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Tré Ventour Ed | Twitter, Instagram, Facebook | Linktree

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View treventoured's Linktree. Listen to their music on YouTube, Spotify here.

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'Desmond Tutu, Keir Starmer & The Friend of Jeffery Epstein' (Double Down News, 2022)

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'Desmond Tutu, Keir Starmer & The Friend of Jeffery Epstein' (Double Down News, 2022)

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Desmond Tutu, Keir Starmer & The Friend of Jeffery Epstein

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'Bodies in Conflict: Corporeality, Materiality, and Transformation' (Nicholas Saunders and Paul Cornish, 2014)

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'Bodies in Conflict: Corporeality, Materiality, and Transformation' (Nicholas Saunders and Paul Cornish, 2014)

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'White Graves and Natives: The Imperial War Graves Commission in East and West Africa, 1918-1939' (Michèle Barret)

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Bodies in Conflict: Corporeality, Materiality, and Transformation | Nicholas J. Saunders, Paul Cornish | download

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Bodies in Conflict: Corporeality, Materiality, and Transformation | Nicholas J. Saunders, Paul Cornish | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'The Unremembered: When Churchill Shrugged his Shoulders at the African War Dead' (Tré Ventour, 2020)

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'The Unremembered: When Churchill Shrugged his Shoulders at the African War Dead' (Tré Ventour, 2020)

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MP David Lammy

There's something inspiring about seeing people that look like me speaking on something, in Britain, that's been portrayed as a vocation for middle class White people (mainly men). Watching MP for Tottenham David Lammy in the Commonwealth war graveyard in Voi (Kenya) talking about history took me back to when I first saw David Olusoga, a Black historian talking about history in a way that wasn't detached in hope of being objective. Whilst Olusoga is a historian, Lammy is not. However, seeing Black people on British TV talking about history is not a narrative I'm familiar with.

Photo by Kapil Dubey on Unsplash

In The Unremembered: Britain's Forgotten War Heroes we are pushed to remember the two million Africans from British East Africa (now Kenya) dragged into the First World War, many of whom were press-ganged into service. One million joined the dead. In the Voi cemetery, we are witness to a site fitting for those who gave their lives for king, country and commonwealth. But they were white. Each decorated with a headstone, as written into the equalities policy by the Commonwealth War Grave Commission. However, if you were a Black African, then your service was not seen as equal to that of a white person. You were nothing. Forgotten.

"The erection of memorials to the memory of native troops, carriers etc, depends upon local conditions," wrote the colonial secretary in 1919. "In ordinary circumstances, the Commission would not erect individual headstones but a central memorial in some suitable locality to be selected by the Government concerned." That colonial secretary's name was Winston Churchill, who'd go on to be knighted and elected as Britain's prime minister (twice). In his view, Black Africans (who were British subjects) did not fit into the Commission's frame of reference for equality.

Churchill wrote his only "irritation" during the Boer War was "that Kaffirs should be allowed to fire on white men."

A century on, last year, 2019 marked the centenary of the first remembrance service. Is it time we confront this legacy of discrimination and institutional racism? The bodies of Black Africans were not in the Voi cemetery, but beyond a fence under canopies of bushes. Here, we see how much the colonial office cared. David Olusoga wrote "Black soldiers were expendable - then forgettable." Their corpses were in a wasteland under bushes and litter. Here's the opening of the documentary, and so the investigation begins.

Whilst it can be interpreted as a harmless doc, it follows in the footsteps of The Unwanted: The Secret Windrush Files, as both show the institutional racism implemented by the British establishment against those of African heritage. Moreover, investigating how the imperial mindset and colonial-era racial thinking has been allowed to fester into modern Britain.

It's no secret that British history is a study in erasure, and the stories of Black and brown people in our history books struggle to reach print. These stories really are scaling the walls to get noticed and the unmarked burial sites of hundreds of thousands of Black Africans, including women and children, is just one more example of structural racism. And that the only way to get these histories integrated, is to acknowledge that the establishment erased these stories because of its white supremacist thinking, evident in the heads of the gatekeepers, policy and colonial laws.

Historian David Olusoga

The Macpherson Report was in response to the police investigation into the murder of Stephen Lawrence. Its definition of institutional racism includes neglect and "failure to act." His definition could as easily be applied to the plight of Black and brown colonial soldiers during the world wars, when they came home, and the Black war dead on the African continent.

"the collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin" - Macpherson, 1999

Whilst MacPherson's report is about the police, academic frameworks like Critical Race Theory argues that racism is ingrained in the fabrics of society, linking whiteness to power and blackness / brownness to social subordination, allowing White Privilege to thrive. CRT says it's not about the individual racist, but the system as a collective. And is the system broken, if it was built "racistly" to benefit the White elite? Knowing this, in the mix of the colonial racial thinking in the system, is it really surprising that Black and brown soldiers were treated abominably, both in life and in death?

Channel 4's documentary is riddled with devastating moments and really leaves no hope for the viewer. David Lammy meets Mwamkono Mwavaka, a man whose now dead grandfather was one of the Carrier Corps - men, women and children taken on to carry supplies on mules to the front lines. In Dar es Salaam sits a massive war cemetery, where British and Germans are buried side-by-side. Yet, no such love is given to the Native Africans who gave their lives. "Where do I go in my own country?" cries an interviewee.

Eugenicist and devotee to the British Empire, Winston Churchill

The final act is a metaphor for talking about race in Britain - hostile and resistant to any critique. Lammy at the HQ of the Commonwealth War Graves Commission in conversation with its director general is uncomfortable viewing. "Do we have the names? I don't believe we do," says Victoria Wallace, hostilely. Refusing to talk about race, historically, and how institutions like the CWGC were complicit in systemic racial inequality.

The story ends with no apology, just a few words and some money for a plaque on African soldiers. And yet, no comments on how someone voted the Best Briton by the British public (Winston Churchill) was a racist and complicit in some of the worst crimes in human history - from the Bengal Famine in what was then British India (in 1943) to the Boer War Concentration Camps, to his activities in Ireland and other colonies.

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The Unremembered: When Churchill Shrugged his Shoulders at the African War Dead

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There's something inspiring about seeing people that look like me speaking on something, in Britain, that's been portrayed as a vocation for middle class White people (mainly men). Watching MP for Tottenham David Lammy in the Commonwealth war graveyard in Voi (Kenya) talking about history took me back to when I first saw David Olusoga, a Black historian talking about history in a way that wasn't detached in hope of being objective.

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'The Unremembered: Britain's Forgotten War Heroes' (David Lammy, 2019)

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'The Unremembered: Britain's Forgotten War Heroes' (David Lammy, 2019)

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Guy Martin's WWI Tank

Remembering World War I

Time Team Specials

Edward VIII: Britain's Traitor King

Guy Martin's WWI Tank

Remembering World War I

Time Team Specials

Edward VIII: Britain's Traitor King

Hell in the Pacific

Britain's Forgotten Wars with Tony Robinson

The Dambusters' Great Escape: Secret History

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Unremembered - Britain's Forgotten War Heroes

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Guy Martin's WWI Tank Remembering World War I Time Team Specials Edward VIII: Britain's Traitor King Guy Martin's WWI Tank Remembering World War I Time Team Specials Edward VIII: Britain's Traitor King Hell in the Pacific Britain's Forgotten Wars with Tony Robinson The Dambusters' Great Escape: Secret History

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Where are you really from?

You're British. Your parents are British. You were raised in Britain. Your partner, your children and most of your friends are British.

So why do people keep asking you where you are from?

We are a nation in denial about our imperial past and the racism that plagues our present. Brit(ish) is Afua Hirsch's personal and provocative exploration of how this came to be - and an urgent call for change.

'The book for our divided and dangerous times'
David Olusoga

Brit(ish) is about a search for identity. It is about the everyday racism that plagues British society. It is about our awkward, troubled relationship with our history. It is about why liberal attempts to be 'colour-blind' have caused more problems than they have solved. It is about why we continue to avoid talking about race.

In this personal and provocative investigation, Afua Hirsch explores a very British crisis of identity. We are a nation in denial about our past and our present. We believe we are the nation of abolition, but forget we are the nation of slavery. We are convinced that fairness is one of our values, but that immigration is one of our problems. Brit(ish) is the story of how and why this came to be, and an urgent call for change.

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Brit(ish): On Race, Identity and Belonging

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Where are you really from? You're British. Your parents are British. You were raised in Britain. Your partner, your children and most of your friends are British. So why do people keep asking you where you are from? We are a nation in denial about our imperial past and the racism that plagues our present.

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'Barack Obama had a special talent for making different kinds of people feel comfortable around him because of his biracial life experience, says Adekoya. By...

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'Forgotten Histories: Three Stories of Black Girls from Barnardo's Victorian Archive' (Caroline Bressey, 2002)

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'Forgotten Histories: Three Stories of Black Girls from Barnardo's Victorian Archive' (Caroline Bressey, 2002)

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Forgotten histories: three stories of black girls from Barnardo's Victorian archive

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Forgotten histories: three stories of black girls from Barnardo's Victorian archive | Bressey, Caroline | download | BookSC. Download books for free. Find books

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'Black Lives in the English Archives' (Imtiaz Habib, 2008)

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'Black Lives in the English Archives' (Imtiaz Habib, 2008)

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Containing an urgently needed archival database of historical evidence, this volume includes both a consolidated presentation of the documentary records of black people in Tudor and Stuart England, and an interpretive narrative that confirms and significantly extends the insights of current theoretical excursus on race in early modern England. Here for the first time Imtiaz Habib collects the scattered references to black people-whether from Africa, India or America-in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century England, and arranges them into a systematic, chronological descriptive index. He offers an extended historical and theoretical interpretation of the records in six chapters, which serve as an introductory guide to the index even as they articulate a specific argument about the meaning of the records. Both the archival information and interpretive scholarship provide a strong framework from which future historical debates on race in early modern England can proceed.

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Black Lives in the English Archives, 1500-1677: Imprints of the Invisible

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Containing an urgently needed archival database of historical evidence, this volume includes both a consolidated presentation of the documentary records of black people in Tudor and Stuart England, and an interpretive narrative that confirms and significantly extends the insights of current theoretical excursus on race in early modern England.

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'Employment, Contrary to International Law, of Coloured Troops Upon the European Arena of War, by England and France' (German Foreign Office, 1915)

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'Employment, Contrary to International Law, of Coloured Troops Upon the European Arena of War, by England and France' (German Foreign Office, 1915)

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Employment, contrary to international law, of colored troops upon the European arena of war, by England and France

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The organization that has made the Item available believes that the Item is in the Public Domain under the laws of the United States, but a determination was not made as to its copyright status under the copyright laws of other countries. The Item may not be in the Public Domain under the laws of other countries.

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How rebellious colonies changed British attitudes to empire

Insurgent Empire shows how Britain's enslaved and colonial subjects were active agents in their own liberation. What is more, they shaped British ideas of freedom and emancipation back in the United Kingdom.

Priyamvada Gopal examines a century of dissent on the question of empire and shows how British critics of empire were influenced by rebellions and resistance in the colonies, from the West Indies and East Africa to Egypt and India. In addition, a pivotal role in fomenting resistance was played by anticolonial campaigners based in London, right at the heart of empire.

Much has been written on how colonized peoples took up British and European ideas and turned them against empire when making claims to freedom and self-determination. Insurgent Empiresets the record straight in demonstrating that these people were much more than victims of imperialism or, subsequently, the passive beneficiaries of an enlightened British conscience-they were insurgents whose legacies shaped and benefited the nation that once oppressed them.

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Insurgent Empire: Anticolonial Resistance and British Dissent

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How rebellious colonies changed British attitudes to empire Insurgent Empire shows how Britain's enslaved and colonial subjects were active agents in their own liberation. What is more, they shaped British ideas of freedom and emancipation back in the United Kingdom.

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The King's Man | Official Trailer | 20th Century Studios

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On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life | Sara Ahmed | download

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On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life | Sara Ahmed | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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Odd Tribes challenges theories of whiteness and critical race studies by examining the tangles of privilege, debasement, power, and stigma that constitute white identity. Considering the relation of phantasmatic cultural forms such as the racial stereotype "white trash" to the actual social conditions of poor whites, John Hartigan Jr. generates new insights into the ways that race, class, and gender are fundamentally interconnected. By tracing the historical interplay of stereotypes, popular cultural representations, and the social sciences' objectifications of poverty, Hartigan demonstrates how constructions of whiteness continually depend on the vigilant maintenance of class and gender decorums.

Odd Tribes engages debates in history, anthropology, sociology, and cultural studies over how race matters. Hartigan tracks the spread of "white trash" from an epithet used only in the South prior to the Civil War to one invoked throughout the country by the early twentieth century. He also recounts how the cultural figure of "white trash" influenced academic and popular writings on the urban poor from the 1880s through the 1990s. Hartigan's critical reading of the historical uses of degrading images of poor whites to ratify lines of color in this country culminates in an analysis of how contemporary performers such as Eminem and Roseanne Barr challenge stereotypical representations of "white trash" by claiming the identity as their own. Odd Tribes presents a compelling vision of what cultural studies can be when diverse research methodologies and conceptual frameworks are brought to bear on pressing social issues.

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Odd Tribes: Toward a Cultural Analysis of White People

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Odd Tribes challenges theories of whiteness and critical race studies by examining the tangles of privilege, debasement, power, and stigma that constitute white identity. Considering the relation of phantasmatic cultural forms such as the racial stereotype "white trash" to the actual social conditions of poor whites, John Hartigan Jr.

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'How Europe Underdeveloped Africa' (Walter Rodney, 1972)

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'How Europe Underdeveloped Africa' (Walter Rodney, 1972)

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"How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is a 1972 book written by Walter Rodney that takes the view that Africa was deliberately exploited and underdeveloped by European colonial regimes. One of his main arguments throughout the book is that Africa developed Europe at the same rate as Europe underdeveloped Africa. "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is an ambitious masterwork of political economy, detailing the impact of slavery and colonialism on the history of international capitalism. In this classic book, Rodney makes the unflinching case that African "mal-development" is not a natural feature of geography, but a direct product of imperial extraction from the continent, a practice that continues up into the present.

Meticulously researched, "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" remains a relevant study for understanding the so-called "great divergence" between Africa and Europe, just as it remains a prescient resource for grasping the multiplication of global inequality today. This classic work of political, economic, and historical analysis, is powerfully introduced by Angela Davis

In his magnum opus, "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa", Rodney incisively argues that grasping "the great divergence" between the West and the rest can only be explained as the exploitation of the latter by the former. This meticulously researched analysis of the abiding repercussions of European colonialism on the continent of Africa has not only informed decades of scholarship and activism, it remains an indispensable study for grasping global inequality today.

The Guyanan intellectual Walter Rodney wrote this book directly after the 1960s wave of African independence declarations, to show why Africa was so underdeveloped compared to the 'First World', and who was to blame for this. A consistently intelligent and politically involved Marxist thinker, Rodney was one of the second generation of black socialists to write about African issues, after the tradition of CLR James and Eric Williams, the former of whom tutored Rodney. "How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is probably Rodney's magnum opus of popular science, aimed at a general public, and very accessible and informative.

Rodney describes in chronological sequence the development of Africa as a continent and the way in which the Europeans interfered with it. Going from the earliest African empires and states and their social relations, via the first wave of slave-trading, to full-blown colonialism, Rodney shows us how Europeans consistently attacked, pillaged, exploited, suppressed, enslaved, divided and discriminated against Africans, and the enormous impact the various stages of slavery and colonialism had in destroying the indigenous opportunities for coming out of feudalism into capitalist and industrialized societies.

It is truly remarkable, given how short a time Africa has had to develop on its own as a modern society, how quickly African states have been able to modernize, and how strong the resilience of the various African peoples is to the enormous destruction they have had to endure. Rodney shows us all this with excellent writing and sensible use of 'bourgeois' sources, allowing the interested layman to gain all the necessary broad background information on the history of European involvement in Africa.

Of necessity, the book is sometimes rather annoyingly concise and vague about the specifics of colonial policies, destruction of early indigenous development etc., things about which one would want to know more. Rodney provides a reading list for more information at the end of every chapter, but since this book is from the 1960s, it is dubious whether such lists are still useful considering the improvements made in radical scholarship on Africa since. The timing of the book also makes it such that there is practically nothing on African states since independence, as most independence declarations had happened only shortly before its publication. Moreover, Rodney is very saccharine about the influence of the 'socialist' states such as the USSR and China on Africa, which he exclusively paints in positive terms.

Certainly the Leninists have had a vastly better influence on African development than any Western nation ever has, but the USSR and China had their own interests to defend in Africa as well, and were not there purely for humanitarian purposes, as Rodney sometimes makes it seem. Nonetheless, this is a good general book on the legacy of European destruction in Africa, and it thoroughly refutes all the common arguments in defense of colonialism in that continent.

In his short life, the Guyanese intellectual Walter Rodney emerged as one of the leading thinkers and activists of the anticolonial revolution, leading movements in North America, South America, the African continent, and the Caribbean. In each locale, Rodney found himself a lightning rod for working class Black Power. His deportation catalyzed 20th century Jamaica's most significant rebellion, the 1968 Rodney riots, and his scholarship trained a generation how to think politics at an international scale. In 1980, shortly after founding of the Working People's Alliance in Guyana, the 38-year-old Rodney would be assassinated.

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"How Europe Underdeveloped Africa" is a 1972 book written by Walter Rodney that takes the view that Africa was deliberately exploited and underdeveloped by European colonial regimes. One of his main arguments throughout the book is that Africa developed Europe at the same rate as Europe underdeveloped Africa.

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'The History of White People' (Nell Irvin Painter, 2010)

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'The History of White People' (Nell Irvin Painter, 2010)

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Who are white people and where did they come from? Elementary questions with elusive, contradictory, and complicated answers set historian Painters inquiry into motion. From notions of whiteness in Greek literature to the changing nature of white identity in direct response to Malcolm X and his black power successors, Painters wide-ranging response is a whos who of racial thinkers and a synoptic guide to their work. Her commodious history of an idea accommodates Caesar Saint Patrick, historys most famous British slave of the early medieval period Madame de Staël and Emerson, the philosopher king of American white race theory. Painter (Sojourner Truth) reviews the diverse cast in their intellectual milieus, linking them to one another across time and language barriers. Conceptions of beauty (ideals of white beauty [became] firmly embedded in the science of race), social science research, and persistent North/South stereotypes prove relevant to defining whiteness. What we can see, the author observes, depends heavily on what our culture has trained us to look for. For the variable, changing, and often capricious definition of whiteness, Painter offers a kaleidoscopic lens.

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Who are white people and where did they come from? Elementary questions with elusive, contradictory, and complicated answers set historian Painters inquiry into motion. From notions of whiteness in Greek literature to the changing nature of white identity in direct response to Malcolm X and his black power successors, Painters wide-ranging response is a whos who of racial thinkers and a synoptic guide to their work.

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'Superior: The Return of Race Science' (Angela Saini, 2019)

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'Superior: The Return of Race Science' (Angela Saini, 2019)

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For millennia, dominant societies have had the habit of believing their own people to be the best, deep down: the more powerful they become, the more power begins to be framed as natural, as well as cultural. When you see how power has shaped the idea of race, then you can start to understand its meaning.

In the twenty-first century, we like to believe that we have moved beyond scientific racism, that most people accept race as a social construct, not a biological one. But race science is experiencing a revival, fuelled by the misuse of science by certain political groups.

Even well-intentioned scientists, through their use of racial categories in genetics and medicine, betray their suspicion that race has some basis in biology.

In truth, it is no more real than it was hundreds of years ago, when our racial hierarchies were devised by those in power.

In Superior, award-winning author Angela Saini explores the concept of race, from its origins to the present day. Engaging with geneticists, anthropologists, historians and social scientists from across the globe, Superior is a rigorous, much needed examination of the insidious and destructive nature of race science.

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For millennia, dominant societies have had the habit of believing their own people to be the best, deep down: the more powerful they become, the more power begins to be framed as natural, as well as cultural. When you see how power has shaped the idea of race, then you can start to understand its meaning.

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'Principles of Political Economy' (John Stuart Mill, 1885)

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'Principles of Political Economy' (John Stuart Mill, 1885)

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Principles of Political Economy (Abridged 1885 Edition)

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In this classic book, John Stuart Mill offers the great synthesis of nineteenth-century economics. The Principles are tedious at times, but provide a generally illuminating account of the ways nineteenth-century citizens reconciled themselves to an increasingly quantified world. Mill engages usef...

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'Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question' (Thomas Carlyle, 1849)

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'Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question' (Thomas Carlyle, 1849)

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WARNING AND DISCLAIMER

"Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question"

1849

Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country
(London, Vol. XL., February 1849)

Back
[Note on HET version: This essay by Thomas Carlyle was published anonymously in 1849 in Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country. Please read our WARNING AND DISCLAIMER. For more information and context, see our Carlyle-Mill "Negro Question" Debate.

This electronic text is taken from the versionreprinted in America under the title "West India Emancipation" in Page numbers in bold square brackets, e.g. The Commercial Review of the South and West (later [p.528], denote the beginning of the respective page in the 1850 Commercial Review version. All errors are left intact. By way of contrast, we have included the introductions to two American reprints of this essay: the first by the editor (J.D. de Bow?) of the Commercial Review of the South and West (1850, New Orleans, Louisiana) and another by the editor (E. Littell?) of Littell's Living Age (1850, Boston, Massachusetts). De Bow's Review), June, 1850, Vol. VIII (Old Series), Vol. II, No.4 N.S., p.527-538 (ed. J.D. De Bow, New Orleans). It is available in GIF format online from the University of Michigan's "Making of America" Database, whom thank for permission to reproduce here.

As far as we know, this essay is in the public domain. You are free to make use of this electronic version in any way you wish, except for commercial purposes, without asking permission. All comments and corrections of this text are encouraged and can be addressed to HET contact]
[Introduction by the editor (J.D. de Bow?) in The Commercial Review of the South and West, 1850, p.527]
ART. III.- CARLYLE ON WEST INDIA EMANCIPATION.

WHAT HAVE THE WEST INDIA NEGROES GAINED BY EMANCIPATION, AND WHAT HAS THE WORLD GAINED BY THE EFFORTS OF EXETER HALL PHILANTHROPISTS

[THE following paper appeared in a late number of Frazer's London Magazine. The style and manner are plainly those of Thomas Carlyle, to whom it is attributed. It is a piece of pungent satire, upon the whole body of pseudo philanthropists, who, within the last few years, have been a curse to our own country, as well as to England. The West India question is, for the first time, put in its true light before the English people, and it will much surprise us if a reaction, in favor of common sense, is not the result. The reader will not allow the quaint style, and the odd conceits of Mr. Carlyle, to prevent him from giving an attentive perusal to the matter. We are sure that he will agree with us, that the case of Quashee is disposed of with a master hand, and left in its nakedness, without a single prop or support. When British writers can so speak, it is time for Northern fanaticism to pause and reflect.-ED.]

[Introduction by the editor (E. Littell?) in Littell's Living Age, 1850, p.248]

[We find the following pages in Fraser's Magazine. Are they by Mr. Carlyle? They will be a grief to many of his admirers in this region, and yet they, and others, (if others indeed there be!) will think it desirable to read whatever the sage may write.]

________________________________________________________

[ p.527]

Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question

THE following occasional discourse, delivered by we know not whom, and of date seemingly above a year back, may, perhaps, be welcome to here and there a speculative reader. It comes to us -- no speaker named, no time or place assigned, no commentary of any sort given in the hand-writing of the so-called "Doctor," properly "Absconded Reporter," Dr. Phelin M'Quirk, whose singular powers of reporting, and also whose debts, extravagances, and sorrowful insidious finance-operations, now winded up by a sudden disappearance, to the grief of many poor trades-people, are making too much noise in the police offices at present! Of M'Quirk's composition, we by no means suppose it to be; but from M'Quirk, as the last traceable source, it comes to us; offered, in fact, by his respectable, unfortunate landlady, desirous to make up part of her losses in this way.

To absconded reporters, who bilk their lodgings, we have, of course, no account to give; but if the speaker be of any eminence or substantiality, and feel himself aggrieved by the transaction, let him understand that such, and such only, is our connection with him or his affairs. As the colonial and negro question is still alive, and likely to grow livelier for some time, we have accepted the article, at a cheap market rate; and give it publicity, without, in the least, committing ourselves to the strange doctrines and notions shadowed forth in it. Doctrines and notions which, we rather suspect, are pretty much in a minority of one, in the present era of the world. Here, sure enough, are peculiar views of the rights of negroes; involving, it is probable, peculiar ditto of innumerable other rights, duties, expectations, wrongs and disappointments, much argued of, by logic and by grape-shot, in these emancipated epochs of the human mind. Silence now, however, and let the speaker himself enter:

[p.528]

My Philanthropic Friends: It is my painful duty to address some words to you, this evening, upon the rights of negroes. Taking, as we hope we do, an extensive survey of social affairs, which we find all in a state of the frightfullest embroilment, and, as it were, of inextricable final bankruptcy, just at present, and being desirous to adjust ourselves in that huge up-break, and unutterable welter of tumbling ruins, and to see well that our grand proposed Association of Associations, the UNIVERSAL ABOLITION-OF-PAIN-ASSOCIATION, which is meant to be the consummate golden flower, and summary of modern philanthropisms, all in one, do not issue as a universal "Sluggard-and-Scoundrel Protection Society" -- we have judged that, before constituting ourselves, it would be very proper to commune earnestly with one another, and discourse together on the leading elements of our great problem, which surely is one of the greatest. With this view, the council has decided, both that the negro question, as lying at the bottom, was to be the first handled, and, if possible, the first settled; and then, also, what was of much more questionable wisdom, that -- that, in short, I was to be speaker on the occasion. An honorable duty! yet, as I said, a painful one! Well, you shall hear what I have to say on the matter; and you will not, in the least, like it.

West Indian affairs, as we all know, and some of us know to our cost, are in a rather troublous condition this good while. In regard to West Indian affairs, however, Lord John Russell is able to comfort us with one fact, indisputable where so many are dubious, that the negroes are all very happy and doing well. A fact very comfortable indeed. West Indian whites, it is admitted, are far enough from happy; West Indian colonies not unlike sinking wholly into ruin; at home, too, the British whites are rather badly off-several millions of them hanging on the verge of continual famine -- and, in single towns, many thousands of them very sore put to it, at this time, not to live "well," or as a man should, in any sense, temporal or spiritual, but to live at all-these, again, are uncomfortable facts; and they are extremely extensive and important ones. But, thank heaven, our interesting black population equaling, almost, in number of heads, one of the ridings of Yorkshire, and in worth (in quantity of intellect, faculty, docility, energy, and available human valor and value), perhaps one of the streets of seven dials --are all doing remarkably well. "Sweet blighted lilies "'-- as the American epitaph on the niggar child has it -- sweet blighted lilies, they are holding up their heads again! How pleasant, in the universal bankruptcy abroad, and dim, dreary stagnancy at home, as if, for England too, there remained nothing but to suppress Chartist riots, banish united Irishmen, vote the supplies, and wait, with arms crossed, till black anarchy and social death devoured us also, as it has done the others; how pleasant to have always this fact to fall back upon; our beautiful black darlings are at last happy; with little labor except to the teeth, which, surely, in those excellent horse-jaws of theirs, will not fail!

Exeter Hall, my philanthropic friends, has had its way in this matter. The twenty millions, a mere trifle, despatched with a single dash of the pen, are paid; and, far over the sea, we have a few black persons rendered extremely "free" indeed. Sitting yonder, with their beautiful muzzles up to the ears in pumpkins, imbibing sweet pulps and juices; [p.529] the grinder and incisor teeth ready for every new work, and the pumpkins cheap as grass in those rich climates; while the sugar crops rot round them, uncut, because labor cannot be hired, so cheap are the pumpkins; and at home, we are but required to rasp from the breakfast loaves of our own English laborers, some slight "differential sugar duties." and lend a poor half million, or a few more millions, now and then, to keep that beautiful state of matters going on. A state of matters lovely to contemplate, in these emancipated epochs of the human mind, which has earned us, not only the praises of Exeter Hall, and loud, long-eared halleluiahs of laudatory psalmody from the friends of freedom everywhere, but lasting favor (it is hoped) from the heavenly powers themselves; which may, at least, justly appeal to the heavenly powers, and ask them, if ever, in terrestrial procedure, they saw the match of it! Certainly, in the past history of the human species, it has no parallel; nor, one hopes, will it have in the future.

Sunk in deep froth-oceans of "Benevolence," "Fraternity," "Emancipation-principle," "Christian Philanthropy," and other most amiable-looking, but most baseless, and, in the end, baleful and all-bewildering jargon -- sad product of a skeptical eighteenth century, and of poor human hearts, left destitute of any earnest guidance, and disbelieving that there ever was any, christian or heathen, and reduced to believe, in rosepink sentimentalism alone, and to cultivate the same under its christian, anti-christian, broad-brimmed, Brutus-headed, and other forms -- has not the human species gone strange roads during that period? and poor Exeter Hall, cultivating the broad-brimmed form of christian sentimentalism, and long talking, and bleating, and braying, in that strain -- has it not worked out results? Our West India legislatings, with their spoutings. anti-spoutings, and interminable jangle and babble-our twenty millions, down on the nail for blacks of our own-thirty gradual millions more, and many brave British lives to boot, in watching blacks of other people's-and now, at last, our ruined sugar estates, differential sugar duties, "immigration loan," and beautiful blacks, sitting there, up to the ears in pumpkins, and doleful whites, sitting here, without potatoes to eat; never, till now, I think, did the sun look down on such a jumble of human nonsenses, of which, with the two hot nights of the Missing-Despatch Debate,* God grant that the measure might now, at last, be full! But no, it is not yet full; we have a long way to travel back, and terrible flounderings to make, and, in fact, an immense load of nonsense to dislodge from our poor heads, and manifold cobwebs to rend from our poor eyes, before we get into the road again, and can begin to act as serious men that have work to do in this universe, and no longer as windy sentimentalists, that merely have speeches to deliver, and despatches to write. O Heaven! in West Indian matters, and in all manner of matters, it is so with us-the more is the sorrow! The West Indies, it appears, are short of labor, as, indeed, is very conceivable in those circumstances. Where a black man, by working half an hour a day (such is the calculation), can supply himself, by aid of sun and soil, with as much pumpkin as will suffice, he is likely to be[p.530] a little stiff to raise into hard work! Supply and demand, which, science says, should be brought to bear on him, have an up-hill task-of it with such a man. Strong sun supplies itself gratis -- rich soil, in those unpeopled or half-peopled regions, almost gratis: these are his supply; and half an hour a day, directed upon these, will produce pumpkin, which is his "demand." The fortunate black man! very swiftly does he settle his account with supply and demand; not so swiftly the less fortunate white man of these tropical localities. He, himself, cannot work; and his black neighbor, rich in pumpkin, is in no haste to help him. Sunk to the ears in pumpkin, imbibing saccharine juices, and much at his ease in the creation, he can listen to the less fortunate white man's "demand," and take his own time in supplying it. Higher wages, massa; higher, for your cane crop cannot wait; still higher -- till no conceivable opulence of cane crop will cover such wages! In Demerara, as I read in the blue book of last year, the cane crop, far and wide, stands rotting; the fortunate black gentlemen: strong in their pumpkins, having all struck till the "demand" rise a little. Sweet, blighted lilies, now getting up their heads again!

Science, however, has a remedy still. Since the demand is so pressing, and the supply so inadequate (equal, in fact, to nothing in some places, as appears), increase the supply; bring more blacks into the labor market, then will the rate fall, says science. Not the least surprising part of our West Indian policy, is this recipe of "immigration;" of keeping down the labor-market in those islands, by importing new Africans to labor and live there. If the Africans that are already there could be made to lay down their pumpkins and labor for a living, there are already Africans enough. If the new Africans, after laboring a little, take to pumpkins like the others, what remedy is there? To bring in new and ever new Africans, say you, till pumpkins themselves grow dear -- till the country is crowded with Africans, and black men there, like white men here, are forced, by hunger, to labor for their living? That will be a consummation. To have "emancipated" the West Indies into a black Ireland -- " free,"' indeed, but an Ireland, and black! The world may yet see prodigies, and reality be stranger than a nightmare dream.

Our own white or sallow Ireland, sluttishly starving, from age to age, on its act-of-parliament "freedom," was hitherto the flower of mismanagement among the nations; but what will this be to a negro Ireland, with pumpkins themselves fallen scarce like potatoes? Imagination cannot fathom such an object; the belly of chaos never held the like. The human mind, in its wide wanderings, has not dreamt, yet, of such a "freedom" as that will be. Toward that, if Exeter Hall, and science of supply and demand, are to continue our guides in the matter, we are daily traveling, and even struggling, with loans of half a million, and such like, to accelerate ourselves.

Truly, my philanthropic friends, Exeter Hall philanthropy is wonderful; and the social science -- not a "gay science," but a rueful --which finds the secret of this universe in "supply and demand," and reduces the duty of human governors to that of letting men alone, is also wonderful. Not a "gay science," I should say, like some we have heard of; no, a dreary, desolate and, indeed, quite abject and distressing one; [p.531] what we might call, by way of eminence, the dismal science. These two, Exeter Hall philanthropy and the Dismal Science, led by any sacred cause of black emancipation, or the like, to fall in love and make a wedding of it -- will give birth to progenies and prodigies: dark extensive moon-calves, unnameable abortions, wide-coiled monstrosities, such as the world has not seen hitherto!

In fact, it will behoove us of this English nation, to overhaul our West Indian procedure from top to bottom; and to ascertain a little better what it is that fact and nature demand of us, and what only Exeter Hall, wedded to the Dismal Science, demands. To the former set of demands we will endeavor, at our peril -- and worse peril than our purse's, at our soul's peril -- to give all obedience. To the latter we will very frequently demur, and try if we cannot stop short where they contradict the former, and, especially, before arriving at the black throat of ruin, whither they appear to be leading us. Alas, in many other provinces, beside the West Indian, that unhappy wedlock of philanthropic liberalism and the Dismal Science, has engendered such all-enveloping delusions, of the moon-calf sort -- and wrought huge woe for us, and for the poor, civilized world, in these days! And sore will be the battle with said moon-calves; and terrible the struggle to return out of our delusions, floating rapidly on which, not the West Indies alone, but Europe generally, is nearing the Niagara Falls. [ Here various persons, in an agitated manner, with an air of indignation, left the room; especially one very tall gentleman, in white trousers, whose boots creaked much. The President, in a resolved voice, with a look of official rigor, whatever his own private feelings might be, enjoined, " Silence! Silence!" The meeting again sat motionless.]

My philanthropic friends, can you discern no fixed headlands in this wide-weltering deluge of benevolent twaddle and revolutionary grapeshot that has burst forth on us -- no sure bearings at all? Fact and nature, it seems to me, say a few words to us, if, happily, we have still an ear for fact and nature. Let us listen a little, and try. And first, with regard to the West Indies, it may be laid down as a principle, which no eloquence in Exeter Hall, or Westminster Hall, or elsewhere, can invalidate or hide, except for a short time only, that no black man, who will not work according to what ability the gods have given him for working, has the smallest right to eat pumpkin, or to any fraction of land that will grow pumpkin, however plentiful such land may be, but has an indisputable and perpetual right to be compelled, by the real proprietors of said land, to do competent work for his living. This is the everlasting duty of all men, black or white, who are born into this world. To do competent work, to labor honestly according to the ability given them; for that, and for no other purpose, was each one of us sent into this world; and woe is to every man who by friend or by foe, is prevented from fulfilling this, the end of his being. That is the'" unhappy" lot -- lot equally unhappy cannot otherwise be provided for man. Whatsoever prohibits or prevents a man from this, his sacred appointment, to labor while he lives on earth -- that, I say, is the man's deadliest enemy; and all men are called upon to do what is in their power, or opportunity, toward delivering him from it. If it be his own indolence that prevents and prohibits him, then his own indolence is the [p.532] enemy he must be delivered from; and the first "right" he has -- poor indolent blockhead, black or white -- is, that every unprohibited man, whatsoever wiser, more industrious person may be passing that way, shall endeavor to "emancipate" him from his indolence, and, by some wise means, as I said, compel him to do the work he is fit for. This is the eternal law of nature for a man, my beneficient Exeter Hall friends; this, that he shall be permitted, encouraged, and, if need be, compelled, to do what work the Maker of him has intended, by the making of him for this world. Not that he should eat pumpkin with never such felicity in the West India islands is, or can be, the blessedness of our black friend -- but that he should do useful work there, according as the gifts have been bestowed on him for that. And his own happiness, and that of others around him, will alone be possible, by his and their getting into such a relation that this can be permitted him, and, in case of need, that this can be compelled him. I beg you to understand this, for you seem to have a little forgotten it, and there lie a thousand inferences in it, not quite useless for Exeter Hall, at present. The idle black man in the West Indies, had, not long since, the right, and will again, under better form, if it please Heaven, have the right (actually the first "right of man" for an indolent person) to be compelled to work as he was fit, and to do the Maker's will, who had constructed him with such and such prefigurements of capability. And I incessantly pray Heaven, all men, the whitest alike, and the blackest, the richest and the poorest, in other regions of the world, had attained precisely the same right, the divine right of being compelled (if "permitted" will not answer) to do what work they are appointed for, and not to go idle another minute, in a life so short! Alas, we had then a perfect world! and the millennium and true "organization of labor," and reign of complete blessedness, for all workers and men, had then arrived, which, in these, our own poor districts of the planet, as we all lament to know, it is very far from having yet done.

Let me suggest another consideration withal; West India islands, still full of waste fertility, produce abundant pumpkins; pumpkins, however, you will please to observe, are not the sole requisite for human well-being. No! for a pig they are the one thing needful -- but for a man, they are only the first of several things needful. And now, as to the right of chief management in cultivating those West India lands -- as to the "right of property" so called, and of doing what you like with your own. The question is abstruse enough. Who it may be that has a right to raise pumpkins and other produce on those islands, perhaps none can, except temporarily, decide. The islands are good withal for pepper, for sugar, for sago, arrowroot, for coffee, perhaps for cinnamon and precious spices-things far nobler than pumpkins, and leading toward commerces, arts, politics, and social developments, which, alone, are the noble product, where men (and not pigs with pumpkins) are the parties concerned! Well, all this fruit, too, fruit spicy and commercial, fruit spiritual and celestial, so far beyond the merely pumpkinish and grossly terrene, lies in the West India lands; and the ultimate "proprietorship" of them -- why, I suppose, it will vest in him who can the best educe from them, whatever of noble produce they were created fit for yielding. He, I compute, is the real [p.533] "Vicegerent of the Maker" there; in him, better and better chosen, and not in another, is the "property" vested by decree of Heaven's chancery itself!

Up to this time, it is the Saxon British mainly; they hitherto have cultivated with some manfulness; and when a manfuller class of cultivators, stronger, worthier to have such land, abler to bring fruit from it, shall make their appearance, they, doubt it not, by fortune of war, and other confused negotiation and vicissitude, will be declared by nature and fact to be the worthier, and will become proprietors, perhaps, also, only for a time. That is the law, I take it, ultimate supreme, for all lands, in all countries, under this sky. The one perfect, Eternal Proprietor, is the Maker who created them; the temporary, better or worse proprietor, is he whom the Maker has sent on that mission; he who the best hitherto can educe from said lands the beneficent gifts the Maker endowed them with -- or, which is but another definition of the same person, he who leads hitherto the manfullest life on that bit of soil, doing better than another yet found can do, the Eternal Purpose and Supreme Will there. And now observe, my friends. it was not Black Quashee, or those he represents, that made those West India islands what they are, or can, by any hypothesis, be considered to have the right of growing pumpkins there. For countless ages, since they first mounted oozy on the back of earthquakes, from their dark bed in the ocean deeps, and reeking, saluted the tropical sun, and ever onward, till the European white man first saw them, some three short centuries ago, those islands had produced mere jungle, savagery, poison reptiles and swamp malaria till the white European first saw them, they were, as if not yet created; their noble elements of cinnamon -- sugar, coffee, pepper, black and gray, lying all asleep, waiting the white Enchanter, who should say to them, awake! Till the end of human history, and the sounding of the trump of doom, they might have lain so, had Quashee, and the like of him, been the only artists in the game. Swamps, fever-jungles, maneating caribs, rattle-snakes, and reeking waste and putrefaction: this had been the produce of them under the incompetent caribal (what we call cannibal) possessors till that time; and Quashee knows, himself, whether ever he could have introduced an improvement. Him, had he, by a miraculous chance, been wafted thither, the caribals would have eaten, rolling him as a fat morsel under their tongue-for him, till the sounding of the trump of doom, the rattlesnakes and savageries would have held on their way. It was not he, then -- it was another than he! Never, by art of his, could one pumpkin have grown there, to solace any human throat; nothing but savagery, and reeking putrefaction could have grown there! These plentiful pumpkins, I say, therefore, are not his; no, they are another's; they are only his under conditions -- conditions which Exeter Hall, for the present, has forgotten; but which nature, and the Eternal Powers, have, by no manner of means, forgotten, but do, at all moments, keep in mind; and, at the right moment, will, with the due impressiveness, perhaps in rather a terrible manner, bring again to our mind also! If Quashee will not honestly aid in bringing out those sugars, cinnamons, and nobler products of the West India islands, for the benefit [p.534] of all mankind, then, I say, neither will the powers permit Quashee to continue growing pumpkins there for his own lazy benefit, but will sheer him out, by and by, like a lazy gourd overshadowing rich ground -- him, and all that partake with him -- perhaps in a very terrible manner. For, under favor of Exeter Hall, the "terrible manner" is not yet quite extinct with the destinies in this universe; nor will it quite cease, I apprehend, for soft-sawder or philanthropic stump-oratory, now, or henceforth. No! the gods wish, besides pumpkins, that spices and valuable products be grown in their West Indies; thus much they have declared in so making the West Indies; infinitely more they wish -- that manful, industrious men occupy their West Indies, not indolent, two-legged cattle, however "happy" over their abundant pumpkins! Both these things, we may be assured, the immortal gods have decided upon -- passed their eternal act of parliament for; and both of them, though all terrestial parliaments and entities oppose it to the death, shall be done. Quashee, if he will not help in bringing out the spices, will get himself made a slave again (which state will be a little less ugly than his present one), and with beneficient whip, since other methods avail not, will be compelled to work. Or, alas, let him look across to Hayti, and trace a far sterner prophecy! Let him, by his ugliness, idleness, rebellion, banish all white men from the West Indies, and make it all one Hayti, with little or no sugar-growing, black Peter exterminating black Paul, and, where a garden of the Hesperides might be, nothing but a tropical dog-kennel and pestiferous jungle -- does he think that will forever continue pleasant to gods and men? I see men, the rose-pink cant all peeled away from them, land one day on those black coasts; men sent by the laws of this universe, and the inexorable course of things; men hungry for gold, remorseless, fierce as old buccaneers were -- and a doom for Quashee, which I had rather not contemplate! The gods are long-suffering; but the law, from the beginning, was, He that will not work shall perish from the earth -- and the patience of the gods has limits!

Before the West Indies could grow a pumpkin for any negro, how much European heroism had to spend itself in obscure battle; to sink, in mortal agony, before the jungles, the putrescences and waste savageries could become arable, and the devils be, in some measure, chained there! The West Indies grow pineapples, and sweet fruits, and spices; we hope they will, one day, grow beautiful, heroic human lives too, which is surely the ultimate object they were made for; beautiful souls and brave; sages, poets, what not -- making the earth nobler round them, as their kindred from of old have been doing; true "splinters of the old Hartz Rock;" heroic white men, worthy to be called old Saxons, browned with a mahogany tint in those new climates and conditions. But under the soil of Jamaica, before it could even produce spices, or any pumpkin, the bones of many thousand British men had to be laid. Brave Colonel Fortescue, brave Colonel Sedgwick, brave Colonel Brayne -- the dust of many thousand strong old English hearts lies there, worn down swiftly in frightful travail, chaining the devils, which were manifold. Heroic Blake contributed a bit of his life to that Jamaica. A bit of the great Protector's own life lies there -- beneath those pumpkins lies a bit of the life that was Oliver Cromwell's. How [p.535] the great Protector would have rejoiced, to think that all this was to issue in growing pumpkins, to keep Quashee in a comfortably idle condition! No, that is not the ultimate issue, not that!

The West Indian whites, so soon as this bewilderment of philanthropic and other jargon abates from them, and their poor eyes get to discern a little what the facts are and what the laws are, will strike into another course, I apprehend! I apprehend they will, as a preliminary, resolutely refuse to permit the black man any privilege whatever of pumpkins till he agrees for work in return. Not a square inch of soil in those fruitful isles, purchased by British blood, shall any black man hold to grow pumpkins for him, except on terms that are fair toward Britain. Fair; see that they be not unfair, not toward ourselves, and still more, not toward him. For injustice is forever accursed; and precisely our unfairness toward the enslaved black man has -- by inevitable revulsion and fated turn of the wheel -- brought about these present confusions. Fair toward Britain it will be, that Quashee give work for privilege to grow pumpkins. Not a pumpkin, Quashee, not a square yard of soil, till you agree to do the state so many days of service. Annually that soil will grow you pumpkins; but annually also without fail, shall you, for the owner thereof, do your appointed days of labor. The state has plenty of waste soil; but the state will religiously give you none of it on other terms. The state wants sugar from these islands, and means to have it; wants virtuous industry in these islands, and must have it. The state demands of you such service as will bring these results, this latter result which includes all. Not a black Ireland, by immigration, and boundless black supply for the demand; not that -- may the gods forbid! -- but a regulated West Indies, with black working population in adequate numbers; all "happy,"' if they find it possible; and not entirely unbeautifutl to gods and men, which latter result they must find possible! All "happy" enough; that is to say, all working according to the faculty they have got; making a little more divine this earth which the gods have given them. Is there any other "happiness" -- if it be not that of pigs fattening daily to the slaughter? So will the state speak by and by.

Any poor, idle black man, any idle white man, rich or poor, is a mere eye-sore to the state; a perpetual blister on the skin of the state. The state is taking measures. some of them rather extensive, in Europe at this very time, and already, is in Paris, Berlin, and elsewhere, rather tremendous measures, to get its rich white then set to work; for, alas. they also have sat, negro-like, up to the ears in pumpkin, regardless of "work," and of a world all going to waste for their idleness! Extensive measures, I say; and already (as, in all European lands, this scandalous fear of street-barricades and fugitive sham-kings exhibits) tremendous measures for the thing is instant to be done.

The thing must be done everywhere: must is the word. Only it is so terribly difficult to do; and will take generations yet, this of getting our rich European white men "set to work!'" But yours in the West Indies, my obscure black friends, your work, and the getting of you set to it, is a simple affair; and by diligence, the West Indian legislatures, and royal governor, setting their faces fairly to the problem, will get it done. You are not " slaves" now; nor do I wish, if it can be [p.536] avoided, to see you slaves again; but decidedly you will have to be servants to those that are born wiser than you, that are born lords of you -- servants to the whites, if they are (as what mortal can doubt they are?) born wiser than you. That, you may depend upon it, my obscure black friends, is and was always the law of the world, for you and for all men; to be servants, the more foolish of us to the more wise; and only sorrow, futility and disappointment will betide both, till both, in some approximate degree, get to conform to the same. Heaven's laws are not repealable by earth, however earth may try and it has been trying hard. in some directions, of late! I say, no well being, and in the end no being at all, will be possible for you or us, if the law of heaven is not complied with. And if "slave" mean essentially "servant hired for life," or by a contract of long continuance, and not easily dissoluble -- I ask, Whether in all human things, the "contract of long continuance" is not precisely the contract to be desired, were the right terms once found for it? Servant hired for life, were the right terms once found, which I do not pretend they are, seems to me much preferable to servants hired for the month, or by contract dissoluble in a day. An ill-situated servant, that -- servant grown to be nomadic; between whom and his master a good relation cannot easily spring up!

To state articulately, and put into practical law books, what on all sides is fair from the West India white to the West India black; what relations the Eternal Maker has established between these two creatures of His: what he has written down, with intricate but ineffaceable record, legible to candid human insight, in the respective qualities, strengths, necessities and capabilities of each of the two; this will be a long problem; only to be solved by continuous human endeavor, and earnest effort gradually perfecting itself as experience successively yields new light to it. This will be to "find the right terms" of a contract that will endure, and be sanctioned by Heaven and obtain prosperity on earth, between the two. A long problem, terribly neglected hitherto; whence these West Indian sorrows; and Exeter Hall monstrosities. just now! But a problem which must be entered upon, and by degrees be completed. A problem which, I think, the English people, if they mean to retain human colonies, and not black Irelands in addition to the white, cannot begin too soon! What are the true relations between negro and white, their mutual duties under the sight of the Maker of them both; what human laws will assist both to comply more and more with these? The solution, only to be gained by earnest endeavor and sincere experience, such as have never yet been bestowed on it, is not yet here; the solution is perhaps still distant; but some approximation to it, various real approximations, could be made. and must be made; this of declaring that negro and white are unrelated, loose from one another, on a footing of perfect equality, and subject to no law but that of supply and demand according to the Dismal Science; this which contradicts the palpablest facts, is clearly no solution, but a cutting of the knot assunder; and every hour we persist in this is leading us toward dis solution instead of solution.

What, then, is practicably to be done? Much, very much, my [p.537] friends, to which it hardly falls to me to allude at present; but all this of perfect equality, of cutting loose from one another; all this, with "immigration loan," "happiness of black peasantry," and the other melancholy stuff that has followed from it, will first of all require to be undone, and have the ground cleared of it, by way of preliminary to "doing!"

Already one hears of black Adscripti glebae; which seems a promising arrangement, one of the first to suggest itself in such a complicacy. It appears the Dutch blacks, in Java, are already a kind of Adscripts, after the manner of the old European serfs; bound by royal authority, to give so many days of work a year. Is not this something like a real approximation; the first step toward all manner of such? Wherever, in British territory, there exists a black man, and needful work to the just extent is not to be got out of him, such a law, in defect of better, should be brought to bear upon said black man! How many laws of like purport, conceivable some of them, might be brought to bear upon the black man and the white, with all despatch, by way of solution instead of dissolution to their complicated case just now! On the whole, it ought to be rendered possible, ought it not, for white men to live beside black men, and in some just manner to command black men, and produce West Indian fruitfulness by means of them? West Indian fruitfulness will need to be produced. If the English cannot find the method for that, they may rest assured there will another come (brother Jonathan or still another) who can. He it is whom the gods will bid continue in the West Indies, bidding us ignominiously, Depart, ye quack-ridden. incompetent!--

One other remark. as to the present trade in slaves, and to our suppression of the same. If buying of black war-captives in Africa, and bringing them over to the sugar-islands for sale again, be, as I think it is, a contradiction of the laws of this universe, let us heartily pray to Heaven to end the practice; let us ourselves help Heaven to end it, wherever the opportunity is given. If it be the most flagrant and alarming contradiction to the said laws which is now witnessed on this earth; so flagrant and alarming that a just man cannot exist, and follow his affairs in the same planet with it; why, then indeed ----. But is it, quite certainly, such? Alas, look at that group of unsold; unbought, unmarketable Irish "free" citizens, dying there in the ditch, whither my lord of rackrent and the constitutional sheriffs have evicted them; or at those "divine missionaries," of the same free country, now traversing, with rags on back and child on each arm, the principal thoroughfares of London, to tell men what "freedom " really is; -- and admit that there may be doubts on that point! But if it is, I say, the most alarming contradiction to the said laws which is now witnessed on this earth; so flagrant a contradiction that a just man cannot exist, and follow his affairs in the same planet with it, then, sure enough, let us, in God's name, fling aside all our affairs, and hasten out to put an end to it, as the first thing the Heavens want us to do. By all manner of means; this thing done, the Heavens will prosper all other things with us! Not a doubt of it -- provided your premise be not doubtful.

But now furthermore give me leave to ask: Whether the way of doing it is this somewhat surprising one, of trying to blockade the con-[p.538]tinent of Africa itself, and to watch slave-ships along the extremely extensive and unwholesome coast? The enterprise is very gigantic and proves hitherto as futile as any enterprise has lately done. Certain wise men once, before this, set about confining the cuckoo by a big circular wall; but they could not manage it! Watch the coast of Africa, good part of the coast of the terraqueous globe? And the living centers of this slave mischief, the live coal that produces all this world-wide smoke, it appears, lie simply in two points, Cuba and Brazil, are perfectly accessible and manageable. If the laws of Heaven do authorize you to keep the whole world in a pother about this question -- if you really appeal to the Almighty God upon it, and set common interests, and terrestrial considerations, and common sense, at defiance in behalf of it -- why, in Heaven's name, not go to Cuba and Brazil with a sufficiency of 74-gun ships, and signify to those nefarious countries, that their procedure on the negro question is too bad; that of all the solicisms now submitted to on earth, it is the most alarming and transcendent, and, in fact is such that a just man cannot follow his affairs any longer in the same planet with it; that they clearly will not, the nefarious populations will not, for love or fear, watching or entreaty, respect the rights of the negro enough; wherefore you here, with your seventy-fours. are come to be king over them, and will, on the spot, henceforth see for yourselves that they do it. Why not, if Heaven do send you? The thing can be done; easily. if you are sure of that proviso. It can be done, it is the way to "suppress the slave-trade;" and so far as yet appears, the one way.

Most thinking people! -- If hen-stealing prevail to a plainly unendurable extent. will you station police officers at every henroost; and keep them watching and cruising incessantly to and fro over the parish in the unwholesome dark, at enormous expense. with almost no effect; or will you not try rather to discover where the fox's den is,and kill the fox? Most thinking people, you know the fox and his den; there he is -- kill him, and discharge your cruisers and police-watchers! Oh. my friends, I feel there is an immense fund of human stupidity circulating among us, and much clogging our affairs for some time past! A certain man has called us, "of all peoples the wisest in action;" but, he added, "the stupidest in speech:" and it is a sore thing, in these constitutional times, times mainly of universal parliamentary and other eloquence, that the "speakers" have all first to emit, in such tumultuous volumes, their human stupor, as the indispensable preliminary, and everywhere we must first see that and its results out, before beginning any business!-- Explicit MS.

______________________________________
Footnotes
* - [p.529] Does any reader now remember it? A cloudy reminiscence of some such thing, and of noise in the newspapers upon it, remains with us -- fast hastening to abolition for every man. [back]

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Top
[The Carlyle-Mill "Negro Question" Debate]

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T. Carlyle, 1849, "Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question", Fraser's Mag

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WARNING AND DISCLAIMER 1849 Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country (London, Vol. XL., February 1849) Back [Note on HET version: This essay by Thomas Carlyle was published anonymously in 1849 in Fraser's Magazine for Town and Country. Please read our WARNING AND DISCLAIMER. For more information and context, see our Carlyle-Mill "Negro Question" Debate.

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'Adventurers and Slavers' (National Archives)

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'Adventurers and Slavers' (National Archives)

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The Atlantic slave trade resulted in the enforced scattering of millions of Africans to the Caribbean, the Americas and elsewhere - including Britain. A significant early English figure was John Hawkins. His father, William Hawkins, made the first English expeditions to West Africa in the1530s. William Hawkins was an adventurous trader who set out to explore the Guinea coast. His voyages were made in search of commercial materials such as dyewoods.

Exploration and trade were the most significant reasons for people to move around the world during the 15th and early 16th centuries. The French, Spanish, Portuguese and Dutch sent their merchant seamen to Asia, Africa and the Americas, where trade developed rapidly. The English, anxious not to miss out on this bounty, became experts in shipping, finance and insurance and thus major players in overseas commerce.

'The King of this Country is adored of

the common people' (119k)
Document | Transcript

From 1553, a group of London merchants began a series of ventures to develop English overseas trade. Two years later these adventurers returned carrying ivory, gold, Malaguetta pepper and, significantly, five Africans from Shama, in modern Ghana. These Africans were brought to England to learn English, and returned to Africa as interpreters for visiting English traders.

Queen Elizabeth I assisted the early merchant adventurers in 1561 by supplying ships and provisions. When they returned to English ports they brought not only valuable cargoes of commodities, but also more Africans, some of whom had probably become sailors on these merchant ships. Queen Elizabeth soon realised the economic value of this overseas trade. She granted a patent to eight merchants from London and Exeter to trade exclusively with Senegambia, between the Senegal and Gambia rivers, for a 10-year period.

European traders thus initially met Africans at a time long before colonial rule, when African societies possessed freedom of action and political power. As commercial trade and enslavement developed over the next 250 years, millions of Africans were transported from one continent to another. Some of those uprooted by the slave trade were also to end up in Britain - many as servants and labourers.

Commission of Inquiry

into Hawkins' Third Voyage
Document | Transcript

In 1562, John Hawkins set out on a voyage that would mark the beginning of the English slave trade. Documents reveal that he left Plymouth with the purpose of capturing Africans along the Guinea Coast. The travel writer Richard Hakluyt (c.1552-1616) says that Hawkins 'got into his possession partly by the sworde and partly by other meanes to the number of 300 negroes'. In Sierra Leone, he took a ship laden with ivory, wax and 500 Africans.

Hawkins, commanding the ship Salomon, then made the voyage from the Guinea coast to the West Indies. He arrived at the port of Monte Christi, in what is now the Dominican Republic, where they 'did deposit 125 slaves at 100 ducats each' (about £25-30 in present-day terms). The Africans were offered for sale to estate owners in the Americas, who required a constant supply of cheap labour for their sugar and tobacco plantations.

Pioneer of the

Triangular Trade
Document | Transcript

These early voyages proved to be early, tentative steps towards what was to become a highly organised trade in humans - and a major source of income for British merchants for some 300 years to come.

References and Further Reading

Churchill, W., History of the English Speaking Peoples, vol. 4, London, 1956-8

File, N. and Power, C., Black Settlers in Britain 1555-1958, London, 1981

Fryer, P., Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain, London, 1984

Williamson, J. A., Sir John Hawkins: The Time and the Man, Oxford, 1927

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The Atlantic slave trade resulted in the enforced scattering of millions of Africans to the Caribbean, the Americas and elsewhere - including Britain. A significant early English figure was John Hawkins. His father, William Hawkins, made the first English expeditions to West Africa in the1530s.

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'Black and British: A Forgotten History' (David Olusoga, 2016)

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'Black and British: A Forgotten History' (David Olusoga, 2016)

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BBC Two - Black and British: A Forgotten History

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A look at the relationship between Britain and people whose origins lie in Africa.

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Staying Power: The History of Black People in Britain

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Staying Poweris a panoramic history of black Britons. First published in 1984 amid race riots and police brutality, Fryer's history performed a deeply political act, revealing how Africans, Asians, and their descendants had been erased from British history.

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'The Age of Discovery' (Britannica, 2018)

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'The Age of Discovery' (Britannica, 2018)

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The sea route east by south to Cathay

Henry the Navigator, prince of Portugal, initiated the first great enterprise of the Age of Discovery-the search for a sea route east by south to Cathay. His motives were mixed. He was curious about the world; he was interested in new navigational aids and better ship design and was eager to test them; he was also a Crusader and hoped that, by sailing south and then east along the coast of Africa, Arab power in North Africa could be attacked from the rear. The promotion of profitable trade was yet another motive; he aimed to divert the Guinea trade in gold and ivory away from its routes across the Sahara to the Moors of Barbary (North Africa) and instead channel it via the sea route to Portugal.

Expedition after expedition was sent forth throughout the 15th century to explore the coast of Africa. In 1445 the Portuguese navigator Dinís Dias reached the mouth of the Sénégal, which "men say comes from the Nile, being one of the most glorious rivers of Earth, flowing from the Garden of Eden and the earthly paradise." Once the desert coast had been passed, the sailors pushed on: in 1455 and 1456 Alvise Ca' da Mosto made voyages to Gambia and the Cape Verde Islands. Prince Henry died in 1460 after a career that had brought the colonization of the Madeira Islands and the Azores and the traversal of the African coast to Sierra Leone. Henry's captain, Diogo Cão, discovered the Congo River in 1482. All seemed promising; trade was good with the riverine peoples, and the coast was trending hopefully eastward. Then the disappointing fact was realized: the head of a great gulf had been reached, and, beyond, the coast seemed to stretch endlessly southward. Yet, when Columbus sought backing for his plan to sail westward across the Atlantic to the Indies, he was refused-"seeing that King John II [of Portugal] ordered the coast of Africa to be explored with the intention of going by that route to India."

King John II sought to establish two routes: the first, a land and sea route through Egypt and Ethiopia to the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean and, the second, a sea route around the southern shores of Africa, the latter an act of faith, since Ptolemy's map showed a landlocked Indian Ocean. In 1487, a Portuguese emissary, Pêro da Covilhã, successfully followed the first route; but, on returning to Cairo, he reported that, in order to travel to India, the Portuguese "could navigate by their coasts and the seas of Guinea." In the same year, another Portuguese navigator, Bartolomeu Dias, found encouraging evidence that this was so. In 1487 he rounded the Cape of Storms in such bad weather that he did not see it, but he satisfied himself that the coast was now trending northeastward; before turning back, he reached the Great Fish River, in what is now South Africa. On the return voyage, he sighted the Cape and set up a pillar upon it to mark its discovery.

The seaway was now open, but eight years were to elapse before it was exploited. In 1492 Columbus had apparently reached the East by a much easier route. By the end of the decade, however, doubts of the validity of Columbus's claim were current. Interest was therefore renewed in establishing the sea route south by east to the known riches of India. In 1497 a Portuguese captain, Vasco da Gama, sailed in command of a fleet under instructions to reach Calicut (Kozhikode), on India's west coast. This he did after a magnificent voyage around the Cape of Storms (which he renamed the Cape of Good Hope) and along the unknown coast of East Africa. Yet another Portuguese fleet set out in 1500, this one being under the command of Pedro Álvarez Cabral; on the advice of da Gama, Cabral steered southwestward to avoid the calms of the Guinea coast; thus, en route for Calicut, Brazil was discovered. Soon trading depots, known as factories, were built along the African coast, at the strategic entrances to the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, and along the shores of the Indian peninsula. In 1511 the Portuguese established a base at Malacca (now Melaka, Malaysia), commanding the straits into the China Sea; in 1511 and 1512, the Moluccas, or Spice Islands, and Java were reached; in 1557 the trading port of Macau was founded at the mouth of the Canton River. Europe had arrived in the East. It was in the end the Portuguese, not the Turks, who destroyed the commercial supremacy of the Italian cities, which had been based on a monopoly of Europe's trade with the East by land. But Portugal was soon overextended; it was therefore the Dutch, the English, and the French who in the long run reaped the harvest of Portuguese enterprise.

Some idea of the knowledge that these trading explorers brought to the common store may be gained by a study of contemporary maps. The map of the German Henricus Martellus, published in 1492, shows the shores of North Africa and of the Gulf of Guinea more or less correctly and was probably taken from numerous seamen's charts. The delineation of the west coast of southern Africa from the Guinea Gulf to the Cape suggests a knowledge of the charts of the expedition of Bartolomeu Dias. The coastlines of the Indian Ocean are largely Ptolemaic with two exceptions: first, the Indian Ocean is no longer landlocked; and second, the Malay Peninsula is shown twice-once according to Ptolemy and once again, presumably, according to Marco Polo. The Contarini map of 1506 shows further advances; the shape of Africa is generally accurate, and there is new knowledge of the Indian Ocean, although it is curiously treated. Peninsular India (on which Cananor and Calicut are named) is shown; although too small, it is, however, recognizable. There is even an indication to the east of it of the Bay of Bengal, with a great river running into it. Eastward of this is Ptolemy's India, with the huge island of Taprobane-a muddled representation of the Indian peninsula and Ceylon (now Sri Lanka). East again, as on the map of Henricus Martellus, the Malay Peninsula appears twice. Ptolemy's bonds were hard to break.

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European exploration - The Age of Discovery

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In the 100 years from the mid-15th to the mid-16th century, a combination of circumstances stimulated men to seek new routes, and it was new routes rather than new lands that filled the minds of kings and commoners, scholars and seamen.

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Lectures on man : his place in creation, and in the history of the earth / by Carl Vogt ; edited by James Hunt.

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Lectures on man : his place in creation, and in the history of the earth / by Carl Vogt ; edited by James Hunt.

# data[].attributes.headline
'Types of Mankind' (Clark and Giddeon, 1854)

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'Types of Mankind' (Clark and Giddeon, 1854)

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Samuel G Morton, L Agassiz, W Usher, H S Pattterson, J C Nott, R Gliddon

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Types of Mankind: or Ethnological Researches, based upon the Ancient Monuments, Paintings, Sculptures, and Crania of Races, and upon their Natural, Geographical, Philological, and Biblical History

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Types of Mankind: or Ethnological Researches, based upon the Ancient Monuments, Paintings, Sculptures, and Crania of Races, and upon their Natural, Geographical, Philological, and Biblical History | Samuel G Morton; L Agassiz; W Usher; H S Pattterson; J C Nott; R Gliddon | download | Z-Library. Download books for free.

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'Observations Intended to Favour a Supposition That the Black Color (As It Is Called) of the Negroes Is Derived from the Leprosy' (Benjamin Rush, 1799) - CW: racism and white supremacy

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'Observations Intended to Favour a Supposition That the Black Color (As It Is Called) of the Negroes Is Derived from the Leprosy' (Benjamin Rush, 1799) - CW: racism and white supremacy

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Observations Intended to Favour a Supposition That the Black Color (As It Is Called) of the Negroes Is Derived from the Leprosy

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Observations Intended to Favour a Supposition That the Black Color (As It Is Called) of the Negroes Is Derived from the Leprosy | Benjamin Rush | download | BookSC. Download books for free. Find books

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COLUMN

7 May 2021

Since June 2020, Carl Linnaeus has been a subject of debate in Sweden and around the world. What sparked it off were the actions of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. Statues of slave owners have been lambasted or destroyed. In Sweden, the discussion has very much concerned Linnaeus and whether he was a racist or a "biological racist". Our view is that this debate is excessively polarised and simplistic, and we want to nuance the issue.

The discussion has been conducted largely from either one side or another. There are two schools of thought. Proponents of one assert that Linnaeus was the first to formulate the doctrine of "scientific racism", from which Sweden's "race biology" and present-day forms of racism are in the direct line of descent. Those who follow the other school deny that Linnaeus was racist and believe that everything can be explained by his being "a child of his time".

We consider neither of these positions plausible, and therefore wish to problematise a few of the arguments put forward. In our reasoning, we rely on both our own and others' studies. There is ample research that elucidates issues relating to Linnaeus, colonialism and racism. Such work is carried out at Uppsala University, but also at the Linnean Society of London and elsewhere outside Sweden.

Was Linnaeus a racist or biological racist? Linnaeus was interested in order and boundaries in nature. As for mankind, he believed there was a single human species. He did not use the term "race", but divided humans into four "varieties", by continent and skin colour: European (white), African (black), Asian (yellow) and American (red). These varieties were linked to attributes, of which he thought the least desirable were to be found in the African, whom he considered was enervated by a hot climate. He characterised the white European, on the other hand, as inventive.

Linnaeus believed that these differences were due to climate and customs. He was therefore no "biological racist"; nor could he have predicted what biological racists would later write. Nonetheless, his approach involved evaluation, since the "varieties" are listed hierarchically. The list varies from one edition to another, but the African always comes last. Linnaeus may thus be said to have been among the contributors to the emergence of scientific racism. In our view, however, it is hard to identify any one "father of scientific racism". Instead, this set of ideas was the outcome of a historical process of which Linnaeus was part, but that was shaped by many factors and people. The quest for a "founder" virtually creates an inverse cult of genius.

Was Linnaeus a child of his time? Linnaeus was neither the first nor the only person to express himself in condescending, stereotyped terms. The classification in his Systema Naturae, however, exerted a major impact and spread worldwide. Natural historians now also studied and classified humans, and Linnaeus gave this activity a scientific footing. Both his students in Sweden and biologists in other countries, including Britain and its Empire, assimilated Linnaean ideas. It is important to add that some of Linnaeus' successors placed great emphasis on variations among humans, while others placed very little.

On display in 18th-century society were a spectrum of attitudes towards humans who lived in different parts of the world, and also towards slavery and colonialism. There were people of African descent, such as Olaudah Equiano and Ottobah Cugoano, who wrote of the barbaric nature of slavery and about their own humanity. There was also criticism, from the philosopher James Beattie among others, to the effect that Linnaeus and others dehumanised Africans. All these individuals were "children of their time", and this kind of argument cannot condone unfairness and injustice in historical periods. We can never escape from the fact that we can study history only through the prism of our own day. Society was different in the past: injustices existed - and were defended - that are unacceptable to us today.

The question of whose statue should be allowed to stand in our public space is key. To reconsider who is represented, and why, is reasonable. Sometimes the best solution is to take down a statue. Sometimes there are other options, such as informing people about its complex history. Whether in the context of statues or ideas, the legacy of Linnaeus has been put to both positive and negative uses. How we make use of his legacy today is our shared responsibility.
Annika Windahl Pontén, PhD in History of Science and Ideas, Uppsala University Linda Andersson Burnett, PhD, researcher at the Department of History of Science and Ideas, Uppsala University

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Linnaeus' complicated relationship with racism

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Since June 2020, Carl Linnaeus has been a subject of debate in Sweden and around the world. What sparked it off were the actions of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. Statues of slave owners have been lambasted or destroyed. In Sweden, the discussion has very much concerned Linnaeus and whether he was a racist or a "biological racist".

# data[].attributes.headline
'A New Division of the Earth' (François Bernier, 1684) - CW: racism, white supremacy

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'A New Division of the Earth' (François Bernier, 1684) - CW: racism, white supremacy

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A New Division of the Earth | François Bernier | download

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A New Division of the Earth | François Bernier | download | BookSC. Download books for free. Find books

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'The Inequality of Human Races' (Arthur de Gobineau, 1853) - CW: racism, white supremacy

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'The Inequality of Human Races' (Arthur de Gobineau, 1853) - CW: racism, white supremacy

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The inequality of human races : Gobineau, Arthur, comte de, 1816-1882 : Free Download, Borrow, and Streaming : Internet Archive

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First French edition, Paris, 1853-1855, 4 vol

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'An account of the regular gradation in man, and in different animals and vegetables' (Charles White, 1799) - CW: racism, white supremacy

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'An account of the regular gradation in man, and in different animals and vegetables' (Charles White, 1799) - CW: racism, white supremacy

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Internet Archive: Digital Library of Free & Borrowable Texts, Movies, Music & Wayback Machine

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Internet Archive is a non-profit digital library offering free universal access to texts, movies & music, as well as 624 billion archived web pages.

# data[].attributes.headline
Introducing Whiteness (Tom Nicholas, 2020)

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Introducing Whiteness (Tom Nicholas, 2020)

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Whiteness: WTF? White Privilege and the Invisible Race

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'Race and Racial Identity Are Social Constructs' (Angela Onwuachi-Willig, 2016)

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'Race and Racial Identity Are Social Constructs' (Angela Onwuachi-Willig, 2016)

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Race and Racial Identity Are Social Constructs - NYTimes.com

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Unlike race and racial identity, the social, political and economic meanings of race, or rather belonging to particular racial groups, have not been fluid.

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'Race Is a Social Construct, Scientists Argue' (Megan Gannon, 2016)

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'Race Is a Social Construct, Scientists Argue' (Megan Gannon, 2016)

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Racial categories are weak proxies for genetic diversity and need to be phased out

By Megan Gannon & LiveScience

More than 100 years ago, American sociologist W.E.B. Du Bois was concerned that race was being used as a biological explanation for what he understood to be social and cultural differences between different populations of people. He spoke out against the idea of "white" and "black" as discrete groups, claiming that these distinctions ignored the scope of human diversity.

Science would favor Du Bois. Today, the mainstream belief among scientists is that race is a social construct without biological meaning. And yet, you might still open a study on genetics in a major scientific journal and find categories like "white" and "black" being used as biological variables.

In an article published today (Feb. 4) in the journal Science, four scholars say racial categories are weak proxies for genetic diversity and need to be phased out. [ Unraveling the Human Genome: 6 Molecular Milestones]

They've called on the U.S. National Academies of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine to put together a panel of experts across the biological and social sciences to come up with ways for researchers to shift away from the racial concept in genetics research.

"It's a concept we think is too crude to provide useful information, it's a concept that has social meaning that interferes in the scientific understanding of human genetic diversity and it's a concept that we are not the first to call upon moving away from," said Michael Yudell, a professor of public health at Drexel University in Philadelphia.

Yudell said that modern genetics research is operating in a paradox, which is that race is understood to be a useful tool to elucidate human genetic diversity, but on the other hand, race is also understood to be a poorly defined marker of that diversity and an imprecise proxy for the relationship between ancestry and genetics.

"Essentially, I could not agree more with the authors," said Svante Pääbo, a biologist and director of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Germany, who worked on the Neanderthal genome but was not involved with the new paper.

"What the study of complete genomes from different parts of the world has shown is that even between Africa and Europe, for example, there is not a single absolute genetic difference, meaning no single variant where all Africans have one variant and all Europeans another one, even when recent migration is disregarded," Pääbo told Live Science. "It is all a question of differences in how frequent different variants are on different continents and in different regions."

In one example that demonstrated genetic differences were not fixed along racial lines, the full genomes of James Watson and Craig Venter, two famous American scientists of European ancestry, were compared to that of a Korean scientist, Seong-Jin Kim. It turned out that Watson (who, ironically, became ostracized in the scientific community after making racist remarks) and Venter shared fewer variations in their genetic sequences than they each shared with Kim.

Assumptions about genetic differences between people of different races have had obvious social and historical repercussions, and they still threaten to fuel racist beliefs. That was apparent two years ago, when several scientists bristled at the inclusion of their research in Nicholas Wade's controversial book, "A Troublesome Inheritance" (Penguin Press, 2014), which proposed that genetic selection has given rise to distinct behaviors among different populations. In a letter to The New York Times, five researchers wrote that "Wade juxtaposes an incomplete and inaccurate account of our research on human genetic differences with speculation that recent natural selection has led to worldwide differences in IQ test results, political institutions and economic development."

The authors of the new Science article noted that racial assumptions could also be particularly dangerous in a medical setting.

"If you make clinical predictions based on somebody's race, you're going to be wrong a good chunk of the time," Yudell told Live Science. In the paper, he and his colleagues used the example of cystic fibrosis, which is underdiagnosed in people of African ancestry because it is thought of as a "white" disease. [ The Best Genealogy Software for Tracing Your Family Tree]

Mindy Fullilove, a psychiatrist at Columbia University, thinks the changes proposed in the Science article are "badly needed." Fullilove noted that by some laws in the United States, people with one black ancestor of 32 might be called "black," but their 31 other ancestors are also important in influencing their health.

"This is a cogent and important call for us to shift our work," Fullilove said. "It will have an enormous influence. And it will make for better science."

So what other variables could be used if the racial concept is thrown out? Pääbo said geography might be a better substitute in regions such as Europe to define "populations" from a genetic perspective. However, he added that, in North America, where the majority of the population has come from different parts of the world during the past 300 years, distinctions like "African Americans" or "European Americans" might still work as a proxy to suggest where a person's major ancestry originated.

Yudell also said scientists need to get more specific with their language, perhaps using terms like " ancestry" or "population" that might more precisely reflect the relationship between humans and their genes, on both the individual and population level. The researchers also acknowledged that there are a few areas where race as a construct might still be useful in scientific research: as a political and social, but not biological, variable.

"While we argue phasing out racial terminology in the biological sciences, we also acknowledge that using race as a political or social category to study racism, although filled with lots of challenges, remains necessary given our need to understand how structural inequities and discrimination produce health disparities between groups," Yudell said.
Copyright 2016 LiveScience, a Purch company. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

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Race Is a Social Construct, Scientists Argue

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Racial categories are weak proxies for genetic diversity and need to be phased out

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'What We Mean When We Say ‘Race Is a Social Construct' (Ta-Nehisi Coates, 2013)

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'What We Mean When We Say ‘Race Is a Social Construct' (Ta-Nehisi Coates, 2013)

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Andrew Sullivan and Freddie Deboer have two pieces up worth checking out. I disagree with Andrew's (though I detect some movement in his position.) Freddie's piece is entitled "Precisely How Not to Argue About Race and IQ." He writes:

The problem with people who argue for inherent racial inferiority is not that they lie about the results of IQ tests, but that they are credulous about those tests and others like them when they shouldn't be; that they misunderstand the implications of what those tests would indicate even if they were credible; and that they fail to find the moral, analytic, and political response to questions of race and intelligence.

I think this is a good point, but I want to expand it. Most of the honest writing I've seen on "race and intelligence" focuses on critiquing the idea of "intelligence." So there's lot of good literature on whether it can be measured, its relevance in modern society, whether intelligence changes across generations, whether it changes with environment, and what we mean when we say IQ. As Freddie mentions here, I had a mathematician stop past to tell me I needed to stop studying French, and immediately start studying statistics-otherwise I can't possibly understand this debate.

It's a fair critique. My response is that he should stop studying math and start studying history.

I am not being flip or coy. If you tell me that you plan to study "race and intelligence" then it is only fair that I ask you, "What do you mean by race?" It's true I don't always do math so well, but I understand the need to define the terms of your study. If you're a math guy, perhaps your instinct is to point out the problems in the interpretation of the data. My instinct is to point out that your entire experiment proceeds from a basic flaw- no coherent, fixed definition of race actually exists.

The history bears this out. In 1856, Ralph Waldo Emerson delineated the significance of race:

It is race, is it not, that puts the hundred millions of India under the dominion of a remote island in the north of Europe. Race avails much, if that be true, which is alleged, that all Celts are Catholics, and all Saxons are Protestants; that Celts love unity of power, and Saxons the representative principle. Race is a controlling influence in the Jew, who, for two millenniums, under every climate, has preserved the same character and employments. Race in the negro is of appalling importance. The French in Canada, cut off from all intercourse with the parent people, have held their national traits. I chanced to read Tacitus "on the Manners of the Germans," not long since, in Missouri, and the heart of Illinois, and I found abundant points of resemblance between the Germans of the Hercynian forest, and our Hoosiers, Suckers, and Badgers of the American woods.

Indeed, Emerson in 1835, saw race as central to American greatness:

The inhabitants of the United States, especially of the Northern portion, are descended from the people of England and have inherited the traits of their national character ... It is common with the Franks to break their faith and laugh at it The race of Franks is faithless.

Emerson was not alone, as historian James McPherson points out. Southerners thought of themselves not only as a race separate from blacks, but as a race apart from Northern whites:

The South's leading writer on political economy, James B. D. De Bow, subscribed to this Norman-Cavalier thesis and helped to popularize it in De Bow's Review. As the lower-South states seceded one after another during the winter of 1860-61, this influential journal carried several long articles justifying secession on the grounds of irreconcilable ethnic differences between Southern and Northern whites. "The Cavaliers, Jacobites, and Huguenots, who settled the South, naturally hate, contemn, and despise the Puritans who settled the North," proclaimed one of these articles. "The former are a master-race; the latter a slave race, the descendants of Saxon serfs." The South was now achieving its "independent destiny" by repudiating the failed experiment of civic nationalism that had foolishly tried in 1789 to "erect one nation out of two irreconcilable peoples."

Similarly, in 1899 William Z. Ripley wrote The Races of Europe, which sought to delineate racial difference through head-type:

The shape of the human head by which we mean the general proportions of length, breadth, and height, irrespective of the " bumps " of the phrenologist is one of the best available tests of race known. Its value is, at the same time, but imperfectly appreciated beyond the inner circle of professional anthropology. Yet it is so simple a phenomenon, both in principle and in practical application, that it may readily be of use to the traveller and the not too superficial observer of men.

To be sure, widespread and constant peculiarities of head form are less noticeable in America, because of the extreme variability of our population, compounded as it is of all the races of Europe; they seem also to be less fundamental among the American aborigines. But in the Old World the observant traveller may with a little attention often detect the racial affinity of a people by this means.

Two years later, Edward A. Ross sought to apprehend " The Causes of Race Superiority." He saw the differences between the Arab "race" and the Jewish "race" as a central illustration:

It is certain that races differ in their attitude toward past and future. M. Lapie has drawn a contrast between the Arab and the Jew. The Arab remembers; he is mindful of past favors and past injuries. He harbors his vengeance and cherishes his gratitude. He accepts everything on the authority of tradition, loves the ways of his ancestors, forms strong local attachments, and migrates little. The Jew, on the other hand, turns his face toward the future. He is thrifty and always ready for a good stroke of business, will, indeed, join with his worst enemy if it pays. He is calculating, enterprising, migrant and ambitious

You can see more of this here.

Our notion of what constitutes "white" and what constitutes "black" is a product of social context. It is utterly impossible to look at the delineation of a "Southern race" and not see the Civil War, the creation of an "Irish race" and not think of Cromwell's ethnic cleansing, the creation of a "Jewish race" and not see anti-Semitism. There is no fixed sense of "whiteness" or "blackness," not even today. It is quite common for whites to point out that Barack Obama isn't really "black" but "half-white." One wonders if they would say this if Barack Obama were a notorious drug lord.

When the liberal says "race is a social construct," he is not being a soft-headed dolt; he is speaking a historical truth. We do not go around testing the "Irish race" for intelligence or the "Southern race" for "hot-headedness." These reasons are social. It is no more legitimate to ask "Is the black race dumber than then white race?" than it is to ask "Is the Jewish race thriftier than the Arab race?"

The strongest argument for "race" is that people who trace their ancestry back to Europe, and people who trace most of their ancestry back to sub-Saharan Africa, and people who trace most of their ancestry back to Asia, and people who trace their ancestry back to the early Americas, lived isolated from each other for long periods and have evolved different physical traits (curly hair, lighter skin, etc.)

But this theoretical definition (already fuzzy) wilts under human agency, in a real world where Kevin Garnett, Harold Ford, and Halle Berry all check "black" on the census. (Same deal for "Hispanic.") The reasons for that take us right back to the fact of race as a social construct. And an American-centered social construct. Are the Ainu of Japan a race? Should we delineate darker South Asians from lighter South Asians on the basis of race? Did the Japanese who invaded China consider the Chinese the same "race"?

Andrew writes that liberals should stop saying "truly stupid things like race has no biological element." I agree. Race clearly has a biological element- because we have awarded it one. Race is no more dependent on skin color today than it was on "Frankishness" in Emerson's day. Over history, race has taken geography, language, and vague impressions as its basis.

"Race," writes the great historian Nell Irvin Painter, "is an idea, not a fact." Indeed. Race does not need biology. Race only requires some good guys with big guns looking for a reason.

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grounds of irreconcilable ethnic differences

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What We Mean When We Say 'Race Is a Social Construct'

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In a world where Kevin Garnett, Harold Ford, and Halle Berry all check "black" on the census, even the argument that racial labels refer to natural differences in physical traits doesn't hold up.

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'Resisting Reality: Social Construction and Social Critique' (Sally Haslanger, 2012)

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'Resisting Reality: Social Construction and Social Critique' (Sally Haslanger, 2012)

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Contemporary theorists use the term "social construction" with the aim of exposing how what's purportedly "natural" is often at least partly social and, more specifically, how this masking of the social is politically significant. In these previously published essays, Sally Haslanger draws on insights from feminist and critical race theory to explore and develop the idea that gender and race are positions within a structure of social relations. On this interpretation, the point of saying that gender and race are socially constructed is not to make a causal claim about the origins of our concepts of gender and race, or to take a stand in the nature/nurture debate, but to locate these categories within a realist social ontology. This is politically important, for by theorizing how gender and race fit within different structures of social relations we are better able to identify and combat forms of systematic injustice.

Although the central essays of the book focus on a critical social realism about gender and race, these accounts function as case studies for a broader critical social realism. To develop this broader approach, several essays offer reworked notions of ideology, practice, and social structure, drawing on recent research in sociology and social psychology. Ideology, on the proposed view, is a relatively stable set of shared dispositions to respond to the world, often in ways that also shape the world to evoke those very dispositions. This looping of our dispositions through the material world enables the social to appear natural.

Additional essays in the book situate this approach to social phenomena in relation to philosophical methodology, and to specific debates in metaphysics, epistemology, and philosophy of language. The book as a whole explores the interface between analytic philosophy and critical theory.

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Resisting Reality: Social Construction and Social Critique

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Contemporary theorists use the term "social construction" with the aim of exposing how what's purportedly "natural" is often at least partly social and, more specifically, how this masking of the social is politically significant.

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'What White Looks Like: African-American Philosophers on the Whiteness Question' (ed. George Yancy, 2004)

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'What White Looks Like: African-American Philosophers on the Whiteness Question' (ed. George Yancy, 2004)

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'Racial Exploitation and the Wages of Whiteness' (Charles Mills)

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In the burgeoning field of whiteness studies, What White Looks Like is the first volume in which the subject is addressed by African-American philosophers. George Yancy has brought together a group of thinkers who address the problematic issue of whiteness as a category requiring serious analysis. What does white look like when viewed through philosophical training and African-American experience? In this volume, Robert Birt asks if whites can 'live whiteness authentically'. Janine Jones examines what it means to be a "goodwill white." Joy James tells of beating her 'addiction' to white supremacy, while Arnold Farr writes on making whiteness visible in Western philosophy. What White Looks Like brings a badly needed critique and philosophically sophisticated perspective to a central issue of contemporary society.

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What White Looks Like: African-American Philosophers on the Whiteness Question

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In the burgeoning field of whiteness studies, What White Looks Like is the first volume in which the subject is addressed by African-American philosophers. George Yancy has brought together a group of thinkers who address the problematic issue of whiteness as a category requiring serious analysis.

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'Social Construction and Concept of Race' (Machery and Facuher, 2004)

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'Social Construction and Concept of Race' (Machery and Facuher, 2004)

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The Conversation of Races (WEB DuBois, 1897)

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The Conversation of Races (WEB DuBois, 1897)

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GAIKA: The Tragic Stories of the 1919 Race Riots (2019) 

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GAIKA: The Tragic Stories of the 1919 Race Riots (2019) 

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The tragic stories of the 1919 race riots | Alt History - BBC

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'Black and White: The Negro Society and English Society, 1555-1945' (James Walvin, 1973)

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'Black and White: The Negro Society and English Society, 1555-1945' (James Walvin, 1973)

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Black and White: The Negro and English Society, 1555-1945

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Black and White: The Negro and English Society, 1555-1945 | James Walvin | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'No More Black Messiahs: Let Black History Bask in Ordinariness: Thinking About Black Excellence in the Life of Walter Tull' (Tre Ventour-Griffiths, Leeds Beckett)

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'No More Black Messiahs: Let Black History Bask in Ordinariness: Thinking About Black Excellence in the Life of Walter Tull' (Tre Ventour-Griffiths, Leeds Beckett)

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'LONG-READ: The Alternative History to the Windrush Scandal' (Tre Ventour, 2021)

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'LONG-READ: The Alternative History to the Windrush Scandal' (Tre Ventour, 2021)

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Working with Norfamton these past weeks on the Windrush Doorstep Befriending Team, it was interesting talking to Shereen on how the original critiques of the Scandal did not go far enough in their primary challenges to the Home Office.

My family history in Britain goes back to the 1960s. L-R: Great-Grandma Toiley, Cousin Rita , Grandma Cathy, Great-Auntie Rosie, and Great-Auntie Mona (front) (Source: Noel Family Archive)

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LONG READ: The Alternative History Behind the Windrush Scandal

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LONG READ: The Alternative History Behind the Windrush Scandal. Working with Norfamton these past weeks on the Windrush Doorstep Befriending Team, it was interesting talking to Shereen on how the....

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'Walter Tull, 1888-1918 Officer, Footballer' (Phil Vasili, 2010)

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'Walter Tull, 1888-1918 Officer, Footballer' (Phil Vasili, 2010)

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Walter Tull 1888-1918 Officer Footballer

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Walter Tull 1888-1918 Officer Footballer book. Read reviews from world's largest community for readers.

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The Construction of Racial Difference in Twentieth-Century Britain: The Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925 (Laura Tabali, 1994)

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The Construction of Racial Difference in Twentieth-Century Britain: The Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925 (Laura Tabali, 1994)

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Kenneth Little wrote that the "police were under a complete misapprehension" about the legalities of the order (see p. 87); Typical is Peter Fryer's account, based solely on Brown's report in the Keys: "The local police, high-handedly and quite illegally, placed their own interpretation on the Aliens Order of 1920 and the Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925. In the eyes of the police, these measures automatically made every black seaman in Cardiff an alien, regardless of any documentary evidence a man might produce to prove he was British" (). Ron Ramdin, who derived the bulk of his data from Little and union mascot Captain Edward Tupper, fell victim to the same interpretation, speaking of the "wilful misapplication" of the order and emphasizing the role of local police, pp. 75-77, 102, 113, 491-92. Also see Walvin, pp. 209-10. Only Scobie commented on the order's obviously racist intent (p. 161).

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The Construction of Racial Difference in Twentieth-Century Britain: The Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925 | Journal of British Studies | Cambridge Core

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Kenneth Little wrote that the "police were under a complete misapprehension" about the legalities of the order (see p. 87); Typical is Peter Fryer's account, based solely on Brown's report in the Keys: "The local police, high-handedly and quite illegally, placed their own interpretation on the Aliens Order of 1920 and the Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925.

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'The Unwanted: The Secret Windrush Files' (David Olusoga, 2019)

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'The Unwanted: The Secret Windrush Files' (David Olusoga, 2019)

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David Olusoga opens secret government files to explore the Windrush scandal.

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'Black and British: A Forgotten History' (David Olusoga, 2017)

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'Black and British: A Forgotten History' (David Olusoga, 2017)

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A vital re-examination of a shared history, published to accompany the landmark BBC Two series. In Black and British, award-winning historian and broadcaster David Olusoga offers readers a rich and revealing exploration of the extraordinarily long relationship between the British Isles and the people of Africa.

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'White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack' (Peggy McIntosh, 1988)

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'White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack' (Peggy McIntosh, 1988)

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The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919' (Roy May and Robin Cohent, 1974)

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The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919' (Roy May and Robin Cohent, 1974)

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The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919 | May, R.; Cohen, R. | download

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The Interaction Between Race and Colonialism: A Case Study of the Liverpool Race Riots of 1919 | May, R.; Cohen, R. | download | BookSC. Download books for free. Find books

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Manual of Military Law (War Office, 1914)

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Manual of Military Law (War Office, 1914)

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Manual of military law. War Office, 1914.

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Manual of military law. War Office, 1914.

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'Comment: We Must Resist the Government's ‘Racist’ Borders Bill' (Tre Ventour, NN Journal)

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'Comment: We Must Resist the Government's ‘Racist’ Borders Bill' (Tre Ventour, NN Journal)

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This piece was written for NN Journal by local writer and educator Tre Ventour. For more news and features straight to your inbox sign up to NN Journal today By Tre Ventour
Demonstrators gathered outside Downing Street at the weekend in protest against the government's Nationality and Borders Bill.

Some of the key concerns about the bill, which will be debated in the House of Lords at its second reading in January, are new measures which effectively criminalise people seeking asylum in the UK and powers to revoke the British citizenship of anyone born overseas or has dual nationality. This would impact up to six million people.

Since February 2021, with my friend and colleague Shereen Ingram, I have been working on Windrush projects under her charity NorFAMtoN. We have begun doing interviews for our book on the subject, and our hampers scheme (which are given out to members of the Windrush community) has resumed and we are looking for new volunteers. The children of this generation, (like my parents) are some of the people this bill will impact.

It's not hard to see why critics are calling it a 'racist bill'. Writing for Media Diversified, psychologist Guilaine Kinouani writes "arguably the most 'diverse' cabinet in the history of UK politics has introduced possibly the most racist and regressive pieces of legislation this country has seen in decades." She goes on to discuss how this should force us to rethink 'representation' narratives if we have not already and "...to accept many of the premises that sustain the quest for 'equality' are ill-conceived."

What she is saying is that representation is not worth its salt when we see how governments have weaponised representation to deliver one of the most violent pieces of legislation in many years.

As Labour MP for Slough Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi in his speech against the bill stated:

"What's even more galling ... is that the prime minister is getting someone with a brown skin colour to do his dirty work, with a bill that could have disastrous consequences for Black and Brown people. No wonder there are accusations of tokenism from within the Asian, African, and Caribbean British communities. What's the point of having Black and Brown people as cabinet ministers, sitting on those Conservative frontbenchers, if they are going to directly act against the interests of Black and Brown people, just so they may hold ministerial office?"

The criminalisation of refugees comes attached to the fact many would not be refugees should Britain not be flexing its muscles in these countries. Nations that in many cases are former colonial territories, including Afghanistan and Sudan (south).

Clause nine of the bill would allow the government to take a person's citizenship without warning if it would "not be reasonably practicable" to inform them first or in the interests of national security, diplomatic relations or otherwise in the public interest. When we see how the Home Office is still treating the Windrush Generation, many dying before gaining compensation, there is cause for grievance.

These may be Conservative proposals but I do not want to lay this at the Tories exclusively, even if this horror show is of their making. It is useful to understand the racist thinking that sits imbued in British party politics in general. Just look back at some of the political conversations happening around the time of Windrush in the 1940s. Then Labour prime minister Clement Atlee wanted to divert the HMT Empire Windrush to East Africa so people from the Caribbean could "pick peanuts."

Amelia Gentleman, the journalist who broke the story of the Windrush scandal to a wider audience, writes in her book Windrush Betraya l:

"On the day [the Empire Windrush] reached England, eleven Labour MPs had sent a letter to Clement Attlee proposing controls on black immigration. The British people were, they wrote, 'blessed by the absence of a colour racial problem ... An influx of coloured people domiciled here is likely to impair the harmony, strength, and cohesion of our people and social life and cause discord and unhappiness among all those concerned.' The government should introduce legislation to 'control immigration in the political, social, economic, and fiscal interests of our people'."

And as historian David Olusoga writes in the Guardian:

"What followed was a two decade-long political struggle to change Britain's immigration law and reduce the flow of immigrants from the so-called New Commonwealth. This is the other side of the Windrush story. In 1971, a new immigration act finally achieved that aim and stemmed the flow of migrants from the New Commonwealth. The same law granted those who had already arrived indefinite leave to remain."

This latest bill further sits on top of home secretary Priti Patel's suggestion of sending refugees to Ascension Island and government ministers refusing to rule out the use of 'wave machines' to stop them crossing the English Channel. And who could forget when Theresa May sent out vans telling migrants to go home or face arrest while saying "we can deport first and hear appeals later" or David Cameron describing refugees as a " swarm "?

What we know about state violence like this is that whilst it starts with Black and Brown people, it will not end with us. They came for the Windrush Generation and now they're coming for the children. Am I next? Will they then come for allies? The people that stand up for the rights of neighbours, friends, and colleagues.

The erosion of our human rights protections compounded with anti-protest laws backed by billionaire-owned media speaks to a mandate for this and to silencing.

Guilaine Kinouani finishes her article by saying "...solidarity without resistance is not solidarity, it is complicity." Indeed. For white people reading this I would say tell your friends, colleagues, and relatives to take two sets of notes. The notes you need to assure your safety while you resist, and the notes you need to resist.

There are always opportunities to resist. For me this starts with deconstructing the diversity agenda and what that looks like within institutional spaces. In terms of the Nationality and Borders Bill, following the threads of history and diversity reminds me how nobody is safe if we do not raise the baseline. I understand not everyone is not wired this way, but we all have skills valuable to social justice movements. It's simply a task of finding out what!

To question and challenge helps everybody in the long and short-term. For the children and young people that might be feeling a little hopeless now in probably the worst of times in their living memory, I tell you to disrupt. There can be joy in activism, and to love in the face of adversity is a political act.

Love openly, feel all your feelings in full, love Black women too; as the late bell hooks wrote, "It is essential to our struggle for self-determination that we speak of love. For love is the necessary foundation enabling us to survive the wars, the hardships, the sickness, and the dying with our spirits intact. It is love that allows us to survive whole."
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Comment: We must resist the government's 'racist' Borders Bill

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This piece was written for NN Journal by local writer and educator Tre Ventour. For more news and features straight to your inbox sign up to NN Journal today By Tre Ventour Demonstrators gathered outside Downing Street at the weekend in protest against the government's Nationality and Borders Bill.

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'The Nationality and Borders Bill: Imperial Nostalgia, Fascist Resurgence and Social Control' (Guilaine Kinouani, Media Diversified)

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'The Nationality and Borders Bill: Imperial Nostalgia, Fascist Resurgence and Social Control' (Guilaine Kinouani, Media Diversified)

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In this searing critique of the UK government's implementation of the Nationality and Borders Bill, Guilaine Kinouani argues that it lays bare the dangers of superficial 'diversity and inclusion' at the highest levels of government and makes the case for how we must resist border violence as social control

Arguably the most 'diverse' cabinet in the history of UK politics has introduced possibly the most racist and regressive pieces of legislation this country has seen in decades. The Nationality and Borders Bill should force us all to rethink representation politics - if we have not already, and to accept many of the premises that sustain the quest for 'equality' are ill-conceived.

As part of this, recognising that we are all capable of reproducing racism within systems and indeed, that systems cannot function without the participation - passive or active - of those it harms, is crucial. We all need, and this may hurt even more, to come to terms with the fact, 'diversity', 'equality' and 'inclusion' will not save us. In fact, they are today more likely to do many of us harm, than to help us achieve any semblance of justice.

Any tool for social transformation eventually gets corrupted or employed in the service of protecting the very power structures they were designed to disrupt. Representation in high office has proven the point. And so, the 'Equality, Diversity and Inclusion' industrial complex has become the neoliberal palatable face of white supremacy. A desire for 'equality' that keeps inequality going. Think black squares on Instagram, safety pins and smiley liberal faces in the midst of Black and brown migrant bodies silently drowning at sea.

The harm of the 'equality agenda' we had in fact encountered this summer with the so-called Sewell Report. A report by a group of primarily Black and brown 'experts' in their own fields (although mostly non-experts in race and racism) who found no evidence of structural or institutional racism in the UK.

An unsurprising and convenient finding which was wholly consistent with the government's on-going crusade against Critical Race Theory and, with members of the Commission's publicly aired comments prior to their appointment, that there was indeed no such thing as structural racism.

"The outdated and oversimplified notion that racism = prejudice + power (which is usually taken to mean within western contexts that people of colour do not have the social power to enact racist violence) has a lot to answer for. It continues to lead to failure to recognise issues of complicity, of intersectionality and dynamics related to proximity to power"

Those of us wary of such fortuitous alignments of fate or perhaps trained in the 'scientific method', may see in this alleged lack of evidence, actual evidence of structural racism or at least an egregious flaunting of basic principles of impartiality, non-partisanship, 'neutrality' and 'objectivity'. Principles I do not generally engage with uncritically but, I restate here because of the scientific claims the authors made to sustain their outlandish findings. More to the point, let's be clear that a white group of investigators, could not have got away with this report.

If you doubt this, consider the Equalities Minister - herself a Black woman - deploying the racial backgrounds of these 'non-experts-experts' to deflect accusations of racism levelled against the report. What we have here is the normalisation of a particular discursive manoeuvre; race as alibi or as shield against racism. The weaponisation of racialisation to pursue racist agendas tells us all we need to know about the central role black and brown bodies play within this administration.

The outdated and oversimplified notion that racism = prejudice + power (which is usually taken to mean within western contexts that people of colour do not have the social power to enact racist violence) has a lot to answer for. It continues to lead to failure to recognise issues of complicity, of intersectionality and dynamics related to proximity to power, here whiteness. But it pays to support systems of domination, materially above all else, and because it pays, there are and there will always be oppressed groups involved in forms of collaboration.
Fascist resurgence and imperial nostalgia
Although last summer the country was apparently free of structural racism, just a few months later well in to winter, the Nationality and Borders Bill was passed in the House of Commons. The legislation, which gives the Home Secretary the power to deprive British people of citizenshipm enshrined in law a two-tier (some have said apartheid) citizenship system along racial lines, the very definition of... structural racism.

The outrage surrounding the bill on racialised grounds concerns primarily the provisions around the notice of deprivation. According to clause nine of the bill, notice of the decision to deprive a person of citizenship may NOT be given, if;

- The state does not have the information needed to be able to give notice under that subsection,

- It is not reasonably practicable to give notice

- It is not in the interests of national security

- It is not in the interests of the relationship between the United Kingdom and another country, or

- It is not otherwise in the public interest

These provisions were the subject of sustained public discontent. There were attempts to disrupt the bill by getting clause nine removed by a petition signed at the time of writing by over 200,000 people. And I agree these provisions are worrisome given the very large scope they leave for interpretation. However, to me, the core of the issue is beyond the notification point - although the point is an important one. We have as a country decided that some citizens, who are primarily Black and brown, based on some constructed alleged traceable foreign ancestry and thus often assumed eligibility for some alternative nationality, may be disowned as citizens, if the state deems it in its interest to do so.

A dangerous precedent had already been set when Shamima Begum was stripped of her citizenship because of her alleged 'radicalisation', a 'radicalisation' which occurred in the context of her being groomed, abused and traumatised as a child then later as young adult. She was rendered stateless, with Bangladesh essentially pressured to take her in, although she was not a citizen of the country, was born in London but had some ancestry there. One can easily imagine given geopolitical power asymmetries, how nations in the global south may suffer similar fates and be forced to take in non-citizens with ancestral connections varying in their distance, while the UK flexes its neo-colonial powers at home and abroad, to disown its own.

The point that I am making is not that there should be no attempt to hold people to account or put them on trial for criminal activities and/or acts of complicity in terror when issues of agency, consent and responsibility are complex regardless of mitigation; rather as many have argued, that our racial background, ancestry or religion should have zero bearing in the process of justice. Of course we know they always have. Now the law tells us, it is right, proper and lawful that they do.

There are strong and chilling echoes of the past, we are continuing to ignore. The re-inscription of ' le droit du sang ' - blood rights within contemporary legislation in Britain is chilling to me. This is foundational to fascist iteration of the nation-state, of belonging and alien control. A principle with a strong Nazi pedigree.

Sceptics may argue the reference is inappropriate or alarmist. However, linking the current administration's on-going dismantlement of our freedom to protest or freedom to dissent, masked by faux concerns over the alleged erosion of ' free speech '; to the present bill, helps us see that the wish to quieten and control the masses, also central to fascism, is present here.

Exaggerated concerns over 'security' have been leveraged to sustain both sets of political agendas, the right to protest and the right to citizenship. Both strongly reflect the kind of paranoia filled fantasies which have always provided the fuel for fascism and authoritarianism. There is a long history though of ignoring fascist violence directed at non-white bodies. Even though we know their bodies have always been the training ground for later tyrannical violence on bodies racialised as white.

On social control and the management of dissent
Fascism and colonialism have long been deeply entangled. The bill reminds us of this historical reality kept alive by structures that sustain border and frontier violence. Only nationals imagined as second-class citizens, as disposable bodies and as subservient subjects could ever be expected to show uncritical gratitude and deference to the state or risk being bordered out of their own home. This is the small print.

We already have evidence that PREVENT has had a perverse effect on Muslims' ability to express their political beliefs freely. I know people amongst my family and friends who refuse to discuss politics particularly issues related to the Middle East and Palestine within institutions for fear of being maligned and referred to authorities. Concerns have long been raised about the implementation of the strategy. Of particular relevance here, are the creation of 'suspect' or once more, alien communities and the formations of enemies within. Discourses propagated within all the sections of the press and which have led to increased anti-Muslim racism, hatred and Islamophobia. Also of concern has been expanding constructions of what may be classed as 'extremism'.

This narrowing of that space for legitimate critique of State apparatuses and their operationalisation on British soil and on foreign lands is consistent with increased contempt towards human right protections, protections we still go and lecture other nations deemed inferior, on.

"And so the bill reinstates powerful yet insidious normative expectations that Black and brown people must watch what they say, how we behave. We must be compliant as the State may decide our country is no longer our country and dispossess us of our home."

The implementation of this culture of suspicion has led to perverse and absurd stories of children being suspected of 'radicalisation'. After my son (who is Muslim) then aged five or six proclaimed in class he wanted to marry a Muslim girl, I was required to attend an urgent meeting with the school head to discuss the origin of his 'concerning' views. I was threatened with a Local Authority investigation. I managed to navigate my way out of the threat. I am sure it helped that I am not Muslim myself.
Whiteness, silence and complicity
And so what an incredible powerful form of social control the bill is. See, who is given unconditional right of abode is usually also given 'freedom of speech'. The territoriality of whiteness therefore is not only about physical frontiers on lands and border control, it is also about bordering thoughts and bordering their expression.

And so the bill reinstates powerful yet insidious normative expectations that Black and brown people must watch what they say, how we behave. We must be compliant as the State may decide our country is no longer our country and dispossess us of our home. And ship us back like unwanted cargos to lands we have for the most part, no tie, save in some collective imaginary. Associations made mainly because of the colour of our skin.

This is what makes the bill a tool of social control and silencing. It's all, once more in the small print. If you doubt that, remember the Windrush elders deported to their death and the many others born British often over several generations who were so whimsically deprived of their right of above in the UK as they could not 'prove' their Britishness. Needing to prove we belong lies at the centre of the issues. The precariousness of British citizenship when one is racialised as Other holds melanin as the prima-facie case is of belonging 'elsewhere'.

As I wrote the thread that inspired this article, many came to offer solidarity. As they did so, they located racism, dysfunction, and corruption in the government. Whilst true, this kind of lazy and self-serving logic is deeply problematic. We are a country of what? Some 67 million people or so, primarily white. When unsavoury actions are carried out by marginalised individuals, all marginalised folks are held to account and expected to protest, denounce and distance themselves from the said acts.

Arguably the most 'diverse' cabinet has introduced the most violently racist & regressive pieces of legislations this country has seen in decades. I really hope you are rethinking your representation politics & accept once & for all we are all capable of reproducing racism.
- Guilaine Kinouani (@KGuilaine) December 11, 2021

Yet, we are quick to lodge social pathology in a group of what? Two dozen individuals or so as to deny the collective forces at play and the role we play in the same. But acts carried out by the state on behalf of the country engage everyone. Particularly those who directly benefit from the violence, here of white territoriality and inland border logics; 60 millions or so of white folks.

But imagine this... what if only 10 percent of this population took a stand, protested, denounced and sought to distance themselves from the bill? I really doubt it would stand. But here we are. As I said on Twitter, what we do not oppose which is done by the state, is done by us. Racism by omission is still racism. Racism by bystanderism is still racism. Racism by habituation is still racism. Racism by 'I just want to get on with my life' or 'I just don't know where to start' is still racism. There are always opportunities to show solidarity. But empty 'feel good' gestures in the face of our continuing suffocation on land or at sea, is not solidarity. Indeed, solidarity without resistance is not solidarity, it is complicity.
If you enjoyed reading this article and you got some benefit or insight from reading it donate to keep Media Diversified's website online For ideas about how you may resist the bill use BID Detention's template to email your MP that the #BordersBill will criminalise refugees, erode the meagre rights of those subject to immigration control & sow further division into UK society. Click here for the petition. opposing clause 9 of the Nationality and Borders Bill. Sign, and share on your social media channels.
Guilaine Kinouani is a French woman of Congolese descent, an equality consultant, a writer and a psychologist currently pursuing a PhD at Birkbeck University of London. She is the founder and director of r acereflections.co.uk. Her first book Living While Black, which was published earlier this year, is a MUST READ for anyone seeking specialist self-care strategies to navigate white supremacy, for those with a vested interest in the welfare and wellbeing of black groups or working towards anti-racism and for everyone else doing 'the work'. Get it here.

Tweet her @KGuilaine

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The Nationality and Borders Bill: Imperial nostalgia, fascist resurgence and social control

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In this searing critique of the UK government's implementation of the Nationality and Borders Bill, Guilaine Kinouani argues that it lays bare the dangers of superficial 'diversity and inclusion' at the highest levels of government and makes the case for how we must resist border violence as social control UK Home Secretary Priti Patel sits...

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'Living While Black' (Guilaine Kinouani, 2021)

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'Living While Black' (Guilaine Kinouani, 2021)

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'Revelatory, necessary and brilliant' Candice Carty-Williams | 'A must read' Robin DiAngelo | 'A powerful wake-up call' Patrick Vernon | 'An incisive and important book that will change the way you think' Nikesh Shukla | 'An unmissable read for everyone' | 'Honest, razor-sharp, f ascinating and impressive' The Psychologist | 'Groundbreaking' Bad Form

For the past 15 years, radical psychologist and therapist Guilaine Kinouani has helped hundreds of Black people to protect their mental and physical health from the harm of white supremacy. In this timely book, she brings together powerful case studies, eye-opening research and effective coping techniques from her anti-racist academy and award-nominated blog, Race Reflections, helping readers to:

- set psychological boundaries and process trauma
- protect children from racism
- handle difficult race-based conversations
- understand the complexities of 'Black love'
- find connection, beauty and joy in the world

Living While Black empowers you to adopt radical self-care tools that improve day-to-day wellness. It teaches you how to thrive not just survive and find hope - or even joy - in the face of racial adversity. It is also an essential anti-racist resource for allies who want to do better.

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Living While Black: The Essential Guide to Overcoming Racial Trauma

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'Revelatory, necessary and brilliant' Candice Carty-Williams | 'A must read' Robin DiAngelo | 'A powerful wake-up call' Patrick Vernon | 'An incisive and important book that will change the way you think' Nikesh Shukla | 'An unmissable read for everyone' | 'Honest, razor-sharp, f ascinating and impressive' The Psychologist | 'Groundbreaking' Bad Form For the past 15 years, radical psychologist and therapist Guilaine Kinouani has helped hundreds of Black people to protect their mental and physical health from the harm of white supremacy.

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'Black 1919: Riots, Racism and Resistance in Imperial Britain' (Jacqueline Jenkinson, 2009)

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'Black 1919: Riots, Racism and Resistance in Imperial Britain' (Jacqueline Jenkinson, 2009)

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The riots that broke out in various British port cities in 1919 were a dramatic manifestation of a wave of global unrest that affected Britain, parts of its empire, continental Europe and North America during and in the wake of the First World War. During the riots, crowds of white working-class people targeted black workers, their families and black-owned businesses and property. One of the chief sources of violent confrontation in the run-down port areas was the 'colour' bar implemented by the sailors' trades unions campaigning to keep black, Arab and Asian sailors off British ships in a time of increasing job competition. Black 1919 sets out the economic and social causes of the riots and their impact on Britain's relationship with its empire and its colonial subjects. The riots are also considered within the wider context of rioting elsewhere on the fringes of the Atlantic world as black people came in increased numbers into urban and metropolitan settings where they competed with working-class white people for jobs and housing during and after the First World War. The book details the events of the port riots in Britain, with chapters devoted to assessing the motivations and make-up of the rioting crowds, examining police procedures during the riots, considering the court cases that followed, and looking at the longer-term consequences for the black British workers and their families. Black 1919 is a stark and timely reminder of the violent racist conflict that emerged after the First World War and the shockwaves that reverberated around the Empire.

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Black 1919: Riots, Racism and Resistance in Imperial Britain

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The riots that broke out in various British port cities in 1919 were a dramatic manifestation of a wave of global unrest that affected Britain, parts of its empire, continental Europe and North America during and in the wake of the First World War.

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'Black Sailors on Red Clydeside: Rioting, Reactionary Trade Unionism and Conflicting Notions of ‘Britishness’ Following the First World War' (Jacqueline Jenkinson, 2008)

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'Black Sailors on Red Clydeside: Rioting, Reactionary Trade Unionism and Conflicting Notions of ‘Britishness’ Following the First World War' (Jacqueline Jenkinson, 2008)

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Black Sailors on Red Clydeside: Rioting, Reactionary Trade Unionism and Conflicting Notions of ‘Britishness’ Following the First World War | Jenkinson, J. | download

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Black Sailors on Red Clydeside: Rioting, Reactionary Trade Unionism and Conflicting Notions of ‘Britishness’ Following the First World War | Jenkinson, J. | download | BookSC. Download books for free. Find books

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'White Blindspot' (Noel Ignatin and Ted Allen, 1967)

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'White Blindspot' (Noel Ignatin and Ted Allen, 1967)

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'Black Looks: Race and Representation' (bell hooks, 1992)

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'Black Looks: Race and Representation' (bell hooks, 1992)

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Taking on popular music, advertising, literature, television, historical narrative, and film, hooks demonstrates the incisive intelligence and passion for justice that prompted Publishers Weekly to dub her "one of the foremost black intellectuals in America today."

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Taking on popular music, advertising, literature, television, historical narrative, and film, hooks demonstrates the incisive intelligence and passion for justice that prompted Publishers Weekly to dub her "one of the foremost black intellectuals in America today."

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'Black Edwardians: Black People in Britain, 1901-1914' (Jeffrey Green, 1998)

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'Black Edwardians: Black People in Britain, 1901-1914' (Jeffrey Green, 1998)

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This study reveals the presence of black people in all walks of life all over the British Isles at the height of the imperialist era - challenging conventional views on imperialism, racism and British social history. Historians of British society have largely ignored this most visible of minorities, and commentators on racism have been silent on the period.

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This study reveals the presence of black people in all walks of life all over the British Isles at the height of the imperialist era - challenging conventional views on imperialism, racism and British social history. Historians of British society have largely ignored this most visible of minorities, and commentators on racism have been silent on the period.

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'The Windrush Betrayal' (Amelia Gentleman, 2018)

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'The Windrush Betrayal' (Amelia Gentleman, 2018)

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The Windrush Betrayal: Exposing the Hostile Environment

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The Windrush Betrayal: Exposing the Hostile Environment | Amelia Gentleman | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'Ethnic Labour and British Imperial Trade: History of Ethnic Seafarers in the UK' (Diane Frost, 1995)

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'Ethnic Labour and British Imperial Trade: History of Ethnic Seafarers in the UK' (Diane Frost, 1995)

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This collection of essays identifies a neglected but significant component of Britain's maritime and labour history, that of ethnic labour drawn from Britain's colonies in West Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The interdisciplinary nature of the volume (with contributors from sociologists, historians and Middle Eastern specialists), has meant that a number of important issues are raised. These include the themes of race and ethnicity, colonialism and migration, social class and the complex nature of racial hostility meted out by organized white labour. Taken together, the contributions highlight the considerable degree of shared and similar experiences that ethnic seamen endured whilst working on British ships (including inferior wages and conditions, racial hostility and a precarious legal status). This ethnic presence in Britain before the Second World War represented an important link with the post-war migrations, both of which were powerful legacies of empire. These essays contribute to the neglected pre-1945 ethnic presence in Britain as well as more 'mainstream' British maritime and labour history.

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Ethnic Labour and British Imperial Trade: A History of Ethnic Seafarers in the UK

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This collection of essays identifies a neglected but significant component of Britain's maritime and labour history, that of ethnic labour drawn from Britain's colonies in West Africa, the Middle East and Asia. The interdisciplinary nature of the volume (with contributors from sociologists, historians and Middle Eastern specialists), has meant that a number of important issues are raised.

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GARY YOUNGE: Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence (Double Down News, 2020)

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GARY YOUNGE: Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence (Double Down News, 2020)

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Black Lives Matter & The Question of Violence | Gary Younge

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'Jul 1 ‘Black Men and White Girls’: the Limehouse Riot Trial of 1919' (Paddy Docherty)

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'Jul 1 ‘Black Men and White Girls’: the Limehouse Riot Trial of 1919' (Paddy Docherty)

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A crucial point to note is that, as the article from The Times clearly states in its first paragraph, John Martin was found not guilty and was discharged. One might therefore perhaps be keen to conclude that, despite all the unpleasantness, the system of justice was working, even if the verdict of not guilty did not eliminate the stress, severe inconvenience, and assault on dignity involved in an arrest and trial. However, the critical phrase to note is the remark from the judge in the case, the Common Serjeant (who was, incidentally, Sir Henry Fielding Dickens, a son of the novelist Charles Dickens). As The Times notes in closing their report:

"In summing-up the COMMON SERJEANT pointed out that there was no evidence that the defendant went about with white girls."

The Times, July 1st 1919

Martin thus seems to have been cleared of the charges not because of the specific evidence respecting the firearm in question or the alleged shooting, but because it was established by the court that he did not mix with white women. This brings us to a powerful point made by Jacqueline Jenkinson: the deeply disturbing implication is that at the time, a black man could only really be regarded as innocent if he had no connection to white women. Any black man who did mix with white girls was seen as fair game for the mob.

Important to note here is that the Common Serjeant was the second most important judge in the Old Bailey; appointed by the Crown, he had a range of other high duties of state besides hearing criminal trials. This attitude, in which black innocence was dependent on avoidance of white women, thus came from the top and represented, by definition, the view of the establishment. For absolute clarity, inter-racial relationships were not illegal, and it is therefore bizarre and very troubling that this factor was even mentioned by the judge in his summing up.

It is also worth reflecting on the fact that even though the court established that John Martin had no history with white women and was found innocent of all charges, The Times still chose to headline their report as "Black Men and White Girls", a slightly salacious title that surely reflected widespread interest - perhaps somewhat prurient - in this subject among the general population, even including the well-heeled types who would customarily read the national paper of record.

Finally, it is also important to note that, even though John Martin was released in this instance, in other cases from 1919 it is clear that black defendants were more likely than whites to be found guilty and to receive significantly harsher sentences.
Betrayed loyalties and the hypocrisy of the Empire
As was recognised even by the prosecutor in the Limehouse case - who was, after all, doing his best to put John Martin in prison - the black men under discussion had served Britain during the war. An essential point here is that there was no conscription in West Africa or the Caribbean, meaning that every single one of these men was a volunteer. As they saw it, they were loyally doing their bit for their Empire, and often had to overcome extraordinary obstacles to be allowed to serve.

In these circumstances, one might perhaps have expected rather more gratitude from Britain and British people. Instead, these men were rewarded with official indifference, social and judicial discrimination, and sometimes violence. The shoddiness with which the Empire treated some of the supposed subjects of the King further exposes the hypocritical immorality of the imperial project.
Further reading:
David Olusoga,Black and British: a Forgotten History, 2016

Jacqueline Jenkinson, Black 1919: Riots, Racism and Resistance in Imperial Britain, 2009

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'Black Men and White Girls': the Limehouse Riot Trial of 1919 - Paddy Docherty

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A crucial point to note is that, as the article from The Times clearly states in its first paragraph, John Martin was found not guilty and was discharged. One might therefore perhaps be keen to conclude that, despite all the unpleasantness, the system of justice was working, even if the verdict of not guilty did not eliminate the stress, severe inconvenience, and assault on dignity involved in an arrest and trial.

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'Imperialism and Motherhood. History Workshop' (Anna Davin)

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'Imperialism and Motherhood. History Workshop' (Anna Davin)

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Imperialism and Motherhood | Anna Davin | download

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Imperialism and Motherhood | Anna Davin | download | BookSC. Download books for free. Find books

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'What White People Can Do Next: From Allyship to Coalition' (Emma Dabiri, 2021)

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'What White People Can Do Next: From Allyship to Coalition' (Emma Dabiri, 2021)

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What White People Can Do Next | Emma Dabiri | download | Z-Library. Download books for free. Find books

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'Black Tommies: British Soldiers of African Descent in the First World War' (Ray Costello, 2015)

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'Black Tommies: British Soldiers of African Descent in the First World War' (Ray Costello, 2015)

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Black Tommies is the first book entirely dedicated to the part played by soldiers of African descent in the British regular army during the First World War. If African colonial troops have been ignored by historians, the existence of any substantial narrative around Black British soldiers
enlisting in the United Kingdom during the First World War is equally unknown, even in military circles. Much more material is now coming to light, such as the oral testimony of veterans, and the author has researched widely to gather fresh and original material for this fascinating book from
primary documentary sources in archives to private material kept in the metaphorical (and actual) shoe boxes of descendants of black Tommies. Reflecting the global nature of the conflict, Black Tommies takes us on a journey from Africa to the Caribbean and North America to the streets of British
port cities such as Cardiff, Liverpool and those of North Eastern England. This exciting book also explodes the myth of Second Lieutenant Walter Tull being the first, or only, black officer in the British Army and endeavours to give the narrative of black soldiers a firm basis for future scholars to
build upon by tackling an area of British history previously ignored.

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Black Tommies is the first book entirely dedicated to the part played by soldiers of African descent in the British regular army during the First World War. If African colonial troops have been ignored by historians, the existence of any substantial narrative around Black British soldiersenlisting in the United Kingdom during the First World War is equally unknown, even in military circles.

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Mixed Race Britain in the Twentieth Century (Chamion Caballaro and Peter Aspinall, 2018)

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Mixed Race Britain in the Twentieth Century (Chamion Caballaro and Peter Aspinall, 2018)

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This book explores the overlooked history of racial mixing in Britain during the course of the twentieth century, a period in which there was considerable and influential public debate on the meanings and implications of intimately crossing racial boundaries.

Based on research that formed the foundations of the British television series Mixed Britannia, the authors draw on a range of firsthand accounts and archival material to compare 'official' accounts of racial mixing and mixedness with those told by mixed race people, couples and families themselves.

Mixed Race Britain in The Twentieth Century shows that alongside the more familiarly recognised experiences of social bigotry and racial prejudice there can also be glimpsed constant threads of tolerance, acceptance, inclusion and 'ordinariness'. It presents a more complex and multifaceted history of mixed race Britain than is typically assumed, one that adds to the growing picture of the longstanding diversity and difference that is, and always has been, an ordinary and everyday feature of British life.

Chamion Caballero is Visiting Senior Fellow at the London School of Economics. She has published widely on issues of racial mixing and mixedness and along with Peter Aspinall and Bradley Lincoln is Co-Founder and Director of the Mix-d Museum, an online archive recording and sharing the history of racial mixing in Britain.

Peter J. Aspinall is Emeritus Reader at the University of Kent, UK. His publications include 75 papers on race and ethnicity and several books, including Mixed Race Identities (Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). He was ONS National Convenor for the ethnicity question in the ONS 2001 Census Development Programme.

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https://b-ok.cc/g/Chamion Caballero and Peter J. Aspinall (eds.)

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Chamion Caballero and Peter J. Aspinall (eds.)

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Mixed Race Britain in The Twentieth Century

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This book explores the overlooked history of racial mixing in Britain during the course of the twentieth century, a period in which there was considerable and influential public debate on the meanings and implications of intimately crossing racial boundaries.

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'Interraciality in Early Twentieth Century Britain: Challenging Traditional Conceptualisations through Accounts of ‘Ordinariness' (Chamion Caballero, 2019)

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'Interraciality in Early Twentieth Century Britain: Challenging Traditional Conceptualisations through Accounts of ‘Ordinariness' (Chamion Caballero, 2019)

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Open Access Editor's Choice Article

Department of Theatre and Performance, Goldsmiths, University of London, London SE14 6NW, UK

Received: 19 November 2018 / Revised: 6 April 2019 / Accepted: 6 April 2019 / Published: 17 April 2019

The popular conception of interraciality in Britain is one that frequently casts mixed racial relationships, people and families as being a modern phenomenon. Yet, as scholars are increasingly discussing, interraciality in Britain has much deeper and diverse roots, with racial mixing and mixedness now a substantively documented presence at least as far back as the Tudor era. While much of this history has been told through the perspectives of outsiders and frequently in the negative terms of the assumed 'orthodoxy of the interracial experience'-marginality, conflict, rejection and confusion-first-hand accounts challenging these perceptions allow a contrasting picture to emerge. This article contributes to the foregrounding of this more complex history through focusing on accounts of interracial 'ordinariness'-both presence and experiences-throughout the early decades of the twentieth century, a time when official concern about racial mixing featured prominently in public debate. In doing so, a more multidimensional picture of interracial family life than has frequently been assumed is depicted, one which challenges mainstream attitudes about conceptualisations of racial mixing both then and now.

1. Introduction

'Mixed race relationships are no longer an exotic rarity but the new normal' proclaimed The Daily Telegraph, Britain's largest circulating newspaper broadsheet, in Nov 2017. 1 Written in response to the engagement of Prince Harry, sixth in line to the British throne, to Meghan Markle, an American actress of mixed black and white racial heritage, the newspaper article's headline is representative of the multitude of print and online articles, discussions and commentaries that have appeared in Britain-as well as internationally-in the wake of the couple's relationship. Indeed, since the pair stepped into the public eye, a feverish analysis and dissection not only of the interracial royal couple but, by extension, of interraciality 2 in Britain generally has featured prominently in contemporary British public discourse. Within the range of views expressed on this topic-that include aversion and hostility as well as apathy and indifference-is a strand of thought that clearly positions Harry and Meghan's relationship and the 'growth' of mixed-race couples and people on Britain's streets as a 'new' normal that is as illustrative not only of modern Britain's racial diversity but of its increased racial tolerance. 3

However, as Balachandran notes ( Balachandran 2014, p. 546), the history of racial mixing and mixedness has long been presented to us largely through the views of 'outsiders', most notably the 'prurient gaze of middle-class observers peering through lens clouded by class, racial, gender, sexual and political anxieties'. Indeed, from the documentation of interraciality in Tudor Britain, it is the written accounts of predominantly white, middle-class academics, politicians, journalists, novelists, bureaucrats, social workers, trade unionists, church officials and other establishment figures who have heavily shaped public understandings of the experiences of racially mixed couples, people and families well until the late twentieth century ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). 6 While some 'outsider' perspectives have certainly taken a nuanced or even favourable view of the concept or presence of interraciality on Britain's shores, more typically they have tended to see this group in negative or hostile terms, ones that reinforced the assumed 'orthodoxy of the interracial experience': marginality, conflict, rejection and confusion ( Caballero 2012, p. 43).

Though, certainly, experiences of marginality, conflict, rejection and confusion can be repeatedly found in the history of interraciality in Britain, these do not constitute the whole story. Rather, the history is an entanglement of multiple discourses, of different and perspectives, many of which offer challenging and competing viewpoints and understandings, most notably when they are rendered by those who are themselves in or from interracial families. Thompson [1978] ( 2017)'s ground-breaking work on the power of oral history has shown the transformational and expansive effect of incorporating the voices of those who have previously only been spoken about into our understandings of the past. By juxtaposing the perspectives of officialdom and the establishment with those of ordinary people, he writes, it allows 'evidence from a new direction [...] mak[ing] for a more realistic reconstruction of the past', one which enables 'the original multiplicity of standpoints to be recreated' ( Thompson [1978] 2017, p. 15). As Bland ( 2005, p. 52) rightly argues, what has long been missing in the history of those mixing and of mixed-race are the voices of these people themselves. While gathering such accounts, she notes, is a difficult area of research to undertake, it is also one that is essential if we are to gather 'a fuller and richer' history of interraciality in Britain.

This article thus contributes to this foregrounding of a more complex history of racial mixing and mixedness through exploring the presence and experiences of mixed-race people, couples and families in Britain in the early decades of the twentieth century (specifically 1900-39). Though this period is not commonly associated outside scholarly circles with interraciality in Britain, it in fact is an era when official concern and opposition to racial mixing featured prominently in public debate ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). The wide-ranging commentaries and depictions repeatedly put forward by the media, government, academics, novelists, and other institutional contemporary forces at this time painted a picture that suggested the crossing of racial boundaries was a grim lived experience. Yet, drawing on research seeking to uncover attitudes and understandings of mixed-race people, couples and families during this period, 7 a more multidimensional picture of interracial life than has frequently been assumed emerges, one which shows itself to be full of challenges to mainstream depictions and understandings, both then and now. In particular, the concept of 'ordinariness'-'the conventional, the normal, the natural, the everyday, the taken for granted' ( Silverstone 1994, p. 994)-makes itself visible not only in the presence but also the experiences of British interracial history.

2. The 'Ordinary' Presence of Interraciality in Early Twentieth Century Britain

In Jennifer Worth's popular novel Call the Midwife about her experiences working in the 1950s' East End of London, she talks about the great difficulty that men faced before DNA testing in knowing for certain that any children were theirs-unless, she says, the child was of a different race:

If a husband happens to be fathering another man's child, he is not likely to know and, as they say, "what the eye does not see, the heart does not grieve over". But what happens when his wife brings forth a black man's child? The East Enders had hardly faced this before, but after the Second World War the potential was there.

Yet, as discussed previously, racial mixing and mixedness were not uncommon in Britain before mass immigration in the 1950s very visibly placed the issue of interraciality into the mainstream. 8 In Canning Town, a few miles east from the heart of the London Docklands where Worth was a midwife, a visible interracial population had previously attracted national attention in the 1930s, when the Daily Express had featured them in its 'expose' of the racial mixing occurring in an area called Crown Street. Made up primarily of black sailors who had settled and raised families with local white women, Crown Street was known locally as 'Draughtboard Alley', due to the number of black and white families who lived alongside each other ( Bloch 1998). See Figure 1.

Furthermore, as Caballero and Aspinall ( 2018) have highlighted, black and other racialised populations in Britain were not simply a preserve of city life, or of the working classes. As was the case before the 20th century ( MacKeith 2003; Kaufmann 2017; Livesay 2018), there are fascinating glimpses of the racial diversity-and accompanying interraciality-to be found in the suburbs, towns and rural communities of Britain in the early twentieth century, as well as amongst the middle and upper classes. At the dawn of the twentieth century, the labour needs and opportunities of the British Empire saw the steady growth of a non-white population settle across Britain itself, and from the highlands of Scotland to the coasts of Cornwall-and all the cities, towns, suburbs and rural locales in between-could be found a range of people drawn from Empire and beyond. This population was diverse in both its racial and ethnic constitution, as well as its occupation: it contained not only the more typical settler populations of sailors and soldiers, but actors, musicians, students, doctors, vicars, barristers, journalists, aristocrats, politicians, diplomats, composers and business owners, labourers, cabinetmakers, colliers, firemen and fishermen amongst a myriad other professions (see also Green 1998, 2000).

Recognising the extent of this occupational and geographical spread is important in highlighting that not only was there a deeper embedding of people of colour in everyday British life during this period than is often commonly assumed, but that it simultaneously created a substantive 'contact zone' ( Pratt 1992). As such, numerous white Britons and people of colour found themselves engaging in what Lamont and Aksartova ( 2002, p. 1) term 'ordinary cosmopolitanisms', that is the local, ordinary and mundane bridging of boundaries with people who are different. The Japanese artist, Yoshio Markino, observed that in his temporary home of London in the pre-war years, no one 'lifts an eyelid and turns a hair' at the many foreigners walking the streets; on asking a shopkeeper if he were interested that Markino was Japanese, the shopkeeper replied, 'No sir. You see, sir, we 'ave our colonies all hover the world sir-white men, yellow men, brown men and black men are forming part of the British nation, so I am no curious of a Japanese gentlemen at all.' (in Rodner 2012, p. 6).

Such 'ordinary cosmpolitanisms' obviously provided vast opportunities for interracial interactions, relationships and intimacy to develop, particularly between the largely male population of colour that found itself settling alongside an increasingly socially and economically independent white female population 11 ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). New arrivals to the country tended first to stay in lodgings where landladies provided bed and board; outside of the port communities, such boarding houses were often mixed, both in terms of race and gender, and independent young women-including the landladies' daughters-found themselves living in close and familiar proximity alongside men of colour from across Empire, with relationships frequently developing. James Jackson Brown, for example, a Jamaican doctor who ran a London practice for forty years, married Millie Green, his landlord's daughter in 1906, whilst Mahomed Ben Mahomed, an Arab acrobat, met his wife, Mary, the daughter of local steelworker at lodgings in Birmingham in 1908 when he ended up rooming next to her family. Social locales-from nightclubs to home gatherings-proved another key meeting site: Nina Tomalin Potts met her Chinese diplomat husband Yung Hsi Hsiao at a 'suburban tea party', while Brinda Dutt, the daughter of Lord Sinha, the first Indian member of the House of Lords, first encountered her naval officer husband Lieutenant Gordon at a bridge party at his mother's house ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). Certainly, the pathways to interracial intimacy were many and not at all predictable. Some opened up during everyday, mundane interactions, such as in shops and passing encounters on the street, while others were the result of more glamorous sites: Younger ( 2003), for example, has documented many of the accounts of the wealthy Indian and South East Asian nobles who entered into relationships and marriages with white British women after seeing them perform on the stage (see also Caballero and Aspinall 2018).

Outside of the cities, the case of the solicitor George Edalji-the son of an English mother and Indian vicar of a South Staffordshire village wrongfully convicted in 1903 of animal maiming and writing poison pen letters to his family-is a relatively well-known example of the types of interraciality to be found tucked away in the shires and spires towns of pre-WW2 Britain. 12 Analysis of newspaper articles reveals plentiful other less familiar but equally fascinating accounts, such as the 1909 trial of 12 year old William Worsley, 'a half caste' from Bolsover, near Chesterfield charged with stealing a chicken-the boy's blind father (a Bolsover resident for 42 years) also appeared in court to plead his son's innocence; or the coverage of two white half-sisters who travelled from Glasgow in 1901 with their 'negro' fiancės and 'a contingent of darkies' to their home in Helensburgh in Argyll and Bute to get married, the black visitors receiving, the press stated, 'much attention, particularly from the young people, who displayed much interest in their gorgeous apparel' ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018, p. 184). Meanwhile, the press coverage of the relationships, family life and subsequent turbulent divorces of Princess Sudhira, an Indian noble, and Countess Hoey Stoker, the ethnic Chinese daughter of an Indonesian sugar magnate, from their respective white, upper middle-class English husbands provide a glimpse into both interraciality in the upper echelons of society as well as the presence of women of colour who also were part of interracial couples or families ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). Tabili ( 1996, p. 183) makes the important point that uncovering the accounts of women of colour not only restores them to the historical record and provides 'a more accurate understanding of racial and social dynamics in Britain and in the empire', but also repudiates the view that interracial relationships were the sole products 'of a pathological attraction between white women and Black men, rather than of a more mundane desire to establish a home and family'.

The relationships of white British women and men of colour, and the children produced from such unions, occurring on domestic shores, however, was an issue that was impossible to gloss over so easily. While early Edwardian discourse initially placed less emphasis on the racial threat presented by domestic interraciality than its perceived oddness, the growing fears about national degeneration began increasingly to see the visible interraciality occurring in working-class communities as deeply concerning. The relationships between the white working classes with people of colour and the production of mixed-race children was seen as destabilising the power of white Britishness at a time when it desperately needed protecting; moreover, white working-class women in particular were singled out-as always-for the significant role they were playing in upsetting the racial order. The concerns and discontent expressed the likes of local officials and the press at the immorality of white women partnering men of colour in dockside areas (and more widely) which rumbled in the background of early twentieth century public discourse ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018) exploded into a moral panic in the aftermath of the 1919 race riots. This series of violent disturbances across nine of Britain's main ports after the demobilisation of First World War service personnel in which seamen of colour were viciously targeted were largely blamed in the press not just on the anger and resentment felt by returning white men at 'coloured' men 'taking' white men's jobs and houses but also 'their' women ( Tabili 1994; Jenkinson 2009; Caballero and Aspinall 2018). By the 1920s, press opinion on inter-racial relationships in Britain-now a repeated and prominent topic in the press-had moved to a tone much more aggressive and condemnatory in nature, while fictional and artistic depictions-mostly focusing on the erotic thrill of interraciality across Empire-continued to underscore the message that interraciality was an exotic, 'unBritish' state of affairs, titillating and thrilling in theory but dangerous and damaging in practice ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018), as the typical book plates and covers and theatrical programme illustrations below indicate: 13 See Figure 2, Figure 3, Figure 4, Figure 5, Figure 6 and Figure 7.

While men of colour certainly came in for their share of blame and hostility as regards the growing visibility of interracial relationships in Britain, the greater scorn was often heaped upon the women who were seen to be active colluders against nature and country. By the 1930s, official reports and investigations into the effects of interraciality in port communities drew on existing eugenic pseudo-science attitudes to racial mixing to thoroughly condemn the process. Most particularly, the reports commented on the 'tragedy' and 'menace' of 'half-caste' children of black and white parentage as a moral concern and racial tragedy for the nation, drawing on longstanding ideas of 'race science' that saw the idea of 'hybrid degeneration' (that is, where those of mixed race were thought to be physically weaker than their non-white parent group and less intelligent than their white parent group) take precedence over the counter notion of 'hybrid vigour' (where those of mixed race were seen as combining the best physical and mental features of both parent groups) ( Rich [1986] 1990; Christian 2008; Caballero and Aspinall 2018). In the absence of legislation against racial mixing, however, (the British reluctance to introduce anti-miscegenation laws stemmed from concern over its possibly damaging effect on colonial relations rather than egalitarianism ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018)), preventing interracial relationships was for the most part beyond the real control of the authorities. As such, officials could only issue warnings (such as those issued by Registry Offices warning white British women of the dangers of marrying 'aliens' ( Baldwin 2001; Caballero and Aspinall 2018)); implement discouraging laws and social policies that impacted on the settlement of men of colour (such as the zealous deportation of undocumented 'alien' seamen, many of whom were actually black British subjects ( Tabili 1994) and the loss of British citizenship on marriage to an 'alien' ( Baldwin 2001)); and contribute to a strong atmosphere of social disapproval, the likes of which has been soundly detailed in the scholarship on interraciality in twentieth century Britain cited previously.

As this scholarship has also clearly shown, such disapproval was largely futile as, despite the social penalty, interraciality did not only occur during this period but, in some locales, was a familiar, even ordinary occurrence. While much scholarship to date has expertly drawn on this discourse of disapproval to illuminate just how commonplace racial mixing often was, for the most part this ordinariness has nevertheless been told through the perspective of outsiders. 14 The following section thus takes up Bland's urging to balance such perspectives by bringing the voices of those mixing and of mixed race during this period to the fore. Their inclusion illuminates a generally overlooked concept of ordinariness in the history of interraciality in Britain that goes beyond physical presence to suggest also experiences of ordinariness.

3. Experiences of Ordinariness for Interracial Couples, Families and Peoples in Early Twentieth Century Britain

Of course, while there is plenty of contemporary material written about these historical populations, accessing the accounts of these mixed families themselves presents multilayered challenges. As Bressey ( 2010, pp. 165-66) has remarked, the history of the British working class (not to mention the history of Britain generally) has tended to ignore the presence of people of colour meaning that preserving their voices, let alone accessing them, has often been a question of 'needle-in-a-haystack' searches. Thanks to the increasing digitalisation of archival resources, however, researchers are better equipped than ever to pinpoint these voices and bring them to light to wider audiences. Certainly, the research drawn on for this paper heavily utilised the digitalisation of records to identify such 'needles', employing a wide and varied range of search terms to gather together a collection of first-hand (and second-hand) accounts of interraciality in early twentieth century Britain that included photographs and film footage as well as oral and written histories ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). Taken together and, perhaps most importantly, contrasted with 'outsider' accounts, they suggest counternarratives and alternative perspectives to early British interracial experiences, including ones in which ordinariness was clearly present.

The Commonplace, the Mundane, the Everyday

As a body of scholarship has noted (see, for example, Tinkler 2013; Bressey 2002), photographs are a potent resource for challenging existing views of history and collective memory, thereby clearly making visible the need for alternative or more nuanced understandings. Take for example, the images below of early twentieth century interracial couples, families and people: See Figure 8, Figure 9, Figure 10, Figure 11, Figure 12 and Figure 13.

These recognisably ordinary images of early twentieth century (mixed-race) family life as displayed in the photos contrast starkly with the exotic images of interraciality found in the types of book plates and covers highlighted earlier. Such photographs not only add to evidence demonstrating the existence of interraciality in Britain during this period 15 but, as with Bressey's work on the forgotten presence of black Victorian women, they 'embod[y] a turnstile to an interconnected, 'multicultural' understanding of a new historical geography of Britain ( Bressey 2002, p. 356). Indeed, while family photographs are not necessarily an accurate visual record of events, they nevertheless provide a partial view of the social fabric and maps of people's lives ( Twine 2006). In their showcasing of typical family groupings or special occasions, such photographs thus suggest a level of domesticity and intimacy typically absent from outsider accounts of interraciality. As Bressey ( 2002, p. 356) notes of the archival images of the black Victorian women she uncovered '[b]ehind each two-tone image, there is a person of colour, an existence within a network interwoven into life in London and far beyond.' Regarding the images of interraciality above, the knowledge that posed studio portraits taken during the early twentieth century were not just a way of capturing and displaying family belonging and respectability but also involved both material and time costs ( Hudgins 2010) opens up new ways of thinking about how such families saw themselves and were seen, both theoretically and literally. For example, engaging photographers and having pictures taken in typical dress and poses suggests a means by which interracial families could signal and display, as well as preserve memories, of their ordinariness as well as their individuality, both in terms of their family status as well as that of early twentieth century British citizens and residents ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). That is, there is room to surmise that many of those having such photographs taken as was the norm for white families of means also saw themselves as being part or deserving of this norm.

First-hand accounts from interracial couples, people and families certainly support the position that ordinariness was an accessible and inhabited state of being. As Bressey ( 2010) has also noted, a distinct layer of complexity in identifying the ordinary history of people of colour in Britain is added to the search due to the changing decisions made-both then and now-around who is identified in archival material and archives by 'race' (i.e., the 'intricacies of identity' mean that people of colour can be classed under a myriad of racialised terms, as well as none at all). At the same time, however, alternative insights may yet be gleaned from the obfuscation produced from the lack of labelling or categorising of their experiences by 'race' directly, in the sense that their inclusion under other non-racialised categories of enquiry can illuminate overlooked aspects of their lives-including their ordinariness.

Take for example, Edith Bryan, who was raised by her black father and white mother in Bute Town-then commonly known as Tiger Bay-in Cardiff, Wales, and who participated in the oral history project 'Family Life and Work Experience before 1918, 1870-1973′. 16 If we were to draw our understandings of Edith's family life from the types of newspaper articles that were written about mixed-race families in Wales at the time, we could only conclude that theirs was a wretched experience, the media accounts describing 'miserable homes' in which 'half-caste piccaninnies wallowed in rags on filthy floors' and 'slatternly white women hiccoughed curses from the inner darkness' while their 'Kaffir mates'-given 'as wide a berth as possible' by white men-'swilled porter as dusky as their skins and, vied with each other in the dandy grace of their spotless linen and gaudy ties and yellow boots' ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018, pp. 95-96). Race, such articles contented, dominated the life of interracial families, shaping their experiences just as much as-if not more than-the poverty around then.

Yet, while Edith comments in her reminiscences on aspects of race, racism and interraciality in the family's neighbourhood when asked to by the interviewer, the focus of the project-family life, domesticity, and work-means that she mainly provides fascinating insights into the 'ordinariness' of her family's daily life. Living in a working-class neighbourhood but displaying a significant degree of financial and material security, the mundane details of how her parents ran a boarding house for seamen, and the cleaning, cooking, shopping, childcare and socialisation that she, her parents and siblings undertook on an everyday basis replace the hysterical cries from officialdom with a portrait of a family whose daily domestic lives and relationships were nigh on indistinguishable from similar white families in Britain ( Thompson [1975] 1992). Scenes of an everyday and mundane domestic family existence shared with other contemporary British families shine through in Edith's recollection of growing up with her family: food preparation and mealtime habits; the presence of a loving mother and strict but devoted father; sibling quarrels and closeness; and the grind of household duties and chores. An extract from her interview detailing such recollections has been included below at length in order to convey the feel of the commonplace that pervades her reminiscences, which overshadow the accusation of inherently sordid lives and 'miserable homes' put forward by outsider accounts.

We always had Sunday shoes and day school. I know that because it was my job to clean them all [...] and I had to do-help with the back kitchen and clean the knives and forks. We all had something to do [...]. We used to-we had a big fireplace and we used to have-of course you'd no baths like we've got now, used to bath in there. Lock the doors up and curtains up, we'd light the fire, heat the water on the fire and bath in there [...]. We had a range in the-in middle room, it was-no gas at that time. We had a range and a-fireplace in the kitchen. And we'd plenty pots and saucepans and-plenty of-utensils of every-anything for our use [...]. [For breakfast] Sunday morning we'd have salt fish and potatoes. Monday morning we'd have fry up and bacon. Tuesday morning have tripe and onions. Wednesday morning we'd have bacon and eggs. Thursday-sausage. Sausage and mash. And Fridays-my father wouldn't have no meat in the house, we all had to have fish Fridays [...]. [My mother] was a wonderful mother. Wonderful. I only wish she was alive today. Good woman. She was very affectionate, she was a good mother. Very fond of all her children, she never made-more of one than she did of the others. Nor my father either [...]. My father was good too to her [...]. The only thing with my father he was strict. He was very strict on where you went and where you go you know, if I'm out-go out anywhere ask-I went to ask my mother she said you'll have to ask your father. And if he said yes I'd go and if I didn't-if he said no that was it. When he said no he meant no [...]. I used to be bossy with [my brother] see. I would be bossy and they-they resent it-they'd resent it, you see, the-and I hit him and he hit me back and that was it-father hit the two of us so we-we didn't fight no more [...]. We'd all be together Christmas Day. We could have-we had a gramophone, the old battered gramophone, 'til had-we had a-music box. We were all allowed to sing and that, we had a good day. Plenty to eat [...]. [My father'd] have a pipe three times a day but he wouldn't-ever drank. 17

Similar domestic and everyday family details too abound in the reminiscences of others from early twentieth century mixed-race families, such as those of the jazz singer Cleo Laine, born in 1927 and who grew up with her black Jamaican father, white British mother and siblings in Southall, London. Laine's ( 1994, pp. 27-28) recollections of the family's Saturday night would likely be similar to many 'ordinary' British families of the era:

Saturday night had always been our family night out-a visit to the pictures. We generally went to the Gem Cinema, the local flea-pit where we had to queue up because it was so popular. Pa always bought mother her favourite sweets, which were almonds covered with toffee [...]. My mother and father were not drinkers, and they seldom went to pubs but the big treat after the pictures was a glass of brown ale. Pa would buy a bottle at the off-licence, then come home to enjoy it with mother, who'd be listening to the radio or pottering about, while we ate our fish-and-chip supper before going off to bed.

The casual tone of Laine's reminiscences of the family's Saturday night out in London provide a stark counterpoint to the moral concern panic about interracial families like hers who were so regularly a feature of condemnatory academic, government and media reports in the 1920s and 1930s, including the children of Canning Town's Crown Street in East London (mentioned previously). 'Poor little half-castes', cried the Daily Express '[b]rought up amid sneers and insults, launched while still in their teens upon a life barren of almost everything but dirt, disease and despair [...] outcast and bereft of friends' ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018, p. 139). Yet accounts from those who were themselves mixing and of mixed race in East London during this time period reveals perspectives that directly challenge the account put forward by the Express. For example, as also noted in Banton's ( 1955, p. 27) conversations with black residents of Canning Town reminiscing about the neighbourhood, Stephen Bourne's interviews with Anita Bowes and Christopher Cozier-the children of a Guyanese father and a white English mother who grew up in East London in the 1930s-suggest a picture of a community in which mixed families and people were not only visible but accepted:

This view is also echoed in accounts of white residents of Canning Town; Doris remembers growing up alongside black and mixed families in the 1930s with little racial tension:

Certainly, accounts from across multiracial dockside communities repeatedly provide glimpses into locales in which interraciality was so normalised that it became almost mundane. For example, though 'Tiger Bay' tended to be seen by outsiders as violent, dangerous and undesirable due in part to its large multicultural community ( Evans 1985; Jordan 2001), archival testimonies suggest it was regarded with great fondness and pride by many of its actual inhabitants often because of this very same multiculturalism. Like many other Butetown residents of the 1930s, Nora, the daughter of black Liberian father and white Welsh mother, remembers mixedness as a very ordinary part of growing up:

Such accounts of 'ordinariness'-of presence and experience-that disrupt the traditional pathological narratives are not confined to port side or urban communities. At the turn of the twentieth century, The Dundee Evening Post featured an article entitled 'Negroes as Colliers' which, with disparaging astonishment, reported on the presence of black men working as miners in the Rhondda Valley in Wales and marrying local white women 'who look with much partiality upon the coloured visitor [but] by the men he is given as wide a berth as possible.' ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018, pp. 184-85). However, in his account of growing up in Maerdy, a mining village in the Rhondda, Alfred Lawes, the son of a West Indian father, recalls his father, who had come looking for work in the mines with other former black sailors in 1912, not being ostracised but being strongly integrated into the community:

Moreover, Alfred also notes that, in time, his father married a local white Welsh woman and their growing family continued to be part of the tightly knit community:

As the extracts from the above accounts suggest, the aspects of ordinariness to be found inside the immediate interracial family could also extend to wider family and local community, in terms of interactions, acceptance and integration. Though certainly many white women who partnered men from other cultures in the pre- and inter-war years were shunned by their extended families, these relationships were not automatically marginalised from extended family networks. Tabili's ( 1996, p. 181) research demonstrates that in seaport communities, interracial couples could be found 'living in the same house with the wives' families, a common working-class residential pattern' that is echoed in mid-twentieth century studies of these communities; indeed, glimpses of such familial acceptance and integration-amongst the middle- and upper- as well as the working-classes-can be spotted across a range of archival sources. In their reminiscences, Edith Bryan recalls seeing a lot of her white grandparents, particularly her grandmother who lived in another town:

Similarly, while Charles Jenkins, born in 1937 to a white mother and black African father in the Liverpool 8 district (now known as Toxteth), recalls how his mother and aunts moved to be closer to his family:

Additionally, as Tabili ( 1996) also notes, it was not unheard of for multiple mixing to occur within working-class families. Like their sister, the white aunts of Edith Bryan both married black men, while another interviewee in the Family Life and Work Experience project, Mary Brady, a white resident of Salford, recalled a neighbour, Annie, and her three sisters all marrying black men after the First World War:

Such patterns were not necessarily bound by class either: Alan Mander, the scion of a prominent Midlands family, met his wife, Princess Sudhira, when she was recuperating at a nursing home in England having visited her with his sister-in-law, Princess Pretiva, who had married his brother Lionel-better known as Miles Mander, the character actor-two years earlier ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018).

Moreover, while family and community acceptance were certainly not a given-social opposition from both being a critical and recurring component of the interracial experience during the period discussed in this article ( Tabili 1996; Bland 2005; Caballero and Aspinall 2018)-nor was hostility or antipathy inevitably expressed or static. Attitudes, rather, were often flexible and malleable, shaped by both individual and social choices, preferences and circumstances, as well as time and situation. Pat O'Mara ( O'Mara ([1933] 2009, pp. 12-13) recalls that while some white families in his Liverpudlian neighbourhood-such as his mother's-'abhorred the practice of inter-marriage [...] it was so prevalent that they had to keep their beliefs to themselves. There were others who had great pride in our coloured neighbours.' Such divergence of feeling and expression was also found within extended families. In her recollections of her marriage to the celebrated composer Samuel Coleridge-Taylor, born to a Sierra Leonean father and white British mother, his wife, Jessie, recalls that, shocked at the idea of her entering a mixed marriage, her family made 'vile suggestions' and 'horrid threats' and took 'measures' to separate them; Coleridge-Taylor himself was not 'figuratively' but 'kicked out of the house ... literally' when he went to ask her father for her hand in marriage ( Coleridge-Taylor 1943, pp. 20-21). Yet, Jessie also notes that there was considerable discrepancy in the family's views. Her father, she remarks, had had nothing to do with the 'kicking out' of Coleridge-Taylor when he sought her hand in marriage and went on to have 'subsequent love' for his son-in-law; the virulent reaction that day had stemmed from her brother-in-law who had been present at the meeting and 'had such prejudiced feelings on the subject of mixed marriages, having passed so much of his life in the east.' ( Coleridge-Taylor 1943, p. 21). Similarly, though three of her sisters also disproved of the match-with one persevering in her attempts to talk her out of it right up to the day of the ceremony itself-the day before the ceremony, her mother invited Samuel to the family home where she and Jessie's father shook his hand in acceptance and then went on to attend the wedding and act as a witness.

Similarly, views held by individual family members could fluctuate or evolve. The birth of a child, for example, could have a dramatic effect on changing previously hostile members' attitudes: in Maria Lin Wong's ( 1989, p. 70) interviews with mixed white and Chinese families who grew up in Liverpool in the first half of the twentieth century, one woman notes that while she knows her grandfather had not been very pleased that his daughter had married a Chinese man, 'then I arrived and my grandfather loved me and that was it.' Complex and evolving family dynamics, as well as prior patterns of emotional ties and engagement, meant that feelings about interracial marriage were not fixed but could and frequently did change over time. The dominant focus of early twentieth century outsider narratives however-that suggested interracial families operated within an inherent and static pathological state-frequently obscured the nuances of complexity and complication that were, and continue to be, an ordinary part of family life, regardless of race ( Thompson [1975] 1992; Hareven 1991; Hammerton 1992).

4. Conclusions

As this article has illustrated, the long history of racial mixing and mixedness in Britain suggests a significant seam of ordinariness running throughout it, in both presence and experiences. Yet, as highlighted at the very beginning of the article, such ordinariness is often absent from mainstream public memory, due to the concept of 'normalcy' as it relates to the presence and experiences of interraciality consistently being viewed as a 'new' phenomenon. This 'mixed race amnesia'-as Mahtani ( 2014) so succinctly dubs the tendency in the West to conceptualise interraciality as a modern occurrence-contributes not only to the obfuscation of longstanding wider racialised histories, patterns and structures but also allows contemporary racial mixing and mixedness to be read simplistically and lineally. In such readings, contemporary interraciality becomes frequently positioned in mainstream understandings as a logical and progressive outcome of changing attitudes towards race ( Caballero and Aspinall 2018). The history of mixed-race couples, families and people in Britain is thus seen as inhabiting a linear trajectory from pathologisation through to acceptance and celebration. Such readings miss the complexity and complications inherent in modern as well as historical experiences of racial mixing and mixedness and thus continue to repeat ancient tropes and stereotypes of interraciality. As several scholars have remarked (see, for example, Parker and Song 2001; Caballero 2005; Aspinall 2015), contemporary celebratory narratives around interraciality are suggestive at times of a discourse which evokes the old pseudo-science discourses of 'hybrid vigour'. Whilst it might be tempting to see such imaginings as positive pronouncements of mixedness, it should not be forgotten that hybrid vigour is the other face of 'hybrid degeneration'. Whether used positively or negatively, both types of conceptualisation are the same coin, one borne of and which reinforces spurious, static and limiting understandings of interraciality rather than reflecting its fluid, changeable and complex reality ( Caballero 2005). Thus, in challenging the long history of pathologisation, we need to be careful not to go too far the other way-from 'mulatto devils' to 'multiracial messiahs' as McNeil ( 2010) so poetically puts it. Bringing narratives of ordinariness to the fore, however, is one means of disrupting dominant conceptualisations-either pathological or celebratory-and providing space for new understanding and perceptions of the presence and experiences of interraciality in Britain to emerge.

By foregrounding such experiences, however, it should be clearly understood that the intention is not to diminish the difficulties encountered by so many racially mixed people, couples and families, particularly their experiences of dealing with bigotry, prejudice and racism. Rather, the notion of ordinariness here is drawn on similarly to that used by Weeks et al. ( 2001, preface) in their work on same sex families; that is, to show how people whose lives have been at odds with dominant norms 'have been able, in the everyday circumstances in which they find themselves, to create meaningful, intimate relationships for themselves: as friends, partners, parents, members of communities.' In short, there is a wealth of insight to be gained from looking at seeing and approaching interracial couples, people and families from a perspective that positions them as 'ordinary people and ordinary lives, made extraordinary by the circumstances in which they find themselves'.

Funding

This research was funded by The British Academy, grant number SG-47233.

Conflicts of Interest

The author declares no conflict of interest.

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Figure 13. Unknown Anglo-Chinese family, Liverpool, c.1930s. Image courtesy of Yvonne Foley. Foley has campaigned for greater recognition of the brutal repatriation of Chinese seaman by the British government in 1945-1946, many of whom were consequently forced to leave their white wives and children behind. See http://www.halfandhalf.org.uk/.

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