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At the time of the 2016 US presidential election, stationery shops did a brisk trade in entirely blank books, with covers bearing such titles as The Wit and Wisdom of Donald Trump and Why Trump Deserves Trust, Respect and Admiration. A year later Michael J.

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Brief online tour of Dublin castle with focus on suffragette movement.

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Online Suffragette Tour of Dublin Castle

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THE EASTER Proclamation was as revolutionary in its inclusion of women as it was in other respects. It made its appeal to Irishwomen as well as Irishmen, and promised universal suffrage, 'equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens'.

The seven signatories were, of course, all men. However, they had appointed a woman -- the feminist and socialist Hanna Sheehy Skeffington -- to the Provisional Government. We have it on the authority of Kathleen Clarke, wife of Tom Clarke, that all the signatories agreed with the inclusion of women on an equal basis with men, except one. She refused to say who it was, except to ensure that it was not her husband.

James Connolly, Thomas MacDonagh and Padraig Pearse had all made explicit their commitment to equal rights for women. Eamonn Ceannt and Joe Plunkett both married women who were active in republican and feminist politics, and are unlikely to have had any problem with women's rights. Sean MacDiarmada seems to be the most likely dissenter, if only by the process of elimination. Kathleen was very fond of Sean, which may explain her reluctance to name the culprit.

James Connolly's commitment to women's rights is well known. However Pearse (who drafted the Proclamation with help from Connolly and MacDonagh) may have been responsible as much as Connolly for the automatic inclusion of women. Pearse had long worked with women on terms of equality in organisations such as the Gaelic League and accepted them as his intellectual and social equals. He supported the aims of women's suffrage (if not always the more militant methods) and promoted women's right to equal education.

So what was behind this unprecedented and overwhelming endorsement of women's rights -- not to mention the progressive and open-minded attitudes that the leaders of the Easter Rising displayed in other areas?

It is important to understand that the radicalism as well as the inclusiveness of the Easter Proclamation was a culmination of extensive women's involvement in political campaigns going back several decades.

The Irish Parliamentary Party tried to defend their role in helping to defeat the Conciliation Bills of 1910 and 1912 (which would have given limited suffrage to women) by asserting that to rock the Parliamentary boat and annoy prime minister Asquith might put back the cause of Home Rule. But many women (and men) were not convinced.

The fact was most of the Irish Parliamentary Party (including its leader, John Redmond) were opposed to votes for women on principle. The issue of the women's franchise exposed the Irish Parliamentary Party's reactionary nature for what it was almost as much as the Woodenbridge incident did a few years afterwards.

There had been a moderate, non-militant and mainly Unionist women's suffrage movement in Ireland since the 1860s. This had achieved the franchise for Irish women in local government in 1898, six years after similar rights had been granted to British women. The militant Irish Women's Franchise League was founded in 1908.

Women were increasingly a presence in Irish political life in other areas. The Gaelic League and Sinn Fein admitted women on the same terms as men and allowed them to take an active and equal part. Even so, the Gaelic League, for all its merits, had a staid image, and many women were looking for something different.

Republican women formed their own group, Inghinidhe na hEireann (Daughters of Ireland) in 1900. Independent and autonomous, they scorned the whole idea of demanding votes for women along with Home Rule. Instead, they put their considerable energy and enthusiasm into campaigning for an independent Irish state, in which they would as a matter of course take equal citizenship.

Their magazine, Bean na hEireann, founded in 1908 and edited by Helena Molony, became 'the ladies' paper that all the young men read'. It tied together the issues of feminism, republicanism and eventually socialism into a coherent and integrated message.

As an editorial in June 1910 put it, 'the expression of militant nationalism by women must do much to command the respect of men and compel them to re-adjust their views on women as a possible force in the fight against foreign domination.'

Inghinidhe were colourful, theatrical and anti-authoritarian, and the seriousness of their mission was combined with humour and a great sense of fun. A characteristic prank was the affixing of an anti-recruitment leaflet to the Viceroy's car.

The foundation of Cumann na mBan in 1914, in response to the formation of the Volunteers, was seen by many feminists as a retrograde step. Although Cumann na mBan took pains to insist right at the start that they were a separate and independent organization, in effect they were an auxiliary force, making themselves useful to the Volunteers in whatever way they could. What is clear is that the organisation was set up as a response to women's exclusion from the Volunteers and that many Cumann na mBan women would have joined the Volunteers had they been allowed to do so.

There was uncertainty about their role to begin with. Early Cumann na mBan literature even suggested that as well as nursing and first aid, women could 'do all the embroidery that may be required, such as badges on uniforms' but as their confidence increased, so did their perception of what women were capable of doing.

The Ladies' Land League had been formed in order to step into the breach while the (male) Land League activists were in prison; in the words of Constance Markievicz, 'it ran the movement and started to do the militant things that the men only threatened and talked of' -- and was eventually forced to disband. As Tim Harrington MP put it, 'some of us found they could not be controlled'.

Anna Parnell was one of several women who proved to be capable administrators and courageous campaigners and set a pattern for subsequent women's political involvement. As the Land League came to realize, women's activism was inherently revolutionary as it challenged the very structure of society and their role within it, and women would continue to take the radical lead.

Editorials in The Irish Citizen (paper of the IWFL) referred to Cumann na mBan as the 'Slave Women' for putting themselves at the service of men without demanding anything for themselves, while Cumann na mBan pointed out that a vote in a British parliament would be of little use.

But the divisions were not as deep as the verbal mud-slinging would suggest. Many Cumann na mBan women were or had been members of women's suffrage organisations. Mary MacSwiney had left the Munster Women's Franchise League because it was Unionist-dominated, and Kathleen Lynn was one of quite a few who came to republicanism from the background women's suffrage.

The effect of this debate, heated as it often was, was not negative; it forced women to clarify both their feminism and their republicanism, and brought their concerns to the attention of men as well.

In the confusion following Eoin MacNeill's countermanding of the order for mobilization on Easter Sunday, the women who had taken part in the preparations were frequently forgotten. They turned up anyway, and found work for themselves to do. Even so, the impression gained from the accounts written by participants is that there was a real sense of comradeship, the men for the most part accepting the women and valuing their contribution.

It is true that most of the women of 1916 performed duties that accorded with the conventional view of women's role; they tended the wounded, they did the cooking. But they also commandeered supplies and carried dispatches, frequently under fire. If they were reluctant to complain about being sidelined into 'women's work', it was largely because above all they wanted to serve the republican cause and were prepared to make themselves useful in whatever way they could.

They certainly showed remarkable resourcefulness and initiative. Chris Caffrey, captured and strip-searched by British soldiers, ate the dispatch she was carrying to prevent it falling into enemy hands. Eighteen-year-old Rose Anne Murphy was given the job of mobilizing the Volunteers in Dundalk; finding her railway journey interrrupted by a blown-up bridge, she disembarked and walked the remaining forty miles.

The surrender of the insurgents brought out instincts of chivalry and protectiveness even in the most progressive men, who were anxious that the women should be evacuated before the surrender took place. The women were reluctant; they were anxious to share the burden of responsibility and had no wish to avoid the consequences of their actions. Most agreed to leave only because they wanted to avoid causing more stress and worry to the men.

Even if there was sometimes a tendency to slide back into the conventional gender roles it should be remembered that even the most progressive-minded Irish republicans were operating in a society where old structures were still in place. However, women brought a radical edge to the struggle that could well have been lacking in an exclusively male campaign. Perhaps their own experiences of exclusion had helped to radicalise many of them. They challenged authority in ways that broke down many of the old gender roles and social boundaries, and opened the way to a genuinely egalitarian, open and tolerant society.

If, as James Connolly said, the cause of labour and the cause of Ireland could not be dissevered, then the causes of women and republicanism are undoubtedly equally indivisible.

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THE EASTER Proclamation was as revolutionary in its inclusion of women as it was in other respects. It made its appeal to Irishwomen as well as Irishmen, and promised universal suffrage, 'equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens'. The seven signatories were, of course, all men.

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Constance Markievicz was a staunch Irish Republican who fought in the Easter Rising before going on to escape a death sentence, win elections and play an integral role in the birth of modern Ireland.
Here are 9 facts about Constance Markievicz and her incredible life...
1. Sligo beginnings

Countess Markievicz was born Constance Gore-Booth in Lissadell, Co. Sligo on February 4, 1868. Her early life was typical of girls from a wealthy Anglo-Irish background. As she grew up, her family divided their time between Sligo and their town houses in London and Dublin.

2. Political awakening

Constance studied art in London and Paris. In France, she met her Polish husband, Count Markievicz. They married in 1901 and had a child in Dublin - where Constance soon took interest in nationalist politics and joined Sinn Féin.

3. Woman of the people

Despite her wealthy upbringing, Constance associated herself with working class agitators and even set up a soup kitchen to support the families of workers striking in the 'Dublin Lockout' of 1913.

4. Violent revolutionary

Constance, then 48, fought in the 1916 Rising in Dublin, where on the first day of fighting she shot a Dublin Metropolitan Police officer dead at St Stephen's Green. The Irishwoman supervised the setting-up of barricades on Easter Monday and wounded a British army sniper before surrendering to British Captain de Courcy Wheeler - who was by coincidence married to her first cousin.

5. Sentenced to death

Markievicz was arrested and quickly sentenced to death by the British authorities. But her sentence was later commuted to life imprisonment on account of her gender. She famously told her captors: "I do wish your lot had the decency to shoot me".

6. Catholic convert

Markievicz was transferred to an English prison before being released in 1917, along with all of the remaining Easter Rising prisoners. Born into the Church of Ireland, she converted to Catholicism around this time.

7. Female icon

In 1918, she was elected to the House of Commons - becoming the first woman to be elected to parliament. As a nationalist, she refused to take her seat. In 1919, Sinn Féin set up their own parliament in Dublin - the 'Revolutionary Dáil' - where Constance was appointed Minister for Labour.

Following the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1922, the Republic of Ireland and its 26 counties were formed. Constance, like Éamon de Valera, left government in opposition to the move. After Civil War broke out, she was arrested but went on hunger strike and was released a month later. She joined the new Fianna Fáil party upon its foundation in 1926.

9. A pauper's death

Constance died from appendicitis aged 59 on July 15, 1927 - just five weeks after being re-elected to the 5th Dáil as a candidate for Fianna Fáil. She had given away the last of her wealth, and died in a public ward "among the poor where she wanted to be". One of the doctors attending her was her revolutionary colleague, Kathleen Lynn, while Éamon de Valera was also at her bedside.

Refused a state funeral by the Free State government, Markievicz was buried at Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin, and de Valera gave the funeral oration. Seán O'Casey said of her: "One thing she had in abundance-physical courage; with that she was clothed as with a garment."

The top image was colourised by Steven Forsyth for Celtic-WeddingsRings.com, for more information click here.

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9 facts about Constance Markievicz: Incredible Irishwoman who fought in Easter Rising and became first-ever female MP | The Irish Post

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Constance Markievicz was a staunch Irish Republican who fought in the Easter Rising before going on to escape a death sentence, win elections and play an integral role in the birth of modern Ireland. Here are 9 facts about Constance Markievicz and her incredible life... Countess Markievicz was born Constance Gore-Booth in Lissadell, Co.

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Votes for Irish women - Origins and Early Development of the Suffrage Movement

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Constance, Countess Markiewicz, born as Constance Georgine Gore-Booth on February 4, 1868, died July 15, 1927), was an Irish Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil.

She was the first woman elected to the British House of Commons, but she did not take her seat. Instead she and the other Sinn Féin TDs formed the first Dáil Éireann. She is well known for founding Cumann na mBan.

She was also the first woman in Europe to be a cabinet minister, She was Minister of Labour of the Irish Republic between 1919 and 1922.

Images for kids

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Constance Georgine, Countess Markiewicz Facts for Kids

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Constance, Countess Markiewicz, born as Constance Georgine Gore-Booth on February 4, 1868, died July 15, 1927), was an Irish Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil. She was the first woman elected to the British House of Commons, but she did not take her seat. Instead she and the other Sinn Féin TDs formed the first Dáil Éireann.

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Suffrage Rebellion Liberation - a celebration of Countess Markievicz

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BBC Radio 4 - Radio 4 in Four, What did the suffragettes do for you?

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Scarlett Moffatt tells the story of women's suffrage.

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10 fun facts about Countess  Markieivcz 

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10 fun facts about Countess  Markieivcz 

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From a privileged upbringing to a humble death, here are the ten facts you probably didn't know about Constance Markievicz.

Today, the name Countess Markievicz remains synonymous with Ireland's fight for freedom.

On her birthday, we round up the ten facts you probably didn't know about Constance Markievicz. Read on to learn more about this fearless Irish fighter.

10. A privileged upbringing - yet a humble nature

Countess Markievicz was born Constance Gore-Booth on 4 February 1868 in Lissadell, County Sligo.

She was a child to one of the largest landowning Protestant families in the region. Her life was privileged with homes in Dublin, London, and, of course, her family's impressive estate: Lissadell House.

9. A budding adventurer - the daughter of an Arctic exploration enthusiast

Inspired by her father, who was fascinated with Arctic exploration, Constance became a budding adventurer and shared his zest for life.

She had a wicked sense of humour and struggled to be serious in a world where women were expected to be quietly obedient.

8. Finding love through art - how Constance and Count Markievicz met

Struggling to break free from high society's bubble, she finally at 25 moved to London for art school. Later she transferred to a school in Paris where she met her Polish husband, Count Markievicz.

He, too, was an artist but far more established with many notable clients. When they first met, he was married. Following on from his wife's death, Constance and Count Markievicz married in 1901.

7. A woman of great empathy - despite her privileged upbringing

Although Constance had never known what it was like to suffer in her upbringing, she displayed great empathy throughout her life.

She likened with the humble working-class and even set up soup kitchens for those in need during the ' Dublin Lockout ' of 1913.

6. A fearless fighter - 1916 Rising in Dublin

By 1916, Constance was a courageous fighter on the frontlines. She participated in 1916 Rising in Dublin. It is known that she shot a police officer dead at St Stephen's Green.

This was just one of many extreme measures she went to in her fight for social justice and one of the facts you probably didn't know about Constance Markievicz.

5. A prison fate - life imprisonment due to her gender

Although the British captured Constance following on from this, she - unlike her male counterparts - was sentenced to life imprisonment opposed to the death sentence, due to her gender.

It is said that when the English forces captured her, she declared, "I do wish your lot had the decency to shoot me".

4. A religious shift - from Protestant to Catholic

Believing that Constance would become a prison ringleader for the nationalist uprising, the British moved her to a prison in Aylesbury, England.

Another one of the facts you probably didn't know about Constance Markievicz is that she converted to the Catholic faith, demonstrating unity with those she was fighting alongside, during that time.

3. An Irish feminist - a woman of firsts

Constance was the first woman ever to be elected to British Parliament (1918), although she rejected the offer.

She was also the only woman to serve in the first Dáil Éireann. During 1919-1922 she was Ireland 's Minister of Labour.

2. A humble death - among the poor

On 15 July 1927, Constance Markievicz died from appendicitis, only five weeks after being re-elected to the Dáil as a candidate from the Fianna Fáil party.

She died in a public hospital ward, "among the poor where she wanted to be". Éamon de Valera - another iconic Irish revolutionary - was at her side while she passed.

1. A local burial - Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin

One of the last facts you probably didn't know about Constance Markievicz is that the Free State government refused her a state funeral, and Constance was laid to rest in Glasnevin Cemetery, in County Dublin.

Eamonn De Valera led the ceremony. Thousands of mourners from across the country attended the funeral and flowers blanketed her grave en masse.

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Top 10 FACTS you probably DIDN'T know about Constance Markievicz

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Today, the name Countess Markievicz remains synonymous with Ireland's fight for freedom. On her birthday, we round up the ten facts you probably didn't know about Constance Markievicz. Read on to learn more about this fearless Irish fighter. Countess Markievicz was born Constance Gore-Booth on 4 February 1868 in Lissadell, County Sligo.

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All about suffrage!

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Ready to travel back to a monumental moment in British history? Then check out our suffragettes facts and learn about the time when women fought for the right to vote..
What is 'suffrage'?
Suffragettes campaigning against the Liberal Party during the 1910 election.
' Suffrage ' means the right to vote in political elections.

It is a sad fact that throughout history, there have been many restrictions placed on who can and can't vote, based on things like age, gender, race, education, wealth and social status.

During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, men in the UK had the right to vote but women did not. Many people - including women - didn't believe that women should be able to vote. Even Queen Victoriacalled the fight for women's rights a "mad, wicked folly" - despite being a powerful woman herself!

The suffragist movement
A Suffragette procession through London, 1914.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, many women started to campaign for women's rights. The focus of their attention? The right to vote. This became known as the suffragist movement.

During this time, two main political groups formed, the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies and the Women's Social and Political Union.

These groups came to be known by two different nicknames, invented by some newspapers who sought to ridicule them; the Suffragists and the Suffragettes.

The two groups used very different tactics to draw attention to their cause but their message was very much the same. They wore the colours purple, white and green and made banners, badges and sashes with the words ' Votes for Women ' displayed on them.

Who were the Suffragists?
Millicent Garrett Fawcett, President of the NUWSS addresses her suffragists at a meeting in Hyde Park, 1913.
The suffragists were members of the National Union of Women's Suffrage Societies (NUWSS) and were lead by Millicent Garrett Fawcett during the height of the suffrage movement, 1890 - 1919.

They campaigned for votes for middle-class, property-owning women and believed in peaceful protest. Millicent thought that if the organisation was seen to be thoughtful, intelligent and law-abiding, that they would win the respect of Parliament and in time, be granted the vote.

By 1900, the Suffragists' hard work was starting to make waves. Several Bills (a proposed law) in favour of women's suffrage won support in Parliament, but not enough to pass... Yet!

Who were the Suffragettes?
Emmeline Pankhurst - leader of the Suffragettes - being arrested outside Buckingham Palace in 1914.
Emmeline Pankhurst was a former member of the NUWSS and a supporter of women's suffrage. After becoming frustrated with the Suffragists' approach, she broke off and formed her own society - the Women's Social and Political Union (WSPU). The society was more inclusive and welcomed women from all different walks of life. Emmeline's daughters, Christabel and Syliva, were also active in the cause.

From 1905 onwards the Suffragettes' campaign became more violent. Their motto was 'Deeds Not Words' and they began using more aggressive tactics to get people to listen. This included breaking windows, planting bombs, handcuffing themselves to railings and going on hunger strikes.

Suffragettes and the law
Imprisoned Suffragettes wave through the windows of Holloway Prison, London, in 1909.
Many protesting Suffragettes were arrested for law-breaking and many went to prison. In further protest, Suffragettes would go on hunger strike (stop eating) in prison. To stop them from becoming ill, they would often be held down and force-fed by prison staff in a particularly unpleasant procedure!

To prevent any Suffragettes on hunger strike from dying in prison, Parliament introduced the "Cat and Mouse" Act. This meant that hunger-strikers were temporarily released from prison until they recovered - before being re-arrested and locked up again!
Emmeline Pankhurst (centre) and her daughter, Christabel (third from the left), are welcomed by friends and supporters after their release from prison in 1908.
In 1913, Suffragette Emily Wilding Davison stepped out in front of the King's racehorse during a race at Epsom, and died a tragic death after being trampled on. Whilst no one knows for sure what Emily was hoping to do exactly, it's believed she was trying to pin a banner of suffragette colours to the King's horse.

Emily's death and the cruel police treatment of the Suffragettes sparked public anger and gathered sympathy and support to the women's cause.

The suffragist movement during WWI
A group of women's making weapons in a factory in 1917.
The outbreak of World War 1 changed life as people knew it - BIG time! In the midst of such huge international conflict, both Emmeline Pankhurst and Millicent Fawcett temporarily stopped campaigning and instead encouraged women to join the war effort in the spirit of national unity.

World War 1 also drastically changed women's role in society. Before the war, a woman's place had been in the home, cooking, washing, cleaning and raising her children. But when the war began, women were needed to lend a hand! Millions of men had been sent away to fight, leaving vacant jobs that were essential to keeping the country running. Many women went to work for the first time in lots of different industries - even in dangerous munitions factories making weapons for the war!

The Representation of the People Act
A Suffragette holds a 'Votes for Women' sign during a demonstration in London.
In 1918, the efforts of the women's suffrage movement finally had a breakthrough. A Bill was passed through Parliament that granted some women the right to vote. They had to be over the age of 30 and own property, or be married to someone who owned property. Despite the restrictions, it was still a big victory, giving 8.4 million women the vote!

However, there was still a long way to go until all women had the same voting rights as men - who could vote from the age of 21 regardless of property. In fact, it took another ten years until women received equal suffrage with men, in 1928.

How are the Suffragettes remembered?
A monument to Emmeline Pankhurst stands in Victoria Tower Gardens, London, next to the Houses of Parliament.
There is some divided opinion over the violent tactics the Suffragettes used to spread their message. On several occasions, they were lucky that no one was seriously injured, or even killed, by the bombs they planted. But there is no doubt that they are remembered as incredibly courageous, forward-thinking women who stood up for what they believed in - often laying their lives on the line in the process!

They paved the way for future generations of women. Without them, your grandmothers, mums, aunties, friends and sisters - even you! - might have had considerably fewer rights today.

That's not to say that the fight for women's rights is over. Around the world, including in the UK, men are still likely to be paid more than a woman for doing exactly the same job. And there are many countries today where women still lack basic rights that we take for granted.

So let's make sure the future looks even brighter for women's rights!

What did you think of our Suffragettes facts? Let us know by leaving a comment below!

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Suffragettes: facts for kids | National Geographic Kids

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Get ready to travel back in time to a monumental moment in British history in our Suffragettes facts! 'Suffrage' means the right to vote in political elections. Sadly, women haven't always had that right. They had to fight for it in the late 18th & early 19th centuries, in what became known as the suffrage movement...