, at rest and during a stressful activity using an electrocardiogram while their parent watched.

The female participants showed emotional regulation difficulties under stress regardless of their parents' history of childhood trauma or emotion regulation skills. At the same time, boys were specifically more vulnerable to emotional regulation difficulties when their parents also struggled with emotion regulation.

"I think that that speaks to the gendered way our society socializes emotion in boys versus girls," Osborne said. "We don't have data to test this, so I'm pulling more from theory and past research, but I think that girls receive more coaching on how to regulate their emotions from teachers, older siblings and peers than boys do. So if boys are not receiving that from their parents, then they may be at greater risk for self-regulation difficulties."

In particular, parents who reported being unable to set aside negative emotions to pursue their goals-such as getting work done despite being in a bad mood-were more likely to have children who likewise found it difficult to regulate their emotions during stressful experiences.

Modeling healthy responses to stress

Although having a history of childhood trauma doesn't predestine an individual to pass down their experiences to their children, Osborne said it is something to be aware of. Modeling habits like taking a pause before reacting to stressful situations to assess how you're feeling can go a long way in teaching children how they should respond to challenges.

"From a very young age, the best thing to do is to just reflect back to the child what they are experiencing," Osborne said. "If you see a child crying, instead of saying, 'Oh, I'm so sorry. What happened?' you can say, 'You're crying. I can see that you're sad. What made you sad?' That A, defines the emotion for them so it's helping them identify that emotion, and B, it encourages them to reflect on what happened and to tell you in their own words what caused the emotion.

"It's similar to how if you had a parent with alcoholism, you may have learned to stay away from alcohol and may want to teach your kids to do the same. It's important to tell them, 'We have a tendency not to regulate our emotions well, so we are going to keep tabs on it together to make sure that this doesn't develop into something more harmful for you later.'"

Coauthors of this study include UGA researchers Margaret O'Brien Caughy and Assaf Oshri, and Erin Duprey, of the University of Rochester Medical Center. This study was funded by the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences of the National Institutes of Health and partially supported through the National Institute on Drug Abuse.

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Parents abused as children may pass on emotional issues

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Childhood abuse and trauma are linked to many health issues in adulthood. New research from the University of Georgia suggests that a history of childhood mistreatment could have negative ramifications for the children of people who experienced abuse or neglect in childhood. Teaching your children how to manage their emotions is an integral part of parenting.

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https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2013/12/02/246599742/school-stress-takes-a-toll-on-health-teens-and-parents-say

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Teen depression and suicide: effective prevention and intervention strategies

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Teen depression and suicide: effective prevention and intervention strategies

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https://proxy.openathens.net/login?entityID=https://idp.wa.galileo.usg.edu/entity&qurl=https://explore.proquest.com/sirsissuesresearcher/document/2265548019?accountid=3439.

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https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00864/full

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Department of Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy, Institute of Psychology, Osnabrück University, Osnabrück, Germany

Department of Research Methodology, Diagnostics & Evaluation, Institute of Psychology, Osnabrück University, Osnabrück, Germany

Clinical Psychology and Psychotherapy, Institute of Psychology, University of Münster, Münster, Germany

Body image disturbance is associated with several mental disorders. Previous research on body image has focused mostly on women, largely neglecting body image in men. Moreover, only a small number of studies have conducted gender comparisons of body image over the lifespan and included participants aged 50 years and older. With regard to measurement, body image has often been assessed only in terms of body dissatisfaction, disregarding further aspects such as body appreciation or the importance of appearance. The aim of this cross-sectional study was to explore different aspects of body image in the general German-speaking population and to compare men and women of various ages. Participants completed an online survey comprising questionnaires about body image. Body dissatisfaction, importance of appearance, the number of hours per day participants would invest and the number of years they would sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance, and body appreciation were assessed and analyzed with respect to gender and age differences. We hypothesized that body dissatisfaction and importance of appearance would be higher in women than in men, that body dissatisfaction would remain stable across age in women, and that importance of appearance would be lower in older women compared to younger women. Body appreciation was predicted to be higher in men than in women. General and generalized linear models were used to examine the impact of age and gender. In line with our hypotheses, body dissatisfaction was higher in women than in men and was unaffected by age in women, and importance of appearance was higher in women than in men. However, only in men did age predict a lower level of the importance of appearance. Compared to men, women stated that they would invest more hours of their lives to achieve their ideal appearance. For both genders, age was a predictor of the number of years participants would sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance. Contrary to our assumption, body appreciation improved and was higher in women across all ages than in men. The results seem to suggest that men's and women's body image are dissimilar and appear to vary across different ages.

Introduction

Many people are concerned about at least one part of their body ( 1). A negative cognitive evaluation of one's body can be an expression of a negative body image ( 2). Body image is conceptualized as a multidimensional construct, which encompasses a behavioral component involving body-related behaviors (e.g. checking behaviors), a perceptual component involving the perception of body characteristics (e.g. estimation of one's body size or weight), and a cognitive-affective component involving cognitions, attitudes, and feelings toward one's body ( 3- 6).

Negative thoughts and feelings about one's body are defined as body dissatisfaction ( 7), which is considered to be the most important global measure of stress related to the body ( 4). Body dissatisfaction has been found to be a predictor for the development of an eating disorder ( 8) and occurs in individuals with different mental disorders, such as binge eating disorder or social anxiety disorder (e.g. 6, 9), as well as in healthy persons (e.g. 10- 12). It represents one of the two poles of the satisfaction-dissatisfaction continuum of body image disturbance ( 4), which encompasses measures of satisfaction (e.g. being satisfied with particular body areas; e.g. 13) and dissatisfaction (e.g. weight or muscle dissatisfaction; e.g. 14, 15).

In the past, studies have investigated the impact of gender and age on body features related to the cognitive-affective component. Specifically, research on body dissatisfaction has shown that girls and female adolescents (e.g. 21- 24), and women of all ages (e.g. 12, 25, 26) report body dissatisfaction. While some studies revealed that the level of body dissatisfaction varied across different age groups ( 27, 28), others found that body dissatisfaction remained quite stable across the adult lifespan in females ( 20, 25, 29, 30). Studies examining other aspects of the satisfaction-dissatisfaction continuum, such as weight dissatisfaction ( 15, 31) or satisfaction with particular body parts ( 13, 32), also found body dissatisfaction in women. Frederick and colleagues ( 33) estimated that 20% to 40% of women are dissatisfied with their bodies. Nevertheless, body dissatisfaction is also reported in men, suggesting that 10% to 30% of men show body dissatisfaction ( 33) or 69% of male adolescents to be dissatisfied with their bodies in terms of their weight ( 34). Frederick and colleagues ( 14) even reported that 90% of male US students in their sample described themselves as being dissatisfied with respect to muscularity. In terms of body evaluation, striving for increased muscularity, referred to as drive for muscularity ( 35), has emerged as a central issue for boys and men (e.g. 35- 38). It was shown to be distinct from body dissatisfaction ( 39). However, although previous studies reported that body dissatisfaction does not differ across age in women, it remains unclear whether the level of body dissatisfaction changes across age in men.

With respect to body appreciation, Tiggemann and McCourt ( 20) demonstrated higher body appreciation in older than in younger women. Furthermore, high body appreciation was found to be protective against the negative effects of media exposure to thin models in women ( 43). Other studies reported that body appreciation in men and women was associated with a low level of consumption of Western and appearance-focused media ( 44) and correlated negatively with internalization of sociocultural ideals ( 45). However, studies focusing on age differences regarding body appreciation in males are lacking.

Previous studies on body image have mostly considered age-related changes in either men or women, or in particular age groups (e.g. college students, adolescents). Only a limited number of studies have compared men and women with respect to the aforementioned aspects of body image. These studies generally found greater body dissatisfaction in females than in males (e.g. 29, 30, 46- 49). Men (vs. women) seem to place less importance on their appearance ( 42, 50, 51) and report slightly higher levels of body appreciation (e.g. 45, 52- 54). Tylka and Wood-Barcalow ( 55) also reported higher body appreciation in college men (vs. college women), but were unable to replicate this effect in a community sample. In contrast to this latter result, Swami and colleagues ( 53) reported higher body appreciation in men than in women in a sample from the general Austrian population. However, these studies comparing men and women did not analyze their data with respect to the impact of age.

Only a small number of studies have investigated the effect of age and gender on body dissatisfaction, importance of appearance and body appreciation. In a two-year longitudinal study, Mellor and colleagues ( 56) found that body dissatisfaction was higher in females than in males and higher in younger than in older participants. In another longitudinal study, Keel and colleagues ( 15) examined men and women over a period of 20 years. As men aged, the authors observed increasing weight and increasing weight dissatisfaction, while weight dissatisfaction decreased in women despite analogous increases in weight. The authors concluded that women appear to be more accepting of their weight as they age ( 15). Unfortunately, the mean age at the 20-year follow-up was only 40 years, meaning that conclusions could not be drawn about the whole adult lifespan. Similarly, in a large sample of men and women aged 18 to 49 years, Ålgars et al. ( 46) found that overall body dissatisfaction was higher in women than in men, but that only in women was age associated with decreasing body dissatisfaction, while in men, body dissatisfaction changed across the different age groups ( 46). However, these results have to be interpreted with caution, as the sample consisted of twins and was thus not representative of the general population.

Other studies found higher levels of body dissatisfaction ( 28) and lower levels of satisfaction with certain body areas ( 29) in women than in men. However, the latter study did not find any gender- or age-related effect on overall body dissatisfaction ( 29). Concerning the importance of appearance, Öberg and Tornstam ( 42) found that women placed more importance on their appearance than did men, and that this factor remained stable across different age groups in women but varied in men. These results are contrary to the findings of Tiggemann and Lynch ( 41) and Pliner et al. ( 40), who found that the importance of appearance decreased with age in women. However, this discrepancy may be due to the assessment method in the study by Öberg and Tornstam, as they used a single item to evaluate the importance of appearance. Hence, the development of importance of appearance in men and women across the lifespan remains unclear.

Although, as mentioned above, some studies have found that women place less importance on their appearance as they age ( 40, 41), this aspect has not been examined in a large population sample comprising different age groups in relation to the impact of gender and age. Furthermore, studies comparing body appreciation between men and women across different age groups are lacking. To our knowledge, no previous study has examined body dissatisfaction, importance of appearance and body appreciation in the general population including men and women aged 16 to 50 years and older. Therefore, the present study aims to fill this research gap by analyzing these negative and positive aspects of body image in a general population sample considering gender and age.

First, based on the previous findings outlined above, we predicted that body dissatisfaction would be higher in women than in men (Hypothesis 1) and would remain stable across age in women (Hypothesis 2). As no previous study has investigated body dissatisfaction across the whole lifespan in men, we aimed to examine a potential influence of age on body dissatisfaction in men.

Second, we hypothesized that women would place more importance on their appearance than men (Hypothesis 3), but that in line with the aforementioned studies, across age, older women would report lower levels of importance than younger women (Hypothesis 4). Given the lack of corresponding studies in men, we intended to investigate the importance of appearance and its relation to age in men in an exploratory analysis. Furthermore, appearance orientation assesses the importance of appearance in terms of the extent of investment in one's appearance (e.g. grooming behaviors) and in terms of the attention one pays to one's appearance. However, it does not quantify how many hours or years people would be willing to invest in their appearance to look the way they want to. Therefore, as a measure of the importance of appearance, we additionally assessed the number of hours men and women would be willing to invest per day to achieve their ideal appearance, and the number of years of their life they would sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance.

Third, we predicted that body appreciation would be higher in men than in women (Hypothesis 5). As the aforementioned studies examined gender differences without analyzing the impact of age, we aimed to investigate potential changes in body appreciation across age in an exploratory manner.

Materials and Methods

Participants

Inclusion criteria were age 16 years and older, sufficient German-language skills, and internet access. Data were collected from N = 1,338 persons. From the original data set, n = 4 participants had to be excluded due to ambiguous details about their age or invalid responses to questions. Moreover, n = 7 persons were excluded as they did not fit into the binary gender categories male or female. The final study sample comprised n = 942 women and n = 385 men, aged 16 to 88 years (total sample: n = 1,327).

Measures

Demographic Data

All participants completed a questionnaire assessing demographic data such as gender, age, height and weight, educational level, relationship status, sexual orientation, and number of children. The item on sexual orientation was optional. Self-reported weight and height were used to calculate the body mass index (BMI, kg/m ²).

Multidimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire-Appearance Scales

The Multidimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire-Appearance Scales [MBSRQ-AS; ( 16); German-language version: ( 17)] is a self-report questionnaire consisting of 34 items and five subscales to assess different appearance-related aspects of body image. The MBSRQ-AS has been validated for participants aged 15 years and older and for both men and women ( 16). For the purpose of this study, the Appearance Evaluation Scale (seven items) and Body Areas Satisfaction Scale (nine items) were used to assess body dissatisfaction, and the Appearance Orientation Scale (12 items) was applied to examine the importance people place on their appearance. According to Cash ( 16), the Appearance Evaluation Scale measures overall satisfaction/dissatisfaction with one's appearance and physical attractiveness, with high scores indicating body satisfaction and low scores indicating body dissatisfaction. Furthermore, the Body Areas Satisfaction Scale (nine items) assesses satisfaction/dissatisfaction with particular body areas; high and low scores are analogous to the Appearance Evaluation Scale. The Appearance Orientation Scale (12 items) evaluates the investment in one's appearance, with low scores indicating that people do not place importance on or invest much effort into being "good-looking". All items are rated on a 5-point Likert scale with different response labeling ( Appearance Evaluation Scale and Appearance Orientation Scale: 1 = definitely disagree to 5 = definitely agree; Body Areas Satisfaction Scale: 1 = very dissatisfied to 5 = very satisfied). While the English-language version has been validated in both men and women ( 16), the German-language version has only been validated for females ( 17). In the German validation, all subscales showed good internal consistency (α = .78-.90; 17). In the current sample, high internal consistencies were found ( Appearance Evaluation Scale: α = .88; Appearance Orientation Scale: α = .85; Body Areas Satisfaction Scale: α = .81), both for men ( Appearance Evaluation Scale: α = .87; Appearance Orientation Scale: α = .85; Body Areas Satisfaction Scale: α = .80) and women ( Appearance Evaluation Scale: α = .89; Appearance Orientation Scale: α = .86; Body Areas Satisfaction Scale: α = .81).

Body Appreciation Scale-2

The Body Appreciation Scale-2 (BAS-2; 55; German-language version: Steinfeld, unpublished manuscript) assesses body appreciation in a gender-neutral manner using 10 items rated on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = never to 5 = always). High internal consistency (α = .96) was found for the BAS-2 in an English-speaking sample of men and women ( 55). In our sample, internal consistency was high (α = .94), both in males (α = .92) and females (α = .94).

Investment in One's Appearance

To investigate the amount of time which men and women would be willing to invest in and sacrifice for their own appearance, participants were asked the following two questions: "How many years of your life would you be willing to sacrifice if you could look the way you want?", "How many hours a day would you invest in your appearance if you could look the way you want?"

Single-Item Self-Esteem Scale

The Single-Item Self-Esteem Scale (SISE; 59) measures self-esteem using the item "I have high self-esteem," which is rated on a 5-point Likert scale (1 = not very true of me to 5 = very true of me). It has shown high correlations with the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale and a high test-retest reliability after four years ( r = .75) ( 59).

Depression Anxiety Stress Scales-Depression Subscale

Study Procedure

Participants were recruited via social media, mailing lists, press releases, advertisements, and flyers and were asked to take part in a short online survey comprising different questionnaires about body image. To access the study website, they could either scan a barcode or use a web link. The online survey was set up using the software Unipark (Version EFS Winter 2018; 62). Participants were informed about the purpose of the study and were asked to provide their informed consent by clicking a button next to a declaration asserting that they agree to the processing of their personal data according to the given information. The survey began once participants had provided consent and took approximately 10 min to complete. Participants were offered no financial compensation for study participation. The research project was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and was approved by the ethics committee of Osnabrück University.

Data Analysis

Data analysis was performed using the software SPSS Statistics (version 25; IBM 63) for descriptive statistics, correlation analysis, and general linear models and the software R (version 3.5.3; R 64) with the DHARMa package (version 0.2.4; 65), the glmmTMB package (version 0.2.3; 66), and the MASS package (version 7.3-51.3; 67) for generalized linear models. As we intended to explore homogenous hypotheses in terms of body dissatisfaction, the power was set at a significance level of p = .10 for the variable age.

For group comparisons on demographic and descriptive variables ( Table 1), we calculated Mann-Whitney U Tests, as our data were not normally distributed (except BMI). Since inferential statistics for simple comparisons are massively overpowered in such large samples, we additionally report effect sizes. For better interpretability, U-values were converted into correlation coefficients r ( 68, 69). For correlations between BMI and the body image variables ( Table 3), Spearman's rank correlations were calculated due to non-normally distributed data.

Table 1 Descriptive statistics and group comparisons regarding age, height, weight, BMI, depression, and self-esteem.

For linear and generalized linear models, gender was dummy-coded, with men as the reference category. Age was centered to simplify the interpretation of the model coefficients. Due to missing data on single items within the questionnaires, the sample sizes for the initial model estimations varied, since participants were only included in the respective data analysis if they answered all items of a scale. To examine the individual impact of gender and age for each dependent variable, we started with the general linear model and inspected the residual distributions, tested statistically and by visual inspection for normality, and tested for homogeneity of variance as well as for skewness, kurtosis, and outliers (Mahalanobis and Cook's distance, Leverage). While Cook's distance should be smaller than 1 ( 70) and Leverage for large samples <3 k/ N ( 71), a value was identified as an outlier if the Mahalanobis distances were above the critical χ ² value exceeding the probability of 0.01 ( 72) and if studentized deleted residuals were larger than 3 standard deviations. The highest number of outliers was detected for the Body Areas Satisfaction Scale, with 3.36%. Comparisons of the models with and without outliers revealed no substantial differences; hence, we report the models without potential outliers, as power issues were not expected for such a large sample size and precision of estimates was prioritized. Final sample sizes are reported for each model ( Tables 4 and 5).

For the Body Areas Satisfaction Scale, the assumption of homogeneity was violated. Therefore, a general linear model was calculated, using the HC3 method for robust estimation of the standard errors. Furthermore, due to skewness and non-normal distribution of the data, responses to the Body Appreciation Scale-2 were inverted and a generalized linear model with a gamma distribution and identity link function was used. The analyses of hours people would invest in their appearance and years people would sacrifice from their lives indicated severe violations of the assumptions of the general linear model, since their distributions were similar to zero-bounded count data. Therefore, the numbers of hours and years were rounded to integer values to enable us to calculate several Poisson and negative binomial regression models, which are suitable for count data. The fit of each model was assessed by tests for overdispersion and zero inflation, as well as by tests of residual fit using the DHARMa package. As a final model for the analyses of the years people would sacrifice from their lives, we used a negative binomial regression with a log-link and linearly increasing variance ( 73) and adjustment for zero inflation for the intercept using the glmmTMB package. For the analyses of the hours people would spend on their appearance, we used a negative binomial regression with the log-link function using the MASS package.

Results

Sample Characteristics

Descriptive statistics and group differences are shown in Table 1. Men and women differed significantly in terms of age, height, weight, BMI, and self-esteem. Compared to women, men were slightly older, taller, and heavier and had a higher BMI. This is in line with data from the German Federal Statistical Office ( 57), which reported a mean weight of 68.7 kg, a mean height of 166 cm and a mean BMI of 25.1 in German women, and a mean weight of 85.0 kg, a mean height of 179 cm and a mean BMI of 26.1 in German men. As indicators of psychopathology, men and women did not differ regarding depressive mood over the past week ( p = .152), whereas self-esteem was higher in men than in women.

Information about educational level, relationship status, number of children, and sexual orientation is reported in Table 2. Of the total sample, n = 29 participants (of whom n = 23 were female) refused to answer the question regarding sexual orientation, and n = 3 participants (of whom n = 1 was female) did not state whether they had children. A recent study on the proportion of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) persons in Europe reported that 7.40% of the German population identify themselves as LGBT ( 74). In our sample, 10.17% reported a sexual orientation other than heterosexuality, which is slightly higher than the reported value for the German population, but can be still considered as representative.

Table 2 Numbers and percentages regarding educational level, relationship status, and sexual orientation for total sample, women, and men.

The Spearman's rank correlations of BMI with body dissatisfaction, importance of appearance, the number of hours per day participants would invest and years they would sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance, and body appreciation are displayed in Table 3.

Table 3 Spearman's correlations between BMI and the scores on the scales Appearance Evaluation, Body Areas Satisfaction, Appearance Orientation, the number of hours per day participants would invest to achieve their ideal appearance, and the number of years participants would sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance and Body Appreciation for total sample, women, and men.

General and Generalized Linear Models

Table 4 presents the descriptive statistics for appearance evaluation, body areas satisfaction, appearance orientation, hours of investment, and years of sacrifice, as well as body appreciation, separated for total sample, men, and women. The results of the general and the generalized linear models are displayed in Table 5. Regarding body dissatisfaction, gender emerged as the only significant predictor of appearance evaluation ( t = −2.012, p = .044) and body areas satisfaction ( t = 4.282, p < .001), indicating lower appearance evaluation and lower body areas satisfaction in women than in men. Age (appearance evaluation: t = −1.489, p = .137; body areas satisfaction: t = −1.605, p = .109) and the interaction of age × gender (appearance evaluation: t = 1.630, p = .103; body areas satisfaction: t = 1.257, p = .209) did not reach statistical significance. In terms of the importance of appearance, gender ( t = 6.597, p < .001), age ( t = −3.636, p < .001), and the interaction of gender × age ( t = 3.194, p < .001) significantly predicted appearance orientation, revealing that women placed more importance on their appearance than did men, whereas age only influenced the importance of appearance in men. The number of hours which participants would spend on their appearance if they could achieve their ideal appearance was predicted by gender ( z = 2.037, p = .042) and age ( z = −4.654, p < .001), indicating that women would invest more hours than men, but that with higher age, both genders would invest fewer hours in their appearance. The interaction of gender × age ( z = 0.428, p = .67) was not significant. Age was the only predictor of the number of years participants would be willing to sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance ( z = −5.828, p < .001), revealing that with higher age, men and women would sacrifice fewer years for their ideal appearance. Neither gender ( z = −0.526, p = .60) nor the interaction of gender × age ( z = 1.015, p = .310) had a significant impact on the number of years. Furthermore, gender ( t = 2.828, p = .005) and the interaction of gender × age ( t = −2.186, p = .029) were significant predictors of body appreciation, insofar as with higher age, women reported higher body appreciation than men, while body appreciation in men remained stable with higher age. Age ( t = 0.127, p = . 899) did not reach statistical significance.

Table 4 Descriptive statistics regarding the scores on the scales Appearance Evaluation, Body Areas Satisfaction, Appearance Orientation, hours of investment, and years of sacrifice, as well as Body Appreciation for total sample, women and men used in the final models.

Table 5 General linear models for the prediction of Appearance Evaluation, Body Areas Satisfaction and Appearance Orientation as well as generalized linear models for the prediction of Body Appreciation, the number of hours per day participants would invest to achieve their ideal appearance, and the number of years participants would sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance, with gender and age as predictors.

Discussion

The aim of the present study was to investigate potential gender differences and the impact of age on body dissatisfaction, importance of appearance, the number of hours per day participants would invest and the number of years they would sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance, and body appreciation in the general population.

As predicted in our first hypothesis, we found an effect of gender on the Appearance Evaluation Scale and the Body Areas Satisfaction Scale, suggesting that women were significantly more dissatisfied with their bodies than men. This is in accordance with the results of several studies (e.g. 28, 30, 46, 56), which likewise reported higher levels of body dissatisfaction in women than in men. In line with our results, Fallon and colleagues ( 29) found that women (vs. men) reported higher levels of body dissatisfaction on the Body Areas Satisfaction Scale, but contrary to our study, the authors did not find an effect of gender on the Appearance Evaluation Scale. Keel et al. ( 15) even found higher weight dissatisfaction in men than in women, which is also in contrast to previous findings. Therefore, it might be possible that women may be more satisfied with their weight while still reporting more body dissatisfaction.

Additionally, we found that body dissatisfaction on the Appearance Evaluation Scale and on the Body Areas Satisfaction Scale was not influenced by age or by the interaction of gender and age, indicating that body dissatisfaction remains stable across all ages for both genders. For women, this finding confirms our second hypothesis, which assumed that body dissatisfaction would not be influenced by age, and also supports previous findings (e.g. 20, 25, 29, 30). One study by Öberg and Tornstam ( 42) found that body satisfaction was higher in older than in younger women, which is also in contrast to our findings, as we found no influence of age on body dissatisfaction. For men, our results indicate that body dissatisfaction remains stable across different ages. This is in contrast to Ålgars and colleagues ( 46), who found that body dissatisfaction varied across different age groups in men. However, the latter finding might be attributable to artificial grouping strategies, as the authors investigated the impact of the continuous variable age as a categorical variable through the use of age groups. Moreover, Ålgars and colleagues ( 46) only assessed participants between the age of 18 and 49 years. The present study included men and women aged from 16 to 88 years, thus covering a broader proportion of the lifespan in Germany; according to the German Federal Statistical Office ( 75), the average life expectancy lies at 78.4 years for men and 83.2 years for women. To sum up, body dissatisfaction seems to remain relatively stable across different ages, both for men and for women.

In line with our third hypothesis that women would place more importance on their appearance than men, we found a significant effect of gender on the Appearance Orientation Scale, indicating that women indeed place more importance on their appearance compared to men. This finding corroborates previous studies ( 42, 50, 51). Moreover, age was a significant predictor of appearance orientation, as was the interaction of gender and age. Although age and the interaction of gender and age reached statistical significance, only in men did higher age bring about a lower importance of appearance. For women, the regression weights of age and the interaction of gender and age cancelled each other out. Therefore, gender was the only factor to impact appearance orientation in women, and the importance of appearance was not affected by age in women. This is in contrast to our fourth hypothesis that older women would report lower levels of importance of appearance than younger women. It also conflicts with previous findings ( 40, 41), as we found that appearance orientation remained stable across all ages in women. In line with our finding, Öberg and Tornstam ( 42) also reported that the importance of appearance remained stable in women of different ages. They further found a small variation of the importance of appearance across different age groups in men, with the level of importance being more pronounced from the age of 45 years and older ( 42). However, we observed that older men seem to place less importance on their appearance than do younger men.

As the construct of importance of appearance does not reflect the extent to which people are willing to invest time in order to reach their ideal appearance, we additionally assessed the amount of hours per day participants would invest, and the number of years of their lives they would sacrifice, in order to achieve their ideal appearance. We found an effect of gender and age on the number of hours spent on appearance, but only an effect of age on the number of years which participants would sacrifice for their appearance. Women were more likely to spend more hours per day on their ideal appearance than men. However, older men and women would invest fewer hours than their younger counterparts. Concerning the number of years people would be willing to sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance, we found no effect of gender, but found age to be a significant predictor, meaning that older men and women would sacrifice fewer years from their lives for the sake of their ideal appearance. This indicates that in terms of their behavioral investment regarding the importance of appearance, men and women may be more similar than hitherto assumed. Apparently, women might find it easier to relinquish a small number of hours per day to be invested in their appearance compared to men, but regarding lifetime investment, both genders might be unwilling to sacrifice years of their lives for the sake of their appearance.

Furthermore, we examined the impact of gender and age on body appreciation, and found gender and the interaction of gender and age to be significant predictors. The significant effect of gender suggested that women showed less body appreciation than did men. This is in line with our fifth hypothesis that women would show lower levels of body appreciation than men, and is also in accordance with other studies ( 45, 53, 76). However, the significant interaction of gender and age indicates that with higher age, women report higher levels of body appreciation compared to men. This is in contrast to the aforementioned studies (e.g. 45, 53, 76), but may provide an explanation for the lack of a gender effect in an English-speaking community sample in the study by Tylka and Wood-Barcalow ( 55). Interestingly, compared to our study, Tylka and Wood-Barcalow ( 55) reported slightly higher values (from 3.22 to 3.97) for their samples for both genders. Furthermore, the significant interaction in our study suggested that body appreciation also improves in women across age, and older (vs. younger) women report higher levels of body appreciation. This is in line with Tiggemann and McCourt ( 20), who found greater body appreciation in older than in younger women. Regarding men, as pointed out above, no previous study has investigated the impact of age on body appreciation. In our study, the level of body appreciation remained quite stable across different ages in men, and was lower compared to that of women. An explanation might be that men are possibly more affected by restrictions of their body's functionality due to aging processes ( 27), whereas women may cherish their body and the remaining functionality.

With respect to the associations between BMI and the aspects of body image, we found significant negative correlations between BMI and the Appearance Evaluation Scale and Body Areas Satisfaction Scale for men and women, insofar as with increasing BMI, values on both scales decreased (= higher body dissatisfaction). This is in line with previous research, which found that BMI was positively associated with body dissatisfaction in both genders (e.g. 77- 81). Body appreciation was found to be negatively correlated with BMI for both genders, which is partially in line with previous research: One study found this association for women but not for men ( 53), while other studies yielded mixed findings, reporting either a negative association between BMI and body appreciation (e.g. 82, 83) or no significant results (e.g. 44). Concerning the importance of appearance, we found no significant association with BMI for either gender. In line with our results, some previous studies found no association between the importance of appearance and BMI in both men and women ( 13, 84), while others reported a positive correlation for women but no significant association for men ( 85). The latter may be explained by the differentiation between the importance of appearance and the investment of time in appearance, as we found that BMI was positively associated with the number of invested hours for both genders, but was only associated with the number of years participants would sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance in women. These findings emphasize the distinction between the evaluative perspective of the importance of appearance (How essential are my looks to me)? and the behavioral perspective of the extent of investment in appearance (How many hours/years am I willing to invest in my appearance)?. For instance, a person may place importance on his or her appearance, but as appearance is less important than years of his or her life, he or she is unwilling to invest much effort in appearance. As shown in our study, women reported quite stable, higher levels of importance across age than did men. Consequently, it might be assumed that they have to invest more time in order to achieve their ideal appearance. Nevertheless, as older men and women would invest fewer hours and sacrifice fewer years, the extent of investment or sacrifice is evidently not expressed by the importance of appearance. These results underline the need to differentiate between the importance of appearance and the investment of time in one's appearance.

In consideration of all of the aforementioned research, one has to raise the more general question of whether the absence of body dissatisfaction is synonymous with the presence of body satisfaction in terms of a continuum model as proposed by Thompson et al. ( 4). Another possibility lies in an alternative model, in which body satisfaction and body dissatisfaction coexist alongside one another. For instance, it may be possible for a person to report high levels of overall body dissatisfaction, while simultaneously reporting high levels of body satisfaction with certain areas (e.g. "In general, I am dissatisfied with my body, but I like my legs, my cheeks and my hair."). This could result in neither agreement nor disagreement on a continuum scale. Further research is needed to investigate a possible coexistence of both concepts.

Some limitations have to be mentioned when interpreting the results of the present study. Although several coefficients turned out to be significant, they contribute only a minimum of change to the dependent variables. In addition, according to the conventions of Cohen ( 86), we found very small values for the R ²s, as the R ²s in the present study explained only 0.5% (appearance evaluation) up to 5.2% (appearance orientation) of the total variance. Due to our total sample size of N = 1,327, the significance of the coefficients therefore might be attributed to the study's power. Moreover, as was the case for most of the previous studies (except for 15 and 56), we did not investigate age effects in a longitudinal design. Therefore, it is not possible to disentangle the effects of age and birth cohorts. The effects found in this study may be related to different birth cohorts, the way in which people were brought up and socialized, or different ideals of beauty and fashion. Longitudinal studies including different age cohorts of men and women are therefore required.

Furthermore, our sample included more women than men. This may reflect the fact that women are more likely to participate in studies than men (e.g. 89, 90). Although general and generalized linear models are able to control for different sample sizes, men and women differed significantly regarding age, height, weight, and self-esteem. While the differences in weight and height could be explained by natural gender differences, men were slightly older than women. As a further limitation, the assessment was restricted to certain body-related aspects and omitted other concepts such as the drive for muscularity ( 35) or drive for thinness ( 91). We only included appearance-related aspects of body image and body appreciation in order to shorten the length of our study and to decrease the burden of our survey on respondents. Therefore, we concentrated on more general aspects related to the cognitive-affective component of body image. Future studies need to investigate the impact of gender and age on other components of body image, such as perceptual estimation of body size (e.g. 92) or checking behaviors (e.g. 93). Although some studies have already investigated body image regarding genders other than the distinct categories of male and female (e.g. 94, 95), we did not analyze these persons in the present study due to the insufficient sample size ( N = 7). Moreover, we did not investigate the relation between sexual orientation and body image, although previous studies have found indications of an influence of sexual orientation on body image ( 96- 99). Therefore, future research should investigate the impact of age on body image for different sexual orientations.

In conclusion, the present study is one of the first to examine body dissatisfaction, importance of appearance, the number of hours participants would be willing to invest per day to achieve their ideal appearance and the number of years they would sacrifice to achieve their ideal appearance, and body appreciation in relation to gender and age. Body appreciation was higher in older than in younger women and women reported higher levels of body appreciation compared to men. While the importance of appearance was lower in older than in younger men and remained stable in women, neither gender was willing to relinquish a large amount of time for the sake of their appearance. Although we found higher body dissatisfaction for women than for men, both genders seem to be neither satisfied nor dissatisfied with their bodies on average. Eating disorder prevention programs, or therapeutic approaches for several mental disorders, could benefit from a more functional perspective on the absence of body satisfaction, as this does not necessarily equate with the presence of body dissatisfaction.

Data Availability Statement

The datasets generated for this study are available on request to the corresponding author.

Ethics Statement

The studies involving human participants were reviewed and approved by Ethics committee of Osnabrück University. Written informed consent from the participants' legal guardian/next of kin was not required to participate in this study in accordance with the national legislation and the institutional requirements.

Author Contributions

HQ, SV, AH, and UB planned and conducted the study. RD and HQ analyzed the data. HQ wrote the first draft of the manuscript. All authors contributed to the compilation of the manuscript and read and approved the submitted version.

Funding

We acknowledge support by Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) and the Open Access Publishing Fund of Osnabrück University for the publication of the article.

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

References

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Body Dissatisfaction, Importance of Appearance, and Body Appreciation in Men and Women Over the Lifespan

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Body image disturbance is associated with several mental disorders. Previous research on body image has focused mostly on women, largely neglecting body image in men. Moreover, only a small number of studies have conducted gender comparisons of body image over the lifespan and included participants aged 50 years and older.

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Twenge, Jean. "Why Teen Depression Rates are Rising Faster for Girls than Boys." Chicago Tribune, 22 Jan 2020,

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Twenge, Jean. "Why Teen Depression Rates are Rising Faster for Girls than Boys." Chicago Tribune, 22 Jan 2020,

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https://explore.proquest.com/sirsissuesresearcher/document/2379143123?accountid=74104.

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Teen Depression are devices to blame?
https://explore.proquest.com/sirsissuesresearcher/document/2264356295?searchid=1633529934&accountid=74104

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https://explore.proquest.com/sirsissuesresearcher/document/2266124952?searchid=1633529960&accountid=3439

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Kudos to Dan Rodricks for feeling strong enough to deem this article (" Dear Anonymous: About that racist letter you sent here," July 23) necessary. Unfortunately, what it revealed is not surprising, even in 2020. This is, without question, a nation divided when it come to race and social justice.

In recent weeks I've come to believe film director, Kasi Lemmons ("Harriet", "Talk to Me" and "Eve's Bayou"), said it best, "white Americans, your lack of imagination is killing us." Essentially, he said white people can live their entire lives without really considering how Black people live theirs. He said, "We had to know you to survive you." He said Black people had to be mindful of white people ever since we landed on these shores, but white people never felt it necessary to exercise that kind of curiosity about Blacks. In my opinion, his best quote was, "It's no secret you like our music, our style, our swagger. You admire our athleticism, our beauty. Things you can sample without diving too deep, without knowing too much. You prefer to dip your toes in our culture without really understanding it." Beautiful.

Racism is ignorance in it's purest form. Like the miscreant in the White House and the Fox News talking heads, Sean Hannity, Tucker Carlson and Laura Ingraham, the anonymous writer is drinking all the GOP Kool-Aid. I'm sure seeing so many white people, particularly the young, in the Black Lives Matter protests, he's feeling a bit uncomfortable - his privilege bubble is probably vibrating a bit.

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Ignorance and racism continues to fester within our system | READER COMMENTARY

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Kudos to Dan Rodricks for feeling strong enough to deem this article (" Dear Anonymous: About that racist letter you sent here," July 23) necessary. Unfortunately, what it revealed is not surprising, even in 2020. This is, without question, a nation divided when it come to race and social justice.

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Ezera Tiga

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Graphs for depression  Chart. Teen Depression. ProQuest, Ann Arbor, 2016. SIRS Issues Researcher, https://proxy.openathens.net/login?entityID=https://idp.wa.gal

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https://explore.proquest.com/sirsissuesresearcher/document/2264356295?accountid=74104.

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Bruemmer, Ren. "Expert Says Spotting Depression is Key to Stopping Teen Suicide." Montreal Gazette, 26 May 2018. SIRS Issues Researcher, https://explore.proquest.com/sirsissuesresearcher/document/2267909689?accountid=74104.

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The relationships we experience with the people around us have a great influence on our wellbeing. Strong, positive relationships help us build trust and feel supported. Having people around us who can share positive and difficult times can also help us manage stress when things become tough.

Children first learn about relationships from their own families. Families give them a model from which they start to discover how to build relationships throughout their lives. Children who have a model of healthy relationships from their families are better able to create these relationships outside their families, with the other children and adults in their lives. When children learn the skills of building positive relationships, they can practise these skills over and over again as they meet new people. For example, when parents say "thank you" to children when they help out, then children are more likely to say "thank you" when their peers or other adults do something for them.

Children also feel safe when they know that their family members love and will protect one another. A warm and safe family environment helps children learn, develop and experience what strong relationships look like.

See the CHILDREN AND FAMILY ADVICE section for suggestions on some ways to improve your family relationships.

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Why are healthy family relationships important?

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The relationships we experience with the people around us have a great influence on our wellbeing. Strong, positive relationships help us build trust and feel supported. Having people around us who can share positive and difficult times can also help us manage stress when things become tough.

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Child Abuse Prevention, Treatment & Welfare Services | Children's Bureau

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Humans rely heavily on learning for child development. Because we are not born knowing how to behave in society, we have to learn many of the behaviors from the environment around us growing up. For most of us, this learning starts with the family at home.

Learning comes in many forms. Sometimes children learn by being told something directly. However, the most common way children learn is by observation of everyday life. A child's learning and socialization are most influenced by their family since the family is the child's primary social group.

Child development happens physically, emotionally, socially, and intellectually during this time. To make an analogy, if you were constructing a large building, you have to make sure that it has a solid foundation so that the rest of the building can stand tall and strong for many years to come. If the foundation is not strong, the building will have trouble standing on its own. Just like people, if our foundations are not solid, we find it more difficult to be successful in our relationships with others, work, health, and ourselves. So, it cannot be stressed enough how important the family is in development of a child.

Ultimately, the family will be responsible for shaping a child and influencing their values, skills, socialization, and security during these childhood development stages.

Values

We generally understand values to mean an understanding between what is right and what is wrong. As a society, we have norms and values, and these function in conjunction with personal values and norms.

One way to see what a society values is to look at whom a society respects. Usually, people show more respect to people and to things that they value highly. Whenever you treat people with disrespect, your child will certainly notice. Children are sponges that soak up everything around them, and many times we forget that they are watching us.

However, as a whole, many of us agree and desire to share with our children values of respect, compassion, fairness, and responsibility to name a few.

A good way to teach your child values is to discuss with them the importance of healthy and unhealthy values. Even when your child is little, giving them some responsibilities, such as cleaning the table or helping to cheer up a friend or sibling when they're sick, will begin to teach them the importance of these values. Additionally, explaining the importance of values will help your child understand consequences.

Within the world we live in today, where media is a dominant, it may be appropriate to block some forms of media from your child. For example, a 4 year old may not be learning the best values from watching rated-R movies. As adults, we can more easily separate right from wrong, whereas little children are still trying to understand where the line is.

So, as the family, it is your job to teach your children about the values that they will use to guide their own lives. This requires a lot of work for you because not only do you have to directly teach these values to your children, such as through explaining and tasks as mentioned above, but your children will look to you as a role model. Your child will notice if you do behave in the same way that you expect of them. Your child watches your behaviors to gauge how to behave themselves. When something goes awry, having a level-headed response is very important.

Trying to always exhibit your values is important more than ever with a family because a child's presence must then always be taken into consideration.

Skills

Once your child is born, they start learning motor skills, language skills, cognitive skills, and emotional skills.

Regarding motor skills, it is largely the family's responsibility for teaching these skills. Even if your child is in daycare, the work that parents put in at home to teach these skills is much more effective than in the few hours your child is under someone else's care. Your child will learn how to sit up, walk, run, climb, hold a spoon, and so on. These seem so natural to us as adults, but they are skills that have to be fine-tuned at a very young age, and they also reinforce your child's independence which is essential for their development.

Language skills are another essential component of the role of family in child development. If you do not speak to your child and teach them your language, they will never learn. One infamous example of this occurring is with Genie, a child who was locked in a dark room with extremely little human contact until she was rescued at age 13. She was never able to develop language fluency because it was never taught to her. So, teaching your children language skills from a young age is also essential to child development.

Another skill that is very important for child development is emotion. Emotional skills are important throughout your child's entire life as they teach them when to have sympathy and compassion for others as well as teach them how to deal with the highs and lows that come with life. If your child does not have proper emotional skills, they will not be able to deal with bad outcomes. If they lack emotional skills, it could lead to destructive choices when they are older.

To help develop your child's emotional skills, teaching them to smile and wave when they are babies is a good place to start. When they get a bit older, teaching them to share is very important. In a family, because there are multiple people, the family can be very helpful in developing a child's skills with the multiple perspectives.

To bring this more to foundational building blocks, while your child is very young, something very helpful for family members to do is to teach children basic emotions. When a child is feeling a certain way, naming emotions and describing them are important ways for your child to understand how they are feeling. Once this foundation is set, children can learn how to respond to their feelings and move forward.

Socialization

When you bring your child home for the first time, your family will become their social group. Parents are the first teachers for children.

What your child learns through the interactions between you and them is what they will carry for the rest of their life in regards to how to treat others. Through this socialization with family, your child will learn how to trust, seek friendships from others, and find comfort with others as well.

Generally, we have to learn how to make and sustain relationships. These skills are started and strengthened with the family. Additionally, giving your child the tools for interpersonal development before they learn the skills of technology is vital. These skills can ultimately help your child avoid some of the common effects of technology on children.

Learning how to have face-to-face interactions is critical in a child's development. Face-to-face interactions require immediate responses, facial expressions, cues, certain tones of voice, and much more that we do not receive through texting or other online message systems. This is exactly what your child is looking to you and their family to learn. By making sure family members are putting away their smartphones and spending at least a portion of the day "off the grid," it will ensure that interpersonal connection is happening with your child. Simply talking to your child during dinner about their day does a lot more to reinforce person-to-person skills than you may think!

Security

Your child gets their primary sense of security from their family. They rely on you to make sure their basic needs, such as shelter, food, and clothing, are met.

More than that, there is emotional security at home that your child will not find in any other place. Once your child goes to school, they will learn more of public and social skills. But, when they are at home is when your child really learns how to be themselves and express themselves fully. Creating a safe, open home environment is vital so that they can grow.

As a parent, giving your child consistency and structure helps them to develop feelings of security. This can be achieved through schedules. Your child will know that everyday around a certain time, they will eat, bathe, sleep, etc. Therefore, with a schedule, your child will be able to feel comfort knowing their needs will be met.

When your child feels secure, they are able to develop many more skills. Like the mention of Genie above, she was never able to have security before she was rescued. Because of that, she was not able to grow (properly) emotionally, cognitively, or physically.

Security within your child is a lifelong positive attribute. This also happens with building trust between family members and child. When your child feels that they can trust others around them, then they will be more comfortable to be themselves. Trust happens through secure attachment when a child's basic and emotional needs are met.

Imagine what it would be like growing up without trust, attachment, or security. Key qualities that ensure your child's security are dependability, consistency, respectfulness, and responsiveness.

As a parent, recognizing your child's needs is very important. Additionally, knowing how they ask for their needs is essential. Everyone expresses themselves in different ways, and children are no different (especially young children).

Final Thoughts

Raising children can be very difficult, but it can also be extremely rewarding. Remember to not only teach your child, but make sure that you act in the way that you expect your child to act. It's impossible to be perfect all the time, but you can always strive to be your best when it comes to your role in child development. No one is perfect and no family is perfect.

However, knowing how important the role of family is in the development of children is crucial. As parents, you are your child's first teachers. More than day care or other caregivers, most of your child's learning happens at home with their family. Creating an environment where your child can learn the appropriate skills and values as well as learn how to socialize and be secure creates a solid foundation upon which your child can grow.

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Role of Family in Child Development-Children's Bureau

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Check out our blog post The Role of Family in Child Development from Children's Bureau of Southern California. Read it today to learn more!

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Teen Depression and How Social Media Can Help or Hurt

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Teen Depression and How Social Media Can Help or Hurt

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Ring, Melinda. "Teen Depression and how Social Media can Help Or Hurt." CNN Wire Service, 05 Aug 2015. SIRS Issues Researcher, https://explore.proquest.com/sirsissuesresearcher/document/2265390688?accountid=74104.

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Gender Perspectives on Social Norms Surrounding Teen Pregnancy: A Thematic Analysis of Social Media Data

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Background: Social concern with teen pregnancy emerged in the 1970s, and today’s popular and professional health literature continues to draw on social norms that view teen pregnancy as a problem—for the teen mother, her baby, and society. It is unclear, however, how adolescents directly affected by…

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Abstract

Perspectives that consider teenage mothers as a 'social problem' are well described in the literature. However, the attitudes towards teenage mothers held by other teenage mothers are not well understood. Given the growing use of peer support in the reproductive health of teenagers, the attitudes of teenage mothers towards their contemporaries is worthy of exploration. We aimed to examine the discourse around teenage pregnancy in teenage mothers who have recently experienced teenage pregnancy and motherhood for themselves. Fourty mothers aged 16-19, who had recently given birth and used a homebased sexual health service took part in semi-structured interviews to explore their views on pregnancy in other teenagers. The analytical framework of 'othering' and resistance are used to examine their discourse around teenage pregnancy in teenage mothers. Findings indicate that teenage pregnancy and parenting in teenage mother contemporaries is not always viewed positively. Some teenage mothers in this study used strategies to distance themselves from perceived negativity. Two overarching themes emerged from the data: Constructions of moral judgement and Maintenance of positive self- representations. The negative portrayal of teenage pregnancy within wider society impacts the ongoing stigma attached to teenage pregnancy within the teenage population. Approaches such as peer education and peer support used in reproductive health should not be considered neutral, taken for granted processes, but may be complex and more nuanced. Health and social care professionals supporting young parents should be aware of the potential for stigma, discrimination, isolation and exclusion within teenage peer groups. Policy makers need to ensure young mothers have access to a broad range of support opportunities and this should include formal, professional support.

Introduction

Adolescent pregnancy is often presented as a significant problem with negative consequences for young mothers and their children (Duncan 2005; Yardley 2008; Harden et al. 2009; Macvarish 2010; Bell et al. 2014; Ellis-Sloan 2014). Poverty, maternal mental health, unemployment, and child health deficits have been associated with teenage pregnancy over the last two decades (Social Exclusion Unit: SEU 1999; Department for Education and Skills 2006; Mental Health Foundation 2013; Public Health England 2016). In the United Kingdom (UK), poor health outcomes and social exclusion are projected life trajectories for many teenage mothers.

There is a growing body of research to suggest that teenage pregnancy and parenting has a number of social consequences linked to bias and stigma (Wiemann et al. 2005; Yardley 2008; Smithbattle 2013; Ellis-Sloan 2014), vulnerability to negative attitudes (Wiemann et al. 2005) and exclusion and isolation (Whitehead 2001). Stigma and discrimination among teenage parents appears to be a compelling social problem, which is important to healthcare professionals. Smithbattle ( 2013) suggests that it prevents the delivery and uptake of effective care, exacerbating the challenges faced by young mothers. Qualitative research by Ellis-Sloan ( 2014) examining young women's paths to teenage motherhood, highlights that young mothers have an awareness of their stigmatising identity, and this affects how they present themselves.

The concept of stigma has its origins in the work of Erving Goffman (1922-1982) (Mason-Whitehead and Mason 2007, cited in Abrams et al. 2008). According to Goffman ( 1963) stigmatising attitudes and behaviours discredit individuals, leaving them less likely to be accepted within society. Link and Phelan ( 2001) suggest that stigmatisation occurs when individuals become labelled, set apart into categories of 'them' and 'us', and are associated with undesirable characteristics.

The Stigmatisation of Young Parents

A number of studies have explored the impact of stigma on young parents. Findings point towards a culture of stigmatising treatment. US based research by Wiemann et al. ( 2005) explored substance use and exposure to violence in adolescent parents who felt stigmatised, and reported that 40% (in a sample of 925 mothers), felt stigmatised by their pregnancy. Those who experienced stigma were more likely to report peer isolation, lowered self-esteem and alcohol use at the time of conception and during pregnancy. Findings suggest that perceived stigmatisation was associated with increased fear of abuse and assault from peers and family members (Wiemann et al. 2005).

UK based research by Whitehead ( 2001) highlighted that isolation and exclusion were prevalent among pregnant teenagers, with many teenagers identifying that they felt isolated and alone throughout pregnancy (Whitehead 2001). Yardley ( 2008) in a study exploring the impact of stigma on 20 teenage mothers based in the Midlands, UK, identified a general feeling of stigmatisation, from the wider public, among the participants (Yardley 2008). Teenage mothers, in the study, reported that they regularly experienced discrimination from the general public, in the form of disapproval, negative comments and argumentative encounters. A significant finding in the work undertaken by Yardley ( 2008) revealed that when teenage motherhood was less valued, the negative effects of stigmatisation were more intensely felt. Consequently, in this group of young mothers, stigmatising attitudes towards other young mothers were more likely to be adopted. There has been relatively little research undertaken into the ways in which teenage parents stigmatise each other, however the findings from Yardley ( 2008) revealed that some young parents condemn their contemporaries (other teenage mothers) whilst simultaneously presenting themselves as exceptions to the teenage mother stereotype. This finding is of particular interest, given that peer support approaches have become increasingly used as a method of education and assistance in relation to the problems faced by young people, which somewhat presupposes peer-empathy, rather than peer-animosity.

Peer to Peer Support and Education

Peer support is an approach that is becoming increasingly popular in the promotion of self-management in relation to health: for example diabetes (Fisher et al. 2012), asthma (Embuldeniya et al. 2013), chronic conditions, such as cancer (DeMello et al. 2018) and coronary issues (Varaei et al. 2017) but also in relation to social issues: for example mental health (Webb et al. 2008), the management of drug and alcohol abuse (Morgan et al. 2010) and bullying (Martin et al. 2012). Peer support has also been used to provide accessible support more specifically for young people, both face-to-face and online as a virtual group (Munce et al. 2017). Peer to peer sexual health information giving amongst young people, is seen as an appropriate and effective approach (Freudenberg and Ruglis 2007; Howard and McCabe 1990; Key et al. 2005; Rowlands 2010), which often plays an important role as the initial and most common source of sexual health information (Whitfield et al. 2013). Investment and promotion, through social policy, of informal peer support in terms of friendship groups has also been suggested specifically to support teenage mothers (Ellis-Sloan and Tamplin 2018).

Stigma Resistance

One potential way young mothers could avoid the stigma attached to teenage pregnancy is to resist the application of stigmatising label personally. They could try to adapt their own behavior-and that of their immediate contemporaries-presenting an alternative to challenge the beliefs of others making negative judgements about them. However, although this may be locally and individually useful it will do little to significantly challenge the widely held negative social attitudes towards teenage mothers. Recent research on stigma has stressed the structural use of stigma by governments and institutions in a neo-liberal economy using what Link and Phelan ( 2014) have entitled "stigma power". This focus encourages researchers to 'look up': to examine the role of 'structural factors such as history (time), geography (place), politics and economic conditions' (Tyler and Slater 2018) in the operation of stigma. Outlining this issue in her earlier monograph Revolting Subjects (2013) Taylor shows how neoliberal welfare reform draws on multiple stigmatized identities (gendered, classed, reproductive and racialized) to create a discourse in which teenage mothers become fabricated as 'national abjects such as 'the welfare scrounger' (2013, p. 26). Such figurations 'legitimizes negative public sentiments about single mothers in receipt of state support and authorizes punitive economic and social policies'.

As importantly, Taylor focuses on the experiences of those who have been made abject and live through the everyday approbation of state institutions and other citizens. Resisting such negative interactions could be carried out by collectively contesting the abject discourses and use of stigma power but this would be demanding of young, marginalized females who have recently become mothers. One potential way young mothers could avoid the stigma attached to teenage pregnancy is to resist the application of a stigmatizing label personally. They could try to adapt their own behavior-and that of their immediate contemporaries-presenting an alternative to challenge the beliefs of others making negative judgements about them. This may be locally and individually useful but does little to significantly challenge the widely held negative social attitudes towards teenage mothers. Indeed it could be argued that by distancing and 'othering' their peers, teenage mothers are enhancing the stigma power of governments and institutions. Nevertheless, this personal boundary formation allows the exercise of agency and hence this paper will focus on the way individual teenage mothers attempt to resist the negative labelling they may experience by separating themselves from their peer group (rather than contesting the stigmatisation of teenage pregnancy per.se.).

The nature of peer stigmatisation is a relatively unexplored area in teenage pregnancy, and to date, no published research has investigated the attitudes of teenage mothers towards other teenage mothers. Thus, stigma within teenage mother contemporaries is not well understood. Given the growing use of peer support for teenagers by health and social care since the 1980s (Letourneau et al. 2004), an exploration of the attitudes of teenage mothers towards their peers is warranted. How teenage parents, as a highly-stigmatised group, perceive pregnancy in their contemporaries is therefore an area worthy of discussion. The purpose of this paper is to present the findings from an exploration of teenage mother's views of pregnancy in other teenagers.

Methods

The study took place within a Young People's Sexual Health Service in the North of England. The service has the responsibility for delivering community based contraception and sexual health advice to women who have recently given birth, in order to prevent unplanned repeat pregnancy. The focus here was the research question 'What are young mothers' views on pregnancy and parenting in other teenage girls'.

This was an exploratory study based on data collected by in-depth, semi structured, face-to-face interviews with a sample of young mothers who gave birth aged between 16 and 19 years. The young women had given birth within the last 3 years, and had used the service within a few weeks of discharge from the maternity hospital. The aim of the overall study was to gain an in-depth understanding of women's experiences and views of using the sexual health service. Given the exploratory nature of this work and its aim, a qualitative design was selected. Qualitative methods are suited to studies of an exploratory nature (Denzin and Lincoln 2000) where the development of a rich, detailed understanding of a particular issue or phenomenon is required. The overall study was driven by research aims and objectives, which focused upon young mothers experiences of the service and how this affected their future sexual and reproductive health and behaviour. A further aim was to explore the views and experiences of professional stakeholders who work with this group of women. It was necessary to use a set of pre-determined questions for the data gathering process, with the possibility of other questions emerging from the dialogue between researcher and participant (Green and Thorogood 2011). UK National Health Service ethics and research governance approval was sought and obtained prior to commencement of the project.

The fieldwork took place between April 2013 and July 2014. In keeping with a qualitative approach, sampling used a purposive design to recruit participants best suited to provide meaningful data. Service users were informed about the research by the sexual health nurse during a home visit. After a week, if agreeable to participating in the study, an appointment was made for the interview to take place. All service users who were approached, agreed to take part (n = 40) (Table 1). The interview was conducted by a researcher in the mother's home, guided by an interview schedule of open questions and prompts. The qualitative research evidence on the prevention of unplanned repeat pregnancy in teenagers is limited. Embedding the one to one interviews in existing research in this area was challenging, however the schedule was developed in partnership with patient representatives on the project advisory group. Although the interviews focused on the experience and views of the contraceptive service, the interview guide and qualitative, exploratory approach enabled participants to talk openly about wider issues concerning their pregnancy, sexual health and their thoughts about pregnancy in other girls of a similar age. Indeed, understanding the contextual factors that influence new teenage mother's contraceptive decision making was thought to be a vital part of the evaluation. The researchers were keen to unpick the wider issues that contribute to the sexual and reproductive health and behaviour of the mothers using the service. There was a need to explore, from the mothers themselves, why they thought other girls within their peer groups might feel driven towards pregnancy during adolescence. More specifically, the question "Why do you think girls get pregnant?" was asked at interview. Interviews were later transcribed and their content coded and analyzed manually to identify core themes (Braun and Clarke 2006). The overall research question which guided the analysis of this data was "what is the discourse around teenage pregnancy in teenage mothers who have recently encountered and experienced teenage pregnancy and motherhood for themselves?" Data were searched to find repeated patterns of meaning and issues of interest in relation to the research question. Labels were applied to important features within the data which were relevant to the overall question, codes were used to capture relevant concepts which emerged from the labelling process. Every data item was coded, all codes and relevant data extracts were collated (Braun and Clarke 2013). Coded data were searched for similarities, and where similarities were found and agreed on, the data was used to construct relevant themes. Two researchers independently identified the core themes. The researchers met and reviewed the essence of the themes for their clarity in relation to the research question; the authors debated the relevance of the themes to the overall 'story' about the data, and proceeded to name the themes appropriately.

Table 1 Participant characteristics at time of interview

Trustworthiness of the study was promoted by carefully monitoring the research process. Two researchers analysed the data independently. The final themes were identified through discussion (Jeanfreau and Jack 2011). Credibility was maximized through repeat contact with participants, and was enhanced through discussion of the emergent themes with patient representatives-young mothers who had previously used the sexual health service, and who were key members of the advisory group.

Results

The sample consisted of 40 young mothers, living in the North of England, who gave birth to their babies aged 16-19, and who used a homebased contraceptive and sexual health service following childbirth. Findings indicate that teenage pregnancy and parenting in teenage mother contemporaries is viewed with criticism and negativity. Not only that, a number of the teenage mothers in this study used strategies to distance themselves from this negativity. Two overarching themes emerged from the data which elucidate teenage mothers' views on pregnancy in other teenage mothers; constructions of moral judgement and maintaining positive self- representations.

Constructions of Moral Judgement

Teenage mothers constructed moral judgements in relation to pregnancy in their contemporaries. Many of the participants were critical of their contemporaries, judging them in relation to their underlying motivations, their lifestyle choices before and after childbirth, and their parenting behaviours in general. The data suggests that in relation to their contemporaries, the participants supported and perpetuated a negative discourse which associates teenage pregnancy with welfare dependency, following a trend or fashion, and being immature. When asked what they felt about teenage pregnancy in other girls, many of the participants chose to present their views of the reasons for teenage pregnancy in their contemporaries. With respect to the perceived reasons, financial and material gain through benefit entitlement was most regularly cited:

I think its cause like oh I don't, I know people who have got pregnant just for money and that, it's wrong (K30N).

But a lot of people, a lot of young girls will think 'Oh, I'll get money and a house' but it's not, it's not, it doesn't work like that and it's not that simple (T2O).

Some girls do it to get a house; some girls - it's really bad and disgraceful - but do it for more money (L5O).

Maybe to get your own house and that, I think that's why some girls do it, to be a family and get money (C18N).

Moral judgements were also made in relation to, not only the motivations for pregnancy and parenting, but the actions taken to bring about the pregnancy; at times 'other girls' were judged and accused by the participants of using underhand tactics such as planning the pregnancy without the father's consent, and being manipulative and reckless:

Because most of my mates they just get pregnant to trap their boyfriends and that, and I've got a few mates that have got more than one kid and they're like pretty young (K11O).

Yes, because I know a lot of boys who are shy and stuff like that and a lot of girls who are out there and don't mind what they say, what they do, stuff like that so I think it works both ways, really. I don't think it's only the boy pressurising the girl at all (C13N).

Being drunk, (laughs). Getting drunk and then not thinking what they are doing - just being stupid really. I think that's why. I think being drunk and going out is the main reason (C13N).

They don't know because they are immature teenage girls. They think they're clever and half the time they don't know who the baby's dad is. They just sleep about and don't take precautions (L5O).

'Other girls' were also accused of, and judged for being unable to think for themselves, and for being unable to avoid the influences of pressure from their friends. Peer group conformity was cited as a motivation for pregnancy in adolescence:

It's just some of them perhaps do it because it's what their mates are doing. It's like they don't have a mind of their own, they just want to fit in with everyone, but it's stupid that they have to feel that way (N22N)

Personally I don't know, but it's like in a way a fashion. It is bad to say but it's like a fashion for young mums (L5O)

'Well, they've done it. So it is alright for me to do it. I want that.' I think a lot of it now is, 'They've got a baby. I want a baby and there's a trend thing (T2O).

... With some lasses I think if one of their friends get pregnant, then all of them get pregnant (C10N).

Judgements and criticisms were made with respect to promiscuity and contraceptive use:

I don't know, I've seen a lot of girls around here and they will just open their legs for anybody and you should see some messages on Facebook, what they put as their statuses (S31N).

I think some people actually are stupid enough. I can call it stupid now, they're not ... they don't take it just because they think it won't happen to them and I think that's what I thought would happen ... that's what I thought that it wouldn't happen to me but it actually does, yes. So I think that's why people don't take it (S25N).

Maintaining Positive Self-Representations

Whilst constructions of moral judgement were evident across the data in relation to how the participants saw teenage pregnancy in others, similar to the findings of Yardley ( 2008), what was also evident was a desire to distance oneself from the behaviours of 'other girls'. Many participants repeatedly presented a positive, and what appears to be considered as 'morally acceptable' image of themselves. This was evident in how they employed a variety of self-verification measures to portray themselves as decent and moral, specifically in relation to being financially independent, planning the pregnancy, and being a role model. Unlike how they spoke of their contemporaries, participants spoke of being very prepared before embarking on pregnancy, whether this meant in relation to managing finances, living arrangements, and academic achievement. Two participants pointed out they had made decisions about becoming parents, and they had waited until their examinations and schooling were successfully completed:

Not with us, no. We... Obviously in terms of doing things the right way if you like, obviously I've done, I've gone through my GCSEs, I've just finished my A-levels, and my partner has done the same (M7N)

... but for people who haven't got as good grades as me, I can walk into a job near enough straight away Gaz has struggled to get into jobs because his grades aren't as good, so for people who haven't got the grades can't get the jobs as easy, it's an easier option really. Nine months is probably a lot shorter than what it would take them to get into work (B38N).

Narratives about being independent of welfare illustrate that participants were/are keen to avoid any criticism of using pregnancy to access housing and benefits whilst suggesting that their contemporaries are doing just that:

Whereas I still live in my mum's house, where as my house apart from now but I am going to be moving out but it's not to a free house (T2O).

I know when I were at school, like, 15 or 16, I couldn't wait to get out of home, I couldn't wait to move out. I wanted to do it properly, like I said I went straight into sorting a house out ourselves (B38N).

Participants also spoke about the importance of 'good parenting'; providing a 'good life' for their baby and for ensuring a degree of financial stability:

In my sister's year, 15, 16-year-olds are having babies. I think, as long as they can bring them up and look after them and they've got some money, somewhere to live, then I think there isn't anything wrong with it (C13N)

Personally I wouldn't have a baby if I knew it wouldn't have a good life. I wouldn't have had a baby if I thought I can't afford this for her or she can't have this. I wouldn't have done that and I've always worked (C36N)

Participants seemed to work hard to portray themselves as 'decent' individuals. One participant reflected on her own childhood to illustrate how this had prepared her for becoming a good parent:

I think it is how they were brought up themselves; I think that makes a big change in how they bring their kids up. Like my mum never used to be bad with me so I think that is why I have been able to find it easy. In a way I have learnt from seeing my mum bring me up and things like that and I have looked after all the family's kids. I couldn't imagine being like that in front of kids, like swearing and acting like they do in certain ways. But some people are brought up with the smoking and the drinking and the drugs and the swearing so it is just normal to them (B37N).

I've brought my sister up and things like that, so I'm not ... I've never drank, I've never smoked, I've never touched drugs, I've always been in by 9 o'clock at night and things like that (B37N).

One participant took an anti-abortion stance in order to facilitate the process of distancing herself:

I don't know, pregnant at the age I was, I would have to say it would have to be planned because I don't agree with abortion, and I've always said I don't, but young people nowadays, they get pregnant, think "oh my god" and in the end, they have aborted a life, they have killed ... (J12O)

Discussion

Young mothers in this study were motivated to maintain a positive self-image as they discussed their contemporaries. Similar to previous work by Ellis-Sloan ( 2014), our data suggests that the young mothers present themselves as entering into pregnancy from a responsible, considered position. The participants in this study are keen to articulate their decisions about housing, education, parenting, and employment pre-pregnancy. However, as they discuss their contemporary's paths to motherhood, their motivation to maintain a positive self-image leads them to engage in negative evaluations of 'other girls' in the same situation. Evident in this data is that young mothers, when asked about their teenage mother contemporaries, employed a process of 'othering'. Brons ( 2015) defines othering as 'the simultaneous construction of the self, or in-group, and the other, or out-group, in mutual and unequal opposition. This is achieved through the identification of some desirable characteristic that the in-group has, and the other/out-group lacks, and some undesirable characteristic that the other/out-group has and the in-group lacks (Brons 2015: 70). In this case, young mothers interviewed act as the in-group, through their perception that it is desirable to have planned a pregnancy whilst considering vital aspects such as housing, education, and employment before embarking on parenthood. They cast the other/outgroup, as undesirable, having embarked on parenthood in an unplanned, reckless and irresponsible manner.

The social category of young mothers has been constructed within a number of political paradigms in relation to a range of political ideologies replicated and reproduced both in the media, and in political rhetoric, and has become mainstream in the social and cultural milieu (Arai 2009). The process of 'othering' evident within the data shows how young mothers themselves inculcate these messages, and they too contribute to the social construction (Berger and Luckmann 1991) of 'young mothers' as a negative category. Not only do the young mothers in this study employ 'othering' to maintain their self-esteem at acceptable levels, we suggest 'othering' is an approach taken to deflect the stigma of teenage parenting.

In constructing moral judgements about their contemporaries, teenage mothers engage in vilifying the 'other', in relation to benefit entitlement, boyfriend entrapment, over use of alcohol leading to an unintended pregnancy, promiscuity and following the crowd. Othering facilitates the process of defining and securing their identity by distancing and stigmatising 'an (other)' (Grove and Zwi 2006). Our findings suggest that by casting their contemporaries as the 'other'; that is the stereotypical teenage mother portrayed through the media, the young mothers interviewed in this study establish their own identity through opposition to this. Whilst this may be helpful to their own internal narrative on their pregnancy, it unfortunately compounds the stigmatisation of teenage mothers as a group.

The framework of othering facilitates a greater understanding of the motivation behind teenage mothers' negative evaluations of their contemporaries. Our data suggests that the ongoing negative depiction of parenting in adolescence provokes teenage mothers to self-portray morality, maturity and responsibility, whilst setting themselves against the alleged irresponsible, immoral behaviors of their contemporaries. This analysis supports the longitudinal study of teenage mothers' by Wenham ( 2016:138) who found that teenage mothers try to adopt behaviours and attitudes that 'set them apart' from their contemporaries as they developed their 'Maternal Careers' to deflect stigmatization. We suggest that our work builds upon the work of Wenham ( 2016) by proposing that the issue of peer support among teenage mothers can play a substantial part in how young mothers address and respond to prejudice and stigma.

The tendency to identify other teenage mothers as able to provide an appropriate and valuable source of empowerment and advice has become more prevalent in the support of young people in relation to health and healthy lifestyles, with a particular focus on teenage pregnancy and rapid repeat motherhood (Mental Health Foundation 2013; McLeish and Redshaw 2015; Department for Education and Skills 2006). In addition, the peer support approach has been explored, evaluated and conceptualized by researchers, who warn against assumptions that it is neutral or value free (Dennis, 2003). Findings from this study suggest the complexity and range of influences that shape and structure peer support need to be appreciated, so that support schemes can be used in the most positive and empowering way possible for all parties involved (Cotterell 2013).

This is particularly relevant in a climate of austerity, where formal support is being 'rolled back' and informal, friendship networks are being mobilised to support young mothers (Ellis-Sloan and Tamplin 2018). The evidence here suggests that it is not appropriate to rely simply on informal networks; friendship groups can offer valuable support, however it is the quality of the friendships (rather than quantity) that is important here. In addition, it is important to note that skilled formal support can bring with it a critical awareness of the prejudices young mothers face from broader social structures; in other words, supporting young mothers also requires, in addition to informal networks, professional and formal support, information and advice. What is needed therefore, is a broad mixture of both informal and formal support; in addition to spaces and opportunities to develop and engage with informal networks (Ellis-Sloan and Tamplin 2018), on-going investment is needed to provide young mothers with access to skilled, formal support.

Conclusion

An exploration of the attitudes of teenage mothers towards their peers highlights how the portrayal of teenage pregnancy within wider society impacts upon the ongoing stigma attached to teenage pregnancy within the teenage population.

Health and social care professionals working with young parents are encouraged to sensitively challenge stigmatising attitudes, highlighting the consequences of stigmatisation, and presenting a more balanced, evidence based, fair perspective of teenage parenthood for all to contemplate. This data suggests that approaches such as peer education and peer support used in reproductive health (Kim and Free 2008; Southgate and Aggleton 2016) should not be considered neutral, taken for granted processes, but may be complex and more nuanced. Health and social care professionals supporting young parents should be aware of the potential for stigma, discrimination, isolation and exclusion from peers. When peer support is made available to young parents, these encounters must be managed critically, and with expert guidance. Finally, public health initiatives should address the health needs of this stigmatised group, instead of overlooking the impact of the continuing influence of the media and political rhetoric on teenage parents.

Acknowledgements

This article presents independent research funded by the National Institute for Health Research (NIHR) under its Research for Patient Benefit (RfPB) Programme (Grant Reference Number PB-PG-0711-25014).

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Faculty of Health Science, University of Hull, Hull, UK

Catriona Jones, Clare Whitfield, Julie Seymour & Mark Hayter

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Correspondence to Clare Whitfield.

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This study was reviewed and given ethical approval by two bodies: Faculty Research Ethics Committee, FHS, University of Hull and the Health Research Authority via the Integrated Research Application System (REC Ref: 13/YH/009).

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Jones, C., Whitfield, C., Seymour, J. et al. 'Other Girls': A Qualitative Exploration of Teenage Mothers' Views on Teen Pregnancy in Contemporaries. Sexuality & Culture 23, 760-773 (2019). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12119-019-09589-4
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Keywords

Teenage pregnancy

Stigmatisation

Peers

Sexual health

Young mothers

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'Other Girls': A Qualitative Exploration of Teenage Mothers' Views on Teen Pregnancy in Contemporaries - Sexuality & Culture

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Perspectives that consider teenage mothers as a 'social problem' are well described in the literature. However, the attitudes towards teenage mothers held by other teenage mothers are not well understood. Given the growing use of peer support in the reproductive health of teenagers, the attitudes of teenage mothers towards their contemporaries is worthy of exploration.

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Early childbearing is associated with a host of educational and economic disruptions for young adults (Hoffman et al. 1993; Kane et al. 2013) and with increased risk of adverse developmental outcomes for their offspring (Hoffman et al. 1993; Pogarsky et al. 2006).

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Teen Pregnancy: 2017 New York Emmy Nominated Video | Brooklyn Law Tech Documentary

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Family is the basic unit in which we all grow up, so whether we want it or not, it leaves a very profound impression. In fact, while forming a new family we tend to repeat the patterns we have learned from children, whether they are right or not.

A functional family will promote the proper development of its members, allowing each one to show their individuality. A dysfunctional family will create a toxic environment that intellectually or emotionally invalidates its members and may even become fertile ground for a wide variety of psychological disorders.

Family functions

As a social group, each family has to perform some basic functions:

1. Biological. Each society establishes a set of rules that "regulate" the reproductive activities of its adults. The family is one of the socially accepted models.

2. Economical. It refers to the maintenance of non-productive members, usually small children and the elderly. But the economic function of the family also refers to the division of household tasks, so that it is the prelude to the next entry into the world of work.

3. Educational-socializing. The family is the first place where socialization begins, and it is responsible for transmitting to the new generations the system of values ​​and ways of doing things, preparing them for inclusion in society and respecting its rules.

4. Psychological. It refers to the satisfaction of the emotional and intellectual needs of each of its members. Family is the core in which people must feel accepted, respected, and protected.

This means that a functional family must not only be able to meet the basic necessities of its members, but must also provide them with the emotional support they need and ensure that they maximize their full potential as individuals.

Features of functional families

1. Functional families carry out effectively their economic function, which means that their members find the basic economic security they need at home.

2. Apply a fair distribution of domestic activities so that each member is responsible for its implementation and does not overload a single person with all duties.

3. Improve the sense of belonging to the family and at the same time stimulate the personal identity and autonomy of each of its members. There is a balance between family membership and identification.

4. Apply clear limits, psychological boundaries that other members should not overcome and ensure good coexistence at home. But even so, it leaves a good margin of tolerance, so that family conflicts do not arise.

5. Although there are well-defined rules and roles, when problems surge, there is some flexibility that facilitates arrangements and solutions based on family well being.

6. There is an adequate distribution of hierarchy levels. The hierarchy between the parents is horizontal so that both have the same power at home, but exercise a vertical hierarchy on their children, allowing them to set standards and apply them.

7. Clear communication where all members can express what they think and feel assertively and without harming others.

8. Each member feels accepted within the family, where he finds an emotional security source.

9. The family grows alongside its members, so the mistakes are learning experiences that strengthen them.

10. The family is flexible enough to adapt to circumstances, although this requires a change of rules or roles. If its members have no adaptation skills to find a new balance in a crisis, the functional family will eventually turn into dysfunctional.

Characteristics of dysfunctional families

1. Promote the over-dependence of some of its members, which limits their growth and personal development. These are hyperprotective families that create insecurity and addiction in their members.

2. Establish a too open relationship so that family feelings are canceled. Usually happens in families too permissive, which end up generating a sense of uproar in their members.

3. It does not apply clear rules and limits, so that members do not know what their duties and rights are. In these dysfunctional families, the rule is that some of its members assume dominant roles and others are subject to it, creating a dangerous power imbalance. As a result, a member, usually the mother, is often overwhelmed by the unreasonable demands of the others.

4. It does not respect the generational distance and reverses the hierarchy of power, so that the parents subordinate themselves to the child, who ends up becoming a little tyrant. It may also happen that parents confuse the hierarchy with authoritarianism, preventing their children from expressing their opinion.

5. At the base of dysfunctional families there are often communication problems. Members do not want to express their feelings or ideas, thus repressing them or expressing them indirectly by triggering defensive behaviors. In this way, messages are not clear and cause new family problems.

6. Applies rigid roles and behavior patterns that prevent members from adapting to change, so that in the face of the slightest crisis, they react with rigidity and resistance, this causes family problems to become acute and affect all members.

7. Its members are not empathic and sensitive to others, so that the family does not meet the minimum requirements of acceptance and affection. Some members may even feel rejected.

8. There is a low level of tolerance, so it ends up blaming one of the members and treating him unfairly.

9. Are practiced bad behaviors, such as humiliation, contempt or the lack of respect.

10. There are models of emotional manipulation through which family members are controlled.

Causes of dysfunctional family

The family is a system composed of different sub-systems (which would be its members). From a systemic point of view, it is assumed that the relationship between members of a family is so narrow that any change in one of its members causes changes in others and therefore throughout the family. For example, the illness of one of its members alters the life of the rest.

Taking this perspective means understanding that the family is not the simple sum of its members, but it is a set of interactions. It also means that when there are family problems, there is no a "guilty" to point your finger to, but it is necessary to analyze the relationships dynamics that have been established.

Therefore, the causes of dysfunctional families should not be sought in a single member but they are much more complex as they come from relationships that have been established over time and in the way other members have responded to conflicts.

Dysfunctional families are simply those who do not have the psychological resources necessary to deal with coexistence in an affirmative and favorable way to the development of their members. This means that, in the face of a crisis, any functional family can become dysfunctional as everything will depend on how it will deal with it.

The consequences of living in dysfunctional families

Growing up or living in a dysfunctional family can leave injuries for a lifetime. In fact, it increases the risk of suffering from psychological disorders such as depression, anxiety and addiction. Children are vulnerable to developing psychological or behavioral disorders.

In the case of children, they usually take one of these roles:

1. Rebel: not only rebel against the authority of the parents, but have problems with all those who have some power, from teachers to the police. These children often end up being labeled as "problematic" and develop behavioral problems.

2. Scapegoat: this is a child who has been accused of most family problems, so he developed a deep sense of guilt that can turn him into the boxing sack of others by adult.

3. Guardian: This child usually takes on the role of parents, so it grows too fast and loses much of his childhood because he has solved family problems alone or has been a mediator in adult conflicts.

4. Lost: he is a discreet, quiet and timid child, whose needs were ignored, so he learned to hide and repress his emotions. He usually becomes an adult who believes he is not worthy of being loved because he does not have a good self-esteem.

5. Manipulator: is an opportunistic child who exploits the mistakes and weaknesses of other members of the family to get what he wants.
Source:
Herrera, P. M. (1997) La familia funcional y disfuncional, un indicador de salud. Rev Cubana Med Gen Integr; 13(6).

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Functional Family vs. Dysfunctional family: 10 characteristics that differentiate them

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Family is the basic unit in which we all grow up, so whether we want it or not, it leaves a very profound impression. In fact, while forming a new family we tend to repeat the patterns we have learned from children, whether they are right or not.

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https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2019/03/homework-research-how-much/585889/

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https://explore.proquest.com/sirsissuesresearcher/document/2267927966?searchid=1634566253&accountid=3439

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Kids Receive 3 Times the Recommended Homework Load, Study Says

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Kids Receive 3 Times the Recommended Homework Load, Study Says

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Kids Receive 3 Times the Recommended Homework Load, Study Says

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First graders are getting way too much homework

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https://time.com/3994039/recommended-homework-load-stress/

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https://www.nyu.edu/about/news-publications/news/2015/august/nyu-study-examines-top-high-school-students-stress-and-coping-mechanisms.html

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Over time selective high schools have oriented themselves to address a context of increasingly competitive college admissions

School work, college applications, extracurricular activities, and parental expectations all contribute to teenagers' stress

Youth, schools, and experts identified substance use as a common strategy for coping with stress

"School, homework, extracurricular activities, sleep, repeat-that's what it can be for some of these students," says Noelle Leonard, PhD, a senior research scientist at the New York University College of Nursing (NYUCN).

According to Leonard academic, athletic, social, and personal challenges have been regarded as domains of "good stress" for high school aged youth. However, there is growing awareness that many subgroups of youth experience high levels of chronic stress, to the extent that it impedes their abilities to succeed academically, compromises their mental health functioning, and fosters risk behavior. Furthermore, this chronic stress appears to persist into the college years, and Leonard warns it may contribute to academic disengagement and mental health problems among emerging adults.

"We are concerned that students in these selective, high pressure high schools can get burned out even before they reach college," noted Leonard. "The Charles Engelhard Foundation is interested in the issue of college engagement, and funded us to explore whether the roots of disengagement reach back as far as high school. We found that indeed they do."

In a four-phase quantitative and qualitative study published in Frontiers in Psychol ogy in July 2015, a team of NYUCN researchers led by Leonard assessed the coping skills, academic engagement, family involvement and expectations, mental health symptoms, and substance use among juniors enrolled in two highly selective private secondary schools in the Northeast: one an urban day school; the other a boarding school.

"While there is no doubt students in selective public high schools also experience high rates of chronic stress, we decided to study the private school setting, which has been under-studied compared to public institutions," said Marya Gwadz, PhD, the study's Principal Investigator.

Among the differences, families pay substantial tuition rates for a private education and most students are affluent, and "such factors result in a unique set of pressures, expectations, norms, and resources," noted Leonard. The study focuses on students in the eleventh grade. Chronic stress tends to be particularly high for this cohort, as it is generally the point at which students consolidate their portfolios in preparation for college applications.

"We sought to describe the experiences of the students, but also uncover the larger cultural and societal factors that drive the problem of chronic stress, since schools, families, and youth don't operate in a vacuum," said Amanda Ritchie, MAA, a study collaborator. "We know schools and families are embedded in society and are responding to its changing requirements and demands, with respect to the competitiveness of the college admissions process, the kinds of skills needed to succeed in the workforce, and even uncertainties in the global economy."

In the first phase of the study, researchers conducted semi-structured qualitative interviews with nineteen private school teachers, counselors, and administrators to elicit their perspectives on student stress and coping. These responses were in turn used to inform the second phase of the study, a quantitative anonymous internet-based survey, administered to a total of 128 juniors between the two private schools.

About half (48%) of those surveyed reported completing at least three hours of homework a night, with girls 40 percent more likely to report three or more hours of homework a night than boys. Participants demonstrated a relatively strong academic performance, with girls reporting an average GPA of 3.57, higher than boys' average of 3.34. Students showed high levels of motivation for academic achievement, with an average valuation of 2.35 on a scale of 0 (least) to 3 (most). On average, girls were found to be more motivated in this regard than boys (2.48 vs. 2.22). Students reported high rates of feelings of "closeness" to their parents, with an average valuation of 3.15 on a 0-4 scale.

Nearly half (49%) of all students reported feeling a great deal of stress on a daily basis and 31 percent reported feeling somewhat stressed. Females reported significantly higher levels of stress than males (60% vs. 41%). Grades, homework, and preparing for college were the greatest sources of stress for both genders. A substantial minority, 26 percent of participants, reported symptoms of depression at a clinically significant level.

In the third phase of the study, the NYUCN researchers conducted qualitative (semi-structured, open-ended) interviews with eighteen of the students surveyed to provide an interpretation of the results from the students' perspective.

For the fourth and final phase of the research, a panel of eight private school experts was convened- that included clinical social workers, psychologists, a private school guidance counselor, a teacher with both private and public school experience, a parent of two recent private school graduates, and a student who recently graduated from a private school. The Expert Panel members were presented with the results from the study's three previous phases in individual meetings and the responses from these interviews were used to further interpret and expand upon the data from prior phases.

"I think that parental pressure (on schools and students) is real," said a teacher with over twenty years of experience in the private school sector interviewed in the study's fourth stage. "Parents are coming in and thinking, I'm (spending a lot of money) and I need to get something, a very tangible something. A great education is not a tangible something; a diploma from Harvard, Princeton or Yale ...that's tangible."

Yet it has never been more difficult to enter one of these top-tier institutions, which may accept only 5 or 6 percent of their applicants, although in general a strong student will be able to gain access to any number of good colleges or universities. These highly selective schools and parents are responding to this competitive climate. Private schools have reacted by providing more difficult classes (which may require longer hours of challenging homework), college-level classes, and requiring extracurricular activities, as well as other opportunities for students to stand out, such as entrepreneurial or community service opportunities. Parents, in turn, may demand their children take Advanced Placement courses, even in cases where they are told their child is not a good fit for the course and may not be able to handle the work. Thus schools, parents, and students may feel caught in a cycle of escalating demands and expectations, largely out of their control and driven by greater societal factors.

Importantly, in a theme echoed by schools and experts, students noted that these demands did not always feel appropriate to their developmental levels. Instead, they felt they were asked to work as hard as adults, or even harder, with little time left for relaxation or creativity.

When exploring how students managed the various sources of stress described in the study, researchers found they used a variety of coping strategies ranging from healthy, problem-focused coping, to less adaptive, emotion focused, internal and external avoidance coping strategies. Active or problem-solving strategies for coping with stress included listening to or playing music, playing video/computer games, meditating, or getting away from school.

"Three main themes emerged as the most dominant adaptive coping strategies, notably, sports and exercise, preventive activities such as good planning skills, and maintaining a balanced perspective on school and grades," said Leonard.

"On the opposite end of the spectrum, our interviews yielded few descriptions of less adaptive strategies, in contrast to the many adaptive strategies articulated by students, with two exceptions, emotional exhaustion and substance use," said Michelle Grethel, Ph.D., an expert and independent consultant. Students described emotional exhaustion as a feeling of lethargy or immobilization in response to feeling overwhelmed and stressed. "I just don't do anything", "I won't do any of it" or " I lose the ability to function" were some of the ways students described this sense of paralysis. One student recounts: "You get tired. You don't really want to be around people. You just get in this kind of... funk where, like, you just kind of want to be alone in your room and just sleep. Or just like not dealing with anything..."

"Substance use for stress relief was a predominant theme in our interviews with students, over two-thirds of whom described substance use as both endemic to their social experience and as a method for managing stress," says Dr. Charles Cleland, a study investigator. Alcohol and marijuana were described as the primary substances students used for relaxation. As a male student noted: "most of the things that people do, here, when they're stressed is they go get drunk or they get high." However, for the most part students reported that substance use, while very common, did not usually rise to the level of problem or hazardous use.

Substance use for this purpose was not gender specific. One female student recounts, "Marijuana probably was a big anti-stress thing for me last year...just being relaxed for like an hour or two." In fact, the quantitative data indicates no gender differences for general substance use. Over the thirty-day period preceding the survey, 38 percent of students reported getting drunk and 34 percent of students reported getting high on an illegal substance, rates one to two times greater than reported in national normative samples.

"While students didn't discuss prescription drug use, members of the expert panel indicated its widespread use among students for whom it was prescribed as well as those for whom it was not prescribed," said Gwadz. One member of the panel, who counsels students noted "Using Ritalin (a stimulant commonly prescribed for ADHD) is seen only as a benefit and [the students are] incredulous that any faculty or counselor would challenge that taking Ritalin to get an edge in your academic performance, that there could be anything wrong with that ... that's what you have to do in this world."

Stress commonly leads to mental health problems such as depression and anxiety. Results of the study also indicated that parents, more so than their students, experienced a stigma associated with receiving mental health services. Members of the expert panel noted that parents will go to great lengths to avoid taking their children to an outside physician or counselor, as they believe their child will be labeled and such treatment will inhibit their child from getting into the college of their choice.

The researchers note that private schools take a multi-faceted approach to reducing the level of perceived stress and improving adaptive coping among students. High-performing schools mindful of the need to manage chronic stress among students have implemented strategies such as changing school schedules, staggering exams and assignments among different classes, and providing stress reduction opportunities such as yoga and meditation.

"Schools have an opportunity to engage and train families on ways to increase their capacities to serve as resources for their children; to educate families on the deleterious effects of chronic stress and the role of substances in coping with stress; and engage families and students in a dialogue about expectations for achievement and a wider definition of success, all of which may allow students to fully participate in the richness of the private school environment," said Leonard

Both Leonard and Gwadz note a number of promising avenues for future study. Given the exploratory nature of this study, they were unable to interview parents, who play a vital role in how students view and manage stress. While many students, teachers, and expert panel members in the current study discussed the role of parents in some detail, future research should explore parents' hopes and expectations for their children as well as how parents communicate these expectations. The researchers also hope to expand the study to include a more nationally representative sampling of private schools.

Researcher Affiliations: Noelle R. Leonard1, 2, Marya Viorst Gwadz1, Amanda Ritchie1, Jessica L. Linick1, 2, Charles M. Cleland1, Luther Elliott3, Michelle Grethel4.

1. Center for Drug Use and HIV Research (CDUHR), College of Nursing, New York University, New York, NY, USA

2. Teachers College, Columbia University, New York, NY, USA

3. National Development and Research Institutes, Inc., New York, NY, USA

4. Independent Consultant, New York, NY, USA

Acknowledgements: This work was supported by a grant from the Charles Engelhard Foundation and the Center for Drug Use and HIV Research (CDUHR; P30 DA011041). The study's authors wish to thank the participating schools, teachers, administrators, staff, students, and Experts.

About New York University College of Nursing

NYU College of Nursing is a global leader in nursing education, research, and practice. It offers a Bachelor of Science with major in Nursing, a Master of Science and Post-Master's Certificate Programs, a Doctor of Nursing Practice degree and a Doctor of Philosophy in Research Theory and Development. For more information, visit https://nursing.nyu.edu/

The mission of the Center for Drug Use and HIV Research (CDUHR) is to end the HIV and HCV epidemics in drug using populations and their communities by conducting transdisciplinary research and disseminating its findings to inform programmatic, policy, and grass roots initiatives at the local, state, national and global levels. CDUHR is a Core Center of Excellence funded by the National Institute on Drug Abuse (Grant #P30 DA011041). It is the first center for the socio-behavioral study of substance use and HIV in the United States and is located at the New York University College of Nursing. For more information, visit www.cduhr.org.

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NYU Study Examines Top High School Students' Stress and Coping Mechanisms

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The study shows that there is growing awareness many subgroups of youth experience high levels of chronic stress, to the extent it impedes their abilities to succeed academically, compromises their mental health functioning, and fosters risk behavior.

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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lwG3sQHb_NU&ab_channel=AboveTheNoise

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https://health.usnews.com/wellness/for-parents/articles/2018-03-20/how-much-homework-is-too-much-for-our-teens

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Today's teens are under a lot of pressure.

They're under pressure to succeed, to win, to be the best and to get into the top colleges. With so much pressure, is it any wonder today's youth report being under as much stress as their parents? In fact, during the school year, teens say they experience stress levels higher than those reported by adults, according to a previous American Psychological Association "Stress in America" survey.

Odds are if you ask a teen what's got them so worked up, the subject of school will come up. School can cause a lot of stress, which can lead to other serious problems, like sleep deprivation. According to the National Sleep Foundation, teens need between eight and 10 hours of sleep each night, but only 15 percent are even getting close to that amount. During the school week, most teens only get about six hours of zzz's a night, and some of that sleep deficit may be attributed to homework.

When it comes to school, many adults would rather not trade places with a teen. Think about it. They get up at the crack of dawn and get on the bus when it's pitch dark outside. They put in a full day sitting in hours of classes (sometimes four to seven different classes daily), only to get more work dumped on them to do at home. To top it off, many kids have after-school obligations, such as extracurricular activities including clubs and sports, and some have to work. After a long day, they finally get home to do even more work - schoolwork.

Homework is not only a source of stress for students, but it can also be a hassle for parents. If you are the parent of a kid who strives to be "perfect," then you know all too well how much time your child spends making sure every bit of homework is complete, even if it means pulling an all-nighter. On the flip side, if you're the parent of a child who decided that school ends when the last bell rings, then you know how exhausting that homework tug-of-war can be. And heaven forbid if you're that parent who is at their wit's end because your child excels on tests and quizzes but fails to turn in assignments. The woes of academics can go well beyond the confines of the school building and right into the home.

This is the time of year when many students and parents feel the burden of the academic load. Following spring break, many schools across the nation head into the final stretch of the year. As a result, some teachers increase the amount of homework they give. The assignments aren't punishment, although to students and parents who are having to constantly stay on top of their kids' schoolwork, they can sure seem that way.

From a teacher's perspective, the assignments are meant to help students better understand the course content and prepare for upcoming exams. Some schools have state-mandated end of grade or final tests. In those states these tests can account for 20 percent of a student's final grade. So teachers want to make sure that they cover the entire curriculum before that exam. Aside from state-mandated tests, some high school students are enrolled in advanced placement or international baccalaureate college-level courses that have final tests given a month or more before the end of the term. In order to cover all of the content, teachers must maintain an accelerated pace. All of this means more out of class assignments.

Given the challenges kids face, there are a few questions parents and educators should consider:

Many teens may give a quick "no" to this question, but the verdict is still out. Research supports both sides of the argument. Personally, I would say, yes, some homework is necessary, but it must be purposeful. If it's busy work, then it's a waste of time. Homework should be a supplemental teaching tool. Too often, some youth go home completely lost as they haven't grasped concepts covered in class and they may become frustrated and overwhelmed.

For a parent who has been in this situation, you know how frustrating this can be, especially if it's a subject that you haven't encountered in a while. Homework can serve a purpose such as improving grades, increasing test scores and instilling a good work ethic. Purposeful homework can come in the form of individualizing assignments based on students' needs or helping students practice newly acquired skills.

Homework should not be used to extend class time to cover more material. If your child is constantly coming home having to learn the material before doing the assignments, then it's time to contact the teacher and set up a conference. Listen when kids express their concerns (like if they say they're expected to know concepts not taught in class) as they will provide clues about what's happening or not happening in the classroom. Plus, getting to the root of the problem can help with keeping the peace at home too, as an irritable and grumpy teen can disrupt harmonious family dynamics.
How much is too much?
According to the National PTA and the National Education Association, students should only be doing about 10 minutes of homework per night per grade level. But teens are doing a lot more than that, according to a poll of high school students by the organization Statistic Brain. In that poll teens reported spending, on average, more than three hours on homework each school night, with 11th graders spending more time on homework than any other grade level. By contrast, some polls have shown that U.S. high school students report doing about seven hours of homework per week.

Much of a student's workload boils down to the courses they take (such as advanced or college prep classes), the teaching philosophy of educators and the student's commitment to doing the work. Regardless, research has shown that doing more than two hours of homework per night does not benefit high school students. Having lots of homework to do every day makes it difficult for teens to have any downtime, let alone family time.
How do we respond to students' needs?
As an educator and parent, I can honestly say that oftentimes there is a mismatch in what teachers perceive as only taking 15 minutes and what really takes 45 minutes to complete. If you too find this to be the case, then reach out to your child's teacher and find out why the assignments are taking longer than anticipated for your child to complete.

Also, ask the teacher about whether faculty communicate regularly with one another about large upcoming assignments. Whether it's setting up a shared school-wide assignment calendar or collaborating across curriculums during faculty meetings, educators need to discuss upcoming tests and projects, so students don't end up with lots of assignments all competing for their attention and time at once. Inevitably, a student is going to get slammed occasionally, but if they have good rapport with their teachers, they will feel comfortable enough to reach out and see if alternative options are available. And as a parent, you can encourage your kid to have that dialogue with the teacher.

Often teens would rather blend into the class than stand out. That's unfortunate because research has shown time and time again that positive teacher-student relationships are strong predictors of student engagement and achievement. By and large, most teachers appreciate students advocating for themselves and will go the extra mile to help them out.
Can there be a balance between home and school?
Students can strike a balance between school and home, but parents will have to help them find it. They need your guidance to learn how to better manage their time, get organized and prioritize tasks, which are all important life skills. Equally important is developing good study habits. Some students may need tutoring or coaching to help them learn new material or how to take notes and study. Also, don't forget the importance of parent-teacher communication. Most educators want nothing more than for their students to succeed in their courses.

Learning should be fun, not mundane and cumbersome. Homework should only be given if its purposeful and in moderation. Equally important to homework is engaging in activities, socializing with friends and spending time with the family.

Most adults don't work a full-time job and then go home and do three more hours of work, and neither should your child. It's not easy learning to balance everything, especially if you're a teen. If your child is spending several hours on homework each night, don't hesitate to reach out to teachers and, if need be, school officials. Collectively, we can all work together to help our children de-stress and find the right balance between school and home.

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How Much Homework Is Too Much for Our Teens?

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Today's teens are under a lot of pressure. They're under pressure to succeed, to win, to be the best and to get into the top colleges. With so much pressure, is it any wonder today's youth report being under as much stress as their parents?

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Is Too Much Homework Bad for Kids’ Health?

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Is Too Much Homework Bad for Kids’ Health?

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https://www.healthline.com/health-news/children-more-homework-means-more-stress-031114

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Research shows that some students regularly receive higher amounts of homework than experts recommend, which may cause stress and negative health effects.

Research suggests that when students are pushed to handle a workload that's out of sync with their development level, it can lead to significant stress - for children and their parents.

Both the National Education Association (NEA) and the National PTA (NPTA) support a standard of "10 minutes of homework per grade level" and setting a general limit on after-school studying.

For kids in first grade, that means 10 minutes a night, while high school seniors could get two hours of work per night.

Experts say there may be real downsides for young kids who are pushed to do more homework than the "10 minutes per grade" standard.

"The data shows that homework over this level is not only not beneficial to children's grades or GPA, but there's really a plethora of evidence that it's detrimental to their attitude about school, their grades, their self-confidence, their social skills, and their quality of life," Donaldson-Pressman told CNN.

But the most recent study to examine the issue found that kids in their study who were in early elementary school received about three times the amount of recommended homework.

Published in The American Journal of Family Therapy, the 2015 study surveyed more than 1,100 parents in Rhode Island with school-age children.

The researchers found that first and second graders received 28 and 29 minutes of homework per night.

Kindergarteners received 25 minutes of homework per night, on average. But according to the standards set by the NEA and NPTA, they shouldn't receive any at all.

A contributing editor of the study, Stephanie Donaldson-Pressman, told CNN that she found it "absolutely shocking" to learn that kindergarteners had that much homework.

And all those extra assignments may lead to family stress, especially when parents with limited education aren't confident in their ability to talk with the school about their child's work.

The researchers reported that family fights about homework were 200 percent more likely when parents didn't have a college degree.

Some parents, in fact, have decided to opt out of the whole thing. The Washington Post reported in 2016 that some parents have just instructed their younger children not to do their homework assignments.

They report the no-homework policy has taken the stress out of their afternoons and evenings. In addition, it's been easier for their children to participate in after-school activities.

Other studies have found that high school students may also be overburdened with homework - so much that it's taking a toll on their health.

In 2013, research conducted at Stanford University found that students in high-achieving communities who spend too much time on homework experience more stress, physical health problems, a lack of balance in their lives, and alienation from society.

That study, published in The Journal of Experimental Education, suggested that any more than two hours of homework per night is counterproductive.

However, students who participated in the study reported doing slightly more than three hours of homework each night, on average.

To conduct the study, researchers surveyed more than 4,300 students at 10 high-performing high schools in upper middle-class California communities. They also interviewed students about their views on homework.

When it came to stress, more than 70 percent of students said they were "often or always stressed over schoolwork," with 56 percent listing homework as a primary stressor. Less than 1 percent of the students said homework was not a stressor.

The researchers asked students whether they experienced physical symptoms of stress, such as headaches, exhaustion, sleep deprivation, weight loss, and stomach problems.

More than 80 percent of students reported having at least one stress-related symptom in the past month, and 44 percent said they had experienced three or more symptoms.

The researchers also found that spending too much time on homework meant that students were not meeting their developmental needs or cultivating other critical life skills. Students were more likely to forgo activities, stop seeing friends or family, and not participate in hobbies.

Many students felt forced or obligated to choose homework over developing other talents or skills.

"Our findings on the effects of homework challenge the traditional assumption that homework is inherently good," said Denise Pope, PhD, a senior lecturer at the Stanford University School of Education, and a co-author of a study.

A smaller New York University study published in 2015 noted similar findings.

It focused more broadly on how students at elite private high schools cope with the combined pressures of school work, college applications, extracurricular activities, and parents' expectations.

That study, which appeared in Frontiers in Psychology, noted serious health effects for high schoolers, such as chronic stress, emotional exhaustion, and alcohol and drug use.

The research involved a series of interviews with students, teachers, and administrators, as well as a survey of a total of 128 juniors from two private high schools.

About half of the students said they received at least three hours of homework per night. They also faced pressure to take college-level classes and excel in activities outside of school.

Many students felt they were being asked to work as hard as adults, and noted that their workload seemed inappropriate for their development level. They reported having little time for relaxing or creative activities.

More than two-thirds of students said they used alcohol and drugs, primarily marijuana, to cope with stress.

The researchers expressed concern that students at high-pressure high schools can get burned out before they even get to college.

"School, homework, extracurricular activities, sleep, repeat - that's what it can be for some of these students," said Noelle Leonard, PhD, a senior research scientist at the New York University College of Nursing, and lead study author, in a press release.

Experts continue to debate the benefits and drawbacks of homework.

But according to an article published this year in Monitor on Psychology, there's one thing they agree on: the quality of homework assignments matters.

In the Stanford study, many students said that they often did homework they saw as "pointless" or "mindless."

Pope, who co-authored that study, argued that homework assignments should have a purpose and benefit, and should be designed to cultivate learning and development.

It's also important for schools and teachers to stick to the 10-minutes per grade standard.

In an interview with Monitor on Psychology, Pope pointed out that students can learn challenging skills even when less homework is assigned.

Pope described one teacher she worked with who taught Advanced Placement biology, and experimented by dramatically cutting down homework assignments. First the teacher cut homework by a third, and then cut the assignments in half.

The students' test scores didn't change.

"You can have a rigorous course and not have a crazy homework load," Pope said.

Editor's Note: The story was originally reported by Sandra Levy on April 11, 2017. Its current publication date reflects an update, which includes a medical review by Karen Gill, MD.

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Why Homework is Bad: Stress and Consequences

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Research shows that some students regularly receive higher amounts of homework than experts recommend, which may cause stress and negative health effects.

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https://www.nea.org/professional-excellence/student-engagement/tools-tips/how-much-homework-too-much

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School Me, Please is the advice column where early career educators can come for individualized guidance from seasoned educators who have a passion for mentoring. Have a problem or question for one of our experts to address on the blog? Send it to us via email at SchoolMePlease@nea.org.

My students are always complaining about the amount of homework I assign. Before, I just wrote those complaints off, but I've been seeing a lot of debate about how useful homework really is. How much is too much?
- Always Assigning

Dear Always Assigning,

How much homework is too much is an age-old question, and there's been a constantly shifting debate on this for as long as I've been teaching. Research tells us that homework has benefits, especially in middle and high school. However, some districts and teachers are abandoning homework altogether. At the end of the day, it's about what works best for you and your students, but here's some insight that might help you make a decision.

First ensure your assignments are in line with school and district policy. I'd also ask your colleagues that teach similar grades and subjects. After these initial asks, start to consider factors like age, as elementary students are much different than high schoolers. Many districts follow the guideline of 10 minutes per grade level. This is a good rule of thumb and can be modified for specific students or subjects that need more or less time for assignments. This can also be helpful to gauge if you are providing too much (or too little) homework. Consider surveying your students on how much time is needed nightly to complete what you assign, then compare to the guideline number to see if you are on the right track.

Now think about your personal philosophy regarding homework. I tend to subscribe to the belief that homework is a reinforcement of skills already learned, and should be completed without the assistance of a teacher or adult. Homework, in this view, is a way of forming habits to set them up for success later in their education by teaching responsibility, time management, and how to complete a task. This is more common with elementary/primary teachers, as we see importance in children playing and being active after school and spending time with family members, in addition to their homework. In older students the benefit and purpose of homework is more academic.

It is important to consider individual learners as well as the environment in which they are doing their homework. Parents can be an important resource in assessing the student's needs for homework since they have insights into how students work at home. When I'm struggling to create a personal plan for a student's homework assignments, I always try and reach out to their parents to collaborate.

In reflecting on how much homework is appropriate, consider how much time is it taking your students, their age, what your purpose and goals are, and the type of assignment. Also, consider all learners and their ability and support working without a teacher. Looking at all these factors will help you determine if in fact you are asking too much in regards to time spent on homework.

By Lori Celiz , California

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School Me, Please is the advice column where early career educators can come for individualized guidance from seasoned educators who have a passion for mentoring. Have a problem or question for one of our experts to address on the blog? Send it to us via email at SchoolMePlease@nea.org.

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Study suggests more than two hours of homework a night may be counterproductive

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Study suggests more than two hours of homework a night may be counterproductive

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https://phys.org/news/2014-03-hours-homework-night-counterproductive.html

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Education scholar Denise Pope has found that too much homework has negative effects on student well-being and behavioral engagement. Credit: L.A. Cicero

Education scholar Denise Pope has found that too much homework has negative effects on student well-being and behavioral engagement.

A Stanford researcher found that too much homework can negatively affect kids, especially their lives away from school, where family, friends and activities matter.

"Our findings on the effects of homework challenge the traditional assumption that homework is inherently good," wrote Denise Pope, a senior lecturer at the Stanford Graduate School of Education and a co-author of a study published in the Journal of Experimental Education.

The researchers used survey data to examine perceptions about homework, student well-being and behavioral engagement in a sample of 4,317 students from 10 high-performing high schools in upper-middle-class California communities. Along with the survey data, Pope and her colleagues used open-ended answers to explore the students' views on homework.

Median household income exceeded $90,000 in these communities, and 93 percent of the students went on to college, either two-year or four-year.

Students in these schools average about 3.1 hours of homework each night.

"The findings address how current homework practices in privileged, high-performing schools sustain students' advantage in competitive climates yet hinder learning, full engagement and well-being," Pope wrote.

Pope and her colleagues found that too much homework can diminish its effectiveness and even be counterproductive. They cite prior research indicating that homework benefits plateau at about two hours per night, and that 90 minutes to two and a half hours is optimal for high school.

Their study found that too much homework is associated with:

Greater stress: 56 percent of the students considered homework a primary source of stress, according to the survey data. Forty-three percent viewed tests as a primary stressor, while 33 percent put the pressure to get good grades in that category. Less than 1 percent of the students said homework was not a stressor.

Reductions in health: In their open-ended answers, many students said their homework load led to sleep deprivation and other health problems. The researchers asked students whether they experienced health issues such as headaches, exhaustion, sleep deprivation, weight loss and stomach problems.

Less time for friends, family and extracurricular pursuits: Both the survey data and student responses indicate that spending too much time on homework meant that students were "not meeting their developmental needs or cultivating other critical life skills," according to the researchers. Students were more likely to drop activities, not see friends or family, and not pursue hobbies they enjoy.

A balancing act
The results offer empirical evidence that many students struggle to find balance between homework, extracurricular activities and social time, the researchers said. Many students felt forced or obligated to choose homework over developing other talents or skills.

Also, there was no relationship between the time spent on homework and how much the student enjoyed it. The research quoted students as saying they often do homework they see as "pointless" or "mindless" in order to keep their grades up.

"This kind of busy work, by its very nature, discourages learning and instead promotes doing homework simply to get points," Pope said.

She said the research calls into question the value of assigning large amounts of homework in high-performing schools. Homework should not be simply assigned as a routine practice, she said.

"Rather, any homework assigned should have a purpose and benefit, and it should be designed to cultivate learning and development," wrote Pope.
High-performing paradox
In places where students attend high-performing schools, too much homework can reduce their time to foster skills in the area of personal responsibility, the researchers concluded. "Young people are spending more time alone," they wrote, "which means less time for family and fewer opportunities to engage in their communities."
Student perspectives
The researchers say that while their open-ended or "self-reporting" methodology to gauge student concerns about homework may have limitations - some might regard it as an opportunity for "typical adolescent complaining" - it was important to learn firsthand what the students believe.

More information: Mollie Gallowaya, Jerusha Connerb & Denise Popec, "Nonacademic Effects of Homework in Privileged, High-Performing High Schools." The Journal of Experimental Education Volume 81, Issue 4, 2013, pages 490-510, DOI: 10.1080/00220973.2012.745469

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Study suggests more than two hours of homework a night may be counterproductive

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Education scholar Denise Pope has found that too much homework has negative effects on student well-being and behavioral engagement. A Stanford researcher found that too much homework can negatively affect kids, especially their lives away from school, where family, friends and activities matter.

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How Much Homework Is Enough? Depends Who You Ask

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How Much Homework Is Enough? Depends Who You Ask

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https://www.edweek.org/teaching-learning/opinion-how-much-homework-is-enough-depends-who-you-ask/2018/04

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Editor's note: This is an adapted excerpt from You, Your Child, and School: Navigate Your Way to the Best Education ( Viking)-the latest book by author and speaker Sir Ken Robinson (co-authored with Lou Aronica), published in March. For years, Robinson has been known for his radical work on rekindling creativity and passion in schools, including three bestselling books (also with Aronica) on the topic. His TED Talk "Do Schools Kill Creativity?" holds the record for the most-viewed TED talk of all time, with more than 50 million views. While Robinson's latest book is geared toward parents, it also offers educators a window into the kinds of education concerns parents have for their children, including on the quality and quantity of homework.

The amount of homework young people are given varies a lot from school to school and from grade to grade. In some schools and grades, children have no homework at all. In others, they may have 18 hours or more of homework every week. In the United States, the accepted guideline, which is supported by both the National Education Association and the National Parent Teacher Association, is the 10-minute rule: Children should have no more than 10 minutes of homework each day for each grade reached. In 1st grade, children should have 10 minutes of daily homework; in 2nd grade, 20 minutes; and so on to the 12th grade, when on average they should have 120 minutes of homework each day, which is about 10 hours a week. It doesn't always work out that way.

In 2013, the University of Phoenix College of Education commissioned a survey of how much homework teachers typically give their students. From kindergarten to 5th grade, it was just under three hours per week; from 6th to 8th grade, it was 3.2 hours; and from 9th to 12th grade, it was 3.5 hours.

There are two points to note. First, these are the amounts given by individual teachers. To estimate the total time children are expected to spend on homework, you need to multiply these hours by the number of teachers they work with. High school students who work with five teachers in different curriculum areas may find themselves with 17.5 hours or more of homework a week, which is the equivalent of a part-time job. The other factor is that these are teachers' estimates of the time that homework should take. The time that individual children spend on it will be more or less than that, according to their abilities and interests. One child may casually dash off a piece of homework in half the time that another will spend laboring through in a cold sweat.

Do students have more homework these days than previous generations? Given all the variables, it's difficult to say. Some studies suggest they do. In 2007, a study from the National Center for Education Statistics found that, on average, high school students spent around seven hours a week on homework. A similar study in 1994 put the average at less than five hours a week. Mind you, I [Robinson] was in high school in England in the 1960s and spent a lot more time than that-though maybe that was to do with my own ability. One way of judging this is to look at how much homework your own children are given and compare it to what you had at the same age.

There's also much debate about the value of homework. Supporters argue that it benefits children, teachers, and parents in several ways:

* Children learn to deepen their understanding of specific content, to cover content at their own pace, to become more independent learners, to develop problem-solving and time-management skills, and to relate what they learn in school to outside activities.

* Teachers can see how well their students understand the lessons; evaluate students' individual progress, strengths, and weaknesses; and cover more content in class.

* Parents can engage practically in their children's education, see firsthand what their children are being taught in school, and understand more clearly how they're getting on-what they find easy and what they struggle with in school.

Ashley Norris is assistant dean at the University of Phoenix College of Education. Commenting on her university's survey, she says, "Homework helps build confidence, responsibility, and problem-solving skills that can set students up for success in high school, college, and in the workplace."

That may be so, but many parents find it difficult to help their children with subjects they've not studied themselves for a long time, if at all. Families have busy lives, and it can be hard for parents to find time to help with homework alongside everything else they have to cope with. Norris is convinced it's worth the effort, especially, she says, because in many schools, the nature of homework is changing. One influence is the growing popularity of the so-called flipped classroom.

In the stereotypical classroom, the teacher spends time in class presenting material to the students. Their homework consists of assignments based on that material. In the flipped classroom, the teacher provides the students with presentational materials-videos, slides, lecture notes-which the students review at home and then bring questions and ideas to school where they work on them collaboratively with the teacher and other students. As Norris notes, in this approach, homework extends the boundaries of the classroom and reframes how time in school can be used more productively, allowing students to "collaborate on learning, learn from each other, maybe critique [each other's work], and share those experiences."

Even so, many parents and educators are increasingly concerned that homework, in whatever form it takes, is a bridge too far in the pressured lives of children and their families. It takes away from essential time for their children to relax and unwind after school, to play, to be young, and to be together as a family. On top of that, the benefits of homework are often asserted, but they're not consistent, and they're certainly not guaranteed.

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How Much Homework Is Enough? Depends Who You Ask (Opinion)

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Editor's note: This is an adapted excerpt from You, Your Child, and School: Navigate Your Way to the Best Education ( Viking)-the latest book by author and speaker Sir Ken Robinson (co-authored with Lou Aronica), published in March.

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https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Homework_Myth/rHmVHL9IkQMC?hl=en&gbpv=1&printsec=frontcover

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Death and taxes come later; what seems inevitable for children is the idea that, after spending the day at school, they must then complete more academic assignments at home. The predictable results: stress and conflict, frustration and exhaustion. Parents respond by reassuring themselves that at least the benefits outweigh the costs. But what if they don't? In The Homework Myth, nationally known educator and parenting expert Alfie Kohn systematically examines the usual defenses of homework--that it promotes higher achievement, "reinforces" learning, and teaches study skills and responsibility. None of these assumptions, he shows, actually passes the test of research, logic, or experience. So why do we continue to administer this modern cod liver oil -- or even demand a larger dose? Kohn's incisive analysis reveals how a mistrust of children, a set of misconceptions about learning, and a misguided focus on competitiveness have all left our kids with less free time and our families with more conflict. Pointing to parents who have fought back -- and schools that have proved educational excellence is possible without homework -- Kohn shows how we can rethink what happens during and after school in order to rescue our families and our children's love of learning.

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Death and taxes come later; what seems inevitable for children is the idea that, after spending the day at school, they must then complete more academic assignments at home. The predictable results: stress and conflict, frustration and exhaustion. Parents respond by reassuring themselves that at least the benefits outweigh the costs.

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https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Case_Against_Homework/-FLC-v8aWOEC?hl=en&gbpv=1

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Does assigning fifty math problems accomplish any more than assigning five? Is memorizing word lists the best way to increase vocabulary-especially when it takes away from reading time? And what is the real purpose behind those devilish dioramas?

The time our children spend doing homework has skyrocketed in recent years. Parents spend countless hours cajoling their kids to complete such assignments-often without considering whether or not they serve any worthwhile purpose. Even many teachers are in the dark: Only one of the hundreds the authors interviewed and surveyed had ever taken a course specifically on homework during training.

The truth, according to Sara Bennett and Nancy Kalish, is that there is almost no evidence that homework helps elementary school students achieve academic success and little evidence that it helps older students. Yet the nightly burden is taking a serious toll on America's families. It robs children of the sleep, play, and exercise time they need for proper physical, emotional, and neurological development. And it is a hidden cause of the childhood obesity epidemic, creating a nation of "homework potatoes."

In The Case Against Homework, Bennett and Kalish draw on academic research, interviews with educators, parents, and kids, and their own experience as parents and successful homework reformers to offer detailed advice to frustrated parents. You'll find out which assignments advance learning and which are time-wasters, how to set priorities when your child comes home with an overstuffed backpack, how to talk and write to teachers and school administrators in persuasive, nonconfrontational ways, and how to rally other parents to help restore balance in your children's lives.

Empowering, practical, and rigorously researched, The Case Against Homework shows how too much work is having a negative effect on our children's achievement and development and gives us the tools and tactics we need to advocate for change.

Also available as an eBook

From the Hardcover edition.

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Does assigning fifty math problems accomplish any more than assigning five? Is memorizing word lists the best way to increase vocabulary-especially when it takes away from reading time? And what is the real purpose behind those devilish dioramas? The time our children spend doing homework has skyrocketed in recent years.

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https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_End_of_Homework/6agE7KrfkfQC?hl=en&gbpv=1

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Etta Kralovec, a recent Fulbright Fellow, took her Ed.D. from Teachers College, Columbia University. She was a high school teacher for over twelve years and professor of education and director of teacher education at the College of the Atlantic for eleven years.

John Buell, author of Democracy by Other Means and Sustainable Democracy, took his Ph.D. from the University of Massachusetts. He has taught at the College of the Atlantic.

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The result of a unique research project exploring the relationship between children's vernacular play cultures and their media-based play, this collection challenges two popular misconceptions about children's play: that it is depleted or even dying out and that it is threatened by contemporary media such as television and computer games.

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https://www.google.com/books/edition/Closing_the_Book_on_Homework/gpBj9VVKiNkC?hl=en&gbpv=1

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In this, the sequel to his critically acclaimed and controversial "The End of Homework," John Buell extends his case against homework. Arguing that homework robs childrenOCoand parentsOCoof unstructured time for play and intellectual and emotional development, "Closing the Book on Homework" offers a convincing case for why homework is an outgrowth of broader cultural anxieties about the sanctity of work itself. After the publication of Buell's previous book, many professional educators portrayed reducing homework as a dangerous idea, while at the same time parents and teachers increasingly raised doubts as to its continued usefulness in education. According to John Buell, the importance of play is culturally underappreciated. Not only grade schoolers, but high school students and adult workers deserve time for the kind of leisure that fosters creativity and sustains a life long interest in learning. Homework is assigned for many reasons, many having little to do with learning, including an accepted, if unchallenged, belief that it fosters good work habits for children's futures. As John Buell argues convincingly, homework does more to obstruct the growth of children's minds, and consumes the time of parents and children who may otherwise develop relationships that foster true growth and learning. A unique book that is sure to fuel the growing debate on school reform, "Closing the Book on Homework" offers a roadmap for learning that will benefit the wellbeing of children, parents, and teachers alike."

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In this, the sequel to his critically acclaimed and controversial "The End of Homework," John Buell extends his case against homework. Arguing that homework robs childrenOCoand parentsOCoof unstructured time for play and intellectual and emotional development, "Closing the Book on Homework" offers a convincing case for why homework is an outgrowth of broader cultural anxieties about the sanctity of work itself.

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https://www.studyinternational.com/news/too-much-homework/

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This module is a resource for lecturers

The following paragraphs discuss the notions of sexism, implicit sexism, sexual harassment and sexual assault, all of which are common forms of gender discrimination against women.

Sexism

Sexism is the prejudice or discrimination based on sex, especially in the form of discrimination against women ( Merriam-Webster). It can also mean the unfair treatment of people based on their sex or gender. Although the origin of the term as it is used around the world is not entirely clear, it is associated with the "second wave of feminism" which lasted from the 1960s to the 1980s, and was likely modelled on the concept of racism (Masequesmay, 2014). Sexism is based on the idea that women are inferior to men, and functions to oppress women in society.

One of the ways in which sexism is manifested in countries and cultures around the world is through the socialization of gender norms. For example, for centuries in the West, gender roles have depicted women as the more nurturing, emotional, and physically weaker gender. Thus, women have been relegated to the domestic sphere, while gender roles have depicted men as more fit for public life, leadership positions, activities in business, politics, and academia. Children can be socialized from an early age to believe that women and men have different and proper gender roles in society. Those children may then grow up to perpetuate the existence of these damaging and restrictive roles in society. An example of this process is the differences in toys marketed to boys and girls. This video shows that when adults think of a baby as a boy, they give the baby toy vehicles, action figures or construction equipment, and when they consider the baby to be a girl they offer her dolls and kitchen sets. As demonstrated in this video, sayings such as "run like a girl" or "throw like a girl" teach girls that they are physically weaker than boys and are also insulting to girls. It is important to note that these gender roles are limiting for everyone - while girls are taught that they are physically weaker ("run like a girl"), boys are taught that they are emotionally weaker ("boys don't cry"). These views of gender roles, and the socialization that keeps them alive, have led to discrimination against women in public life, as they are often seen as inappropriately defying their assigned gender role. Essentially, the power structure at the basis of discrimination and violence against women is reinforced through the process of internalizing stereotypes and gender roles. This historical process, it should be stressed, does not exclude any region of the world; however, in some regions it entails greater violence for women.

Sexism may arise because of socialized concepts of privilege and entitlement. "Privilege" is defined by the Oxford English Dictionary as "A special right, advantage, or immunity granted or available only to a particular person or group". "Entitlement" is defined as both the "fact of having a right to something" and the "belief that one is inherently deserving of privileges or special treatment".

An extreme form of sexism is misogyny, or the "hatred of women" (Masequesmay, 2017). The presence of misogyny in cultures and societies often leads to high rates of violence against women and the commodification and objectification of women. Structural and cultural norms can breed misogyny.

Although most forms of sexism and discrimination negatively impact women, men can be affected as well. According to a survey conducted in five countries (Bulgaria, Cyprus, Denmark, France and the UK), a significant number of men suffer from gender-based discrimination at the workplace, especially in areas with a greater presence of female compared to male workers, such in health-related services (Eurofound, 2018, p. 10). However, women suffer from discrimination in the workplace, including within the health sector, because of historical-structural conditions that have greater implications than cases of discrimination against men.

Implicit bias / implicit sexism

Prejudice and discrimination can be described as a form of intergroup bias. According to the US National Judicial Education Program, the most prominent forms of gender bias are "(i) Stereotyped thinking about the nature and roles of women and men; (ii) Devaluing what is perceived as 'woman's work'; (iii) Lack of knowledge of the social and economic realities of women's and men's lives" (Halilovic and others, 2017, p. 29).

Bias can often be implicit. "Implicit Bias," sometimes referred to as unconscious bias, is defined by Brownstein (2015) in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy as:

a term of art referring to relatively unconscious and relatively automatic features of prejudiced judgment and social behaviour. While psychologists in the field of "implicit social cognition" study "implicit attitudes" toward consumer products, self-esteem, food, alcohol, political values, and more, the most striking and well-known research has focused on implicit attitudes toward members of socially stigmatized groups, such as African-Americans, women, and the LGBTQ [Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer] community.

Implicit sexism or "everyday sexism" has been highlighted through a project founded by Laura Bates in 2012. Through her website, more than 100,000 women and men have shared their experiences of gender imbalance. In Laura's TED talks, she highlights behavioural and policy changes that were triggered by the sharing of these anecdotes from around the globe. In Nigeria, playwright Ifeoma Fafunwa, has brought attention to similar issues through her play called HEAR WORD! Naija Woman Talk True, a collection of monologues based on true-life stories of Nigerian women that challenges social, cultural, and political norms. Implicit bias from the perspective of an African-American woman is discussed in the 2014 TED talk by Melanie Funchness.

Implicit sexism was first analysed through a study conducted on the "blind" auditions for the symphony orchestra in New York from the 1970s and 1980s. The findings show that blind auditions (using a screen to conceal the candidates' identity from the jury) significantly increased the chances that female musicians would be selected. This is explained further in this article and illustrated in this video.

In another study, focused on hiring practices at university science faculties, staff members were asked to review several job applications. The applications reviewed were identical, apart from the gender of the name of the applicant. They found that science faculty members (both male and female) were more likely to rate the male candidates as better qualified than the female candidates and want to hire more men than women. They also found that male candidates were given a higher starting salary compared to female candidates, and that the employers were willing to invest more in the development of the male candidate than the female candidate (Moss-Racusin and others, 2012).

Other studies show that women are interviewed more critically than their male counterparts, and are interrupted more often (Yorke, 2017). Implicit bias impacts not only the recruitment decision, but also the salary of the individual and the amount of development that is invested in their ongoing progression. Similarly, the study by Eagly and Karau (2002) found that it is more difficult for women to become leaders and to achieve success in leadership roles because a perceived incongruity between the female gender role and leadership roles leads to two forms of prejudice:

(a) Perceiving women less favourably than men as potential occupants of leadership roles.

(b) Evaluating behaviour that fulfils the prescriptions of a leader role less favourably when it is enacted by a woman.

Another interesting study focuses on gendered wording in job announcements. The study shows that when job ads mostly include words associated with male stereotypes (e.g. 'leader', 'competitive' and 'dominant') they are found less appealing by women compared to job ads that mostly include words associated with female stereotypes (e.g. 'support', 'understand', and 'interpersonal'). Therefore, job ads with more "masculine" wording reinforce gender inequality in traditionally male-dominated occupations and thereby amount to "institutional-level mechanism of inequality maintenance" (Gaucher and others, 2011). Finally, this interesting report discusses why women are less likely than men to apply to jobs for which they do not meet all of the advertised requirements.

Sexual harassment and assault

Sexual harassment is a legal term that refers to unsolicited verbal or physical behaviour of a sexual nature (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2018). It includes any sexually motivated behaviour that the recipient finds offensive. Women and girls can be victims of sexual harassment in the home, the workplace, in school, and the larger community, among other places. Examples of such harassment could be unwanted touching, comments of a sexually suggestive nature, rude or offensive comments about one's gender identity or gender expression, questions prying into the personal private life about their sexual history or orientation, just to name a few. Boys can also be victims of sexual harassment, with the harassers almost always being men. This illustrates that sexual violence stems from male supremacy over what is considered undervalued or what can be dominated through the body. It is important to emphasize the effects of this patriarchal power, which is expressed in everything that is considered undervalued and hierarchized by that supremacy.

One example of public sexual harassment that exists in many cultures around the world is "catcalling." Some defend this behaviour, saying that it's part of the culture and is not intended to offend or cause any distress. In France, for example, a law has been proposed which would criminalize this form of harassment and impose fines against men who catcall women. Marlene Schiappa, the French Minister of Gender Equality who is promoting this law, has said that she hopes the law would embarrass the men who harass women and would then lead to change. She stated that there has been opposition to the planned legislation, and that men have responded by saying that catcalling is merely "French culture" (Bell and Jones, 2017).

Sexual harassment extends beyond the street, workplace, or other physical space women may occupy and is ever-present in the virtual world. Women are harassed on social media and the Internet has provided a large platform for the abuse, objectification, and harassment of women. Despite all the benefits social media brings in marshalling and supporting like-minded people, the anonymity afforded by social media also creates an additional forum for women to be abused. Many people feel that more should be done by social media owners (Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, etc.) to protect the vulnerable and to act against those inciting violence, racism and sexism online. As illustrated in the example provided in Exercise 5 of this Module, women in the public eye, rather than men or other vulnerable groups, are particularly singled out for online abuse (also known as "trolling") simply for doing their jobs (in this case, sports journalism or commentary).

Sexual assault or sexual abuse is another pervasive issue that women face around the world (UN Women, 2017). This form of violence and discrimination perpetrated on women because of their gender is particularly prevalent in university campuses. Studies in the United States have uncovered that one in five women in universities in the US have experienced sexual assault (Krebs and others, 2016), and this has been replicated in other parts of the Western world (AHRC, 2017). Sexual assault is the manifestation of misogynistic and sexist societal norms, and is very widespread across the globe today.

The very public exposure of sexual abuse and harassment in the workplace has gained a new level of awareness, when high profile women have thrown their support behind the #metoo campaign, that was started by black activist Tarana Burke in as early as 2007, and called out inappropriate behaviour by male colleagues in Hollywood and national media stars, stating "Time's Up". In addition, there are several large ongoing investigations of sexual abuse allegations against established religious organizations, children's charities, sporting organizations and other government institutions. It appears that community attitudes are changing and vulnerable people feel more confident and comfortable speaking out against abuse and discrimination caused by those in more powerful positions in society.

However, women continue to face discrimination and other types of harm because of their gender, and it remains imperative that we ask ourselves what we can do to eradicate violence against women and ensure that women have equal rights and power in society. These issues are at the heart of feminism and feminist ethics.

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un un united united nations nations office on drugs and crime office on drugs and crime

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Integrity Ethics Module 9 Key Issues: Forms of Gender Discrimination

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This module is a resource for lecturers The following paragraphs discuss the notions of sexism, implicit sexism, sexual harassment and sexual assault, all of which are common forms of gender discrimination against women. Sexism is the prejudice or discrimination based on sex, especially in the form of discrimination against women ( Merriam-Webster).

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When is Homework Helpful? | Sara Kutscher | TEDxRiverdaleCountrySchool

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Kids and stress: how parents play a role in school pressure

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https://eric.ed.gov/?q=Homework+&pr=on&ft=on

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Roschelle, Jeremy; Feng, Mingyu; Murphy, Robert F.; Mason, Craig A. - Grantee Submission, 2016

In a randomized field trial with 2,850 seventh-grade mathematics students, we evaluated whether an educational technology intervention increased mathematics learning. Assigning homework is common yet sometimes controversial. Building on prior research on formative assessment and adaptive teaching, we predicted that combining an online homework...

Descriptors: Mathematics Instruction, Homework, Electronic Learning, Mathematics Achievement

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Roschelle, Jeremy; Feng, Mingyu; Murphy, Robert F.; Mason, Craig A. - Grantee Submission, 2016 In a randomized field trial with 2,850 seventh-grade mathematics students, we evaluated whether an educational technology intervention increased mathematics learning. Assigning homework is common yet sometimes controversial. Building on prior research on formative assessment and adaptive teaching, we predicted that combining an online homework...

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Kids have three times too much homework, study finds; what’s the cost? | CNN

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Students in the early elementary school years are getting significantly more homework than is recommended by education leaders, according to a new study.

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it is terrilble to the fact where they thought she did drugs cause she was pregnated at a young age ,

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i agree , you dont have to be the way u were born or raised even though its genetically

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be proud of who you are

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being the way you are and how u look is the best , nobody can show u more love than how u can love yourself

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i understand how kids stress over schoool cause of personal problems