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10 most important movements for the Independence of India

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10 most important movements for the Independence of India

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In 1858, India officially became a British colony after the British Crown took India's control in her own hands from the East India Company. It was the Sepoy Mutiny of 1858 that told the British Crown that the East India Company had proved to be incompetent as they failed to control the country.

Following this, there were many movements that took place to free the country. From the Swadeshi Movement to the Quit India Movement, the list is vast.

It is important to note that for India's independence, it was the cumulative efforts of both the moderates and extremists that got the desired results in the end. Some extremist leaders were Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Bipin Chandra Pal, Lala Lajpat Rai (Bal Pal Lal) and the moderates were represented by DadabhaiNaoroji, Gopal Krishna Gokhale and W.C. Banerjee, to say the least.

After the formation of the Indian National Congress in 1885, India's first major political party was formed. With an organised voice for India, the struggle for independence had started.

The Swadeshi Movement was a consequence of Lord Curzon's announcement for the partition of Bengal. The partition was announced on the pretext that the population of Bengal as a whole is too tough to administer over. Swadeshi movement aimed at promoting the use of local goods and services while boycotting the British counterparts. This improved India's economic status and sent a loud and clear message to the British that Indians can survive by themselves. This movement took a violent turn when British goods were publicly burned. The youth urged people not to send their children to British schools as well. To combat this problem, The British started arresting the agitators and finally, Bengal was divided. The Swadeshi Movement is a landmark movement because the unity of Indians was witnessed and people started realising that together, they can stand tall in front of the British.

4. Non-Co-operation Movement

Mahatma Gandhi returned to India in 1915 and started organising peasants and labourers to protest against the atrocities that were being inflicted upon them. In 1921, Gandhi officially joined the Congress party and hence began the Gandhian era. The Non-Co-operation Movement was initiated by Gandhi in support of the Khilafat Movement.

6. Protests Against the Rowlatt Act

7. Civil Disobedience Movement

It was started in 1930. This movement is Gandhi's boldest protest against the British Rule. After the British put tax on the selling and collecting of salt, the Indians were agitated. Salt is being the basic ingredient in the diet, agitated many for it was being brought under the tax regime. The movement spread throughout the country and more than 60,000 people were arrested, including Mahatma Gandhi. Gandhi was released in 1931 and he gave a nod to discussing the issue during the London Conference.

8. Indian Self Rule Movement

9. August Offer and Individual Satyagraha

The Second World War started in 1939. The British needed the Indian soldiers to fight their battles. In order to secure ties with India, the British government made the August Offer in 1940. They promised a new Constitution for India after the War would be over. Gandhi was not satisfied with this offer and hence, started Satyagraha, which lasted for more than a year. This situation put the British under immense pressure as well.

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10 Most Important Movements For the Independence of India

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In 1858, India officially became a British colony after the British Crown took India's control in her own hands from the East India Company. It was the Sepoy Mutiny of 1858 that told the British Crown that the East India Company had proved to be incompetent as they failed to control the country.

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Culture And Heritage - Freedom Struggle - Quit India Movement - Know India: National Portal of India

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In August 1942, Gandhiji started the 'Quit India Movement' and decided to launch a mass civil disobedience movement 'Do or Die' call to force the British to leave India. The movement was followed, nonetheless, by large-scale violence directed at railway stations, telegraph offices, government buildings, and other emblems and institutions of colonial rule.

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{Gandhiji addressed the A.I.C.C. at Bombay on 8-8-42 outlining his plan of action, in Hindustani, as follows;}

Before you discuss the resolution, let me place before you one or two things, I want you to understand two things very clearly and to consider them from the same point of view from which I am placing them before you. I ask you to consider it from my point of view, because if you approve of it, you will be enjoined to carry out all I say. It will be a great responsibility. There are people who ask me whether I am the same man that I was in 1920, or whether there has been any change in me. You are right in asking that question.

Let me, however, hasten to assure that I am the same Gandhi as I was in 1920. I have not changed in any fundamental respect. I attach the same importance to nonviolence that I did then. If at all, my emphasis on it has grown stronger. There is no real contradiction between the present resolution and my previous writings and utterances.

Occasions like the present do not occur in everybody's and but rarely in anybody's life. I want you to know and feel that there is nothing but purest Ahimsa in all that I am saying and doing today. The draft resolution of the Working Committee is based on Ahimsa, the contemplated struggle similarly has its roots in Ahimsa. If, therefore, there is any among you who has lost faith in Ahimsa or is wearied of it, let him not vote for this resolution.

Let me explain my position clearly. God has vouchsafed to me a priceless gift in the weapon of Ahimsa. I and my Ahimsa are on our trail today. If in the present crisis, when the earth is being scorched by the flames of Hims2 and crying for deliverance, I failed to make use of the God given talent, God will not forgive me and I shall be judged unwrongly of the great gift. I must act now. I may not hesitate and merely look on, when Russia and China are threatened.

Ours is not a drive for power, but purely a nonviolent fight for India's independence. In a violent struggle, a successful general has been often known to effect a military coup and to set up a dictatorship. But under the Congress scheme of things, essentially nonviolent as it is, there can be no room for dictatorship. A non-violent soldier of freedom will covet nothing for himself, he fights only for the freedom of his country. The Congress is unconcerned as to who will rule, when freedom is attained. The power, when it comes, will belong to the people of India, and it will be for them to decide to whom it placed in the entrusted. May be that the reins will be placed in the hands of the Parsis, for instance-as I would love to see happen-or they may be handed to some others whose names are not heard in the Congress today. It will not be for you then to object saying, "This community is microscopic. That party did not play its due part in the freedom's struggle; why should it have all the power?" Ever since its inception the Congress has kept itself meticulously free of the communal taint. It has thought always in terms of the whole nation and has acted accordingly... I know how imperfect our Ahimsa is and how far away we are still from the ideal, but in Ahimsa there is no final failure or defeat. I have faith, therefore, that if, in spite of our shortcomings, the big thing does happen, it will be because God wanted to help us by crowning with success our silent, unremitting Sadhana1 for the last twenty-two years.

I believe that in the history of the world, there has not been a more genuinely democratic struggle for freedom than ours. I read Carlyle's French Resolution while I was in prison, and Pandit Jawaharlal has told me something about the Russian revolution. But it is my conviction that inasmuch as these struggles were fought with the weapon of violence they failed to realize the democratic ideal. In the democracy which I have envisaged, a democracy established by nonviolence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his own master. It is to join a struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence.

Then, there is the question of your attitude towards the British. I have noticed that there is hatred towards the British among the people. The people say they are disgusted with their behaviour. The people make no distinction between British imperialism and the British people. To them, the two are one This hatred would even make them welcome the Japanese. It is most dangerous. It means that they will exchange one slavery for another. We must get rid of this feeling. Our quarrel is not with the British people, we fight their imperialism. The proposal for the withdrawal of British power did not come out of anger. It came to enable India to play its due part at the present critical juncture It is not a happy position for a big country like India to be merely helping with money and material obtained willy-nilly from her while the United Nations are conducting the war. We cannot evoke the true spirit of sacrifice and velour, so long as we are not free. I know the British Government will not be able to withhold freedom from us, when we have made enough self-sacrifice. We must, therefore, purge ourselves of hatred. Speaking for myself, I can say that I have never felt any hatred. As a matter of fact, I feel myself to be a greater friend of the British now than ever before. One reason is that they are today in distress. My very friendship, therefore, demands that I should try to save them from their mistakes. As I view the situation, they are on the brink of an abyss. It, therefore, becomes my duty to warn them of their danger even though it may, for the time being, anger them to the point of cutting off the friendly hand that is stretched out to help them. People may laugh, nevertheless that is my claim. At a time when I may have to launch the biggest struggle of my life, I may not harbour hatred against anybody.

II

[Gandhiji's address before the A.I.C.C. at Bombay on 8-8-'42 delivered in Hindustani:] I congratulate you on the resolution that you have just passed. I also congratulate the three comrades on the courage they have shown in pressing their amendments to a division, even though they knew that there was an overwhelming majority in favour of the resolution, and I congratulate the thirteen friends who voted against the resolution. In doing so, they had nothing to be ashamed of. For the last twenty years we have tried to learn not to lose courage even when we are in a hopeless minority and are laughed at. We have learned to hold on to our beliefs in the confidence that we are in the right. It behaves us to cultivate this courage of conviction, for it ennobles man and raises his moral stature.

I was, therefore, glad to see that these friends had imbibed the principle which I have tried to follow for the last fifty years and more.

Having congratulated them on their courage, let me say that what they asked this Committee to accept through their amendments was not the correct representation of the situation. These friends ought to have pondered over the appeal made to them by the Maulana to withdraw their amendments; they should have carefully followed the explanations given by Jawaharlal. Had they done so, it would have been clear to them that the right which they now want the Congress to concede has already been conceded by the Congress.

Time was when every Mussalman claimed the whole of India as his motherland. During the years that the Ali brothers were with me, the assumption underlying all their talks and discussions was that India belonged as much to the Mussalmans as to the Hindus. I can testify to the fact that this was their innermost conviction and nor a mask; I lived with them for years. I spent days and nights in their company. And I make bold to say that their utterances were the honest expression of their beliefs. I know there are some who say that I take things too readily at their face value, that I am gullible. I do not think I am such a simpleton, nor am I so gullible as these friends take me to be. But their criticism does not hurt me. I should prefer to be considered gullible rather deceitful.

What these Communist friends proposed through their amendments is nothing new. It has been repeated from thousands of platforms. Thousands of Mussalmans have told me, that if Hindu-Muslim question was to be solved satisfactorily, it must be done in my lifetime. I should feel flattered at this; but how can I agree to proposal which does not appeal to my reason? Hindu-Muslim unity is not a new thing. Millions of Hindus and Mussalmans have sought after it. I consciously strove for its achievement from my boyhood. While at school, I made it a point to cultivate the friendship of Muslims and Parsi co-students. I believed even at that tender age that the Hindus in India, if they wished to live in peace and amity with the other communities, should assiduously cultivate the virtue of neighbourliness. It did not matter, I felt, if I made no special effort to cultivate the friendship with Hindus, but I must make friends with at least a few Mussalmans. It was as counsel for a Mussalmans merchant that I went to South Africa. I made friends with other Mussalmans there, even with the opponents of my client, and gained a reputation for integrity and good faith. I had among my friends and co-workers Muslims as well as Parsis. I captured their hearts and when I left finally for India, I left them sad and shedding tears of grief at the separation.

In India too I continued my efforts and left no stone unturned to achieve that unity. It was my life-long aspiration for it that made me offer my fullest co-operation to the Mussalmans in the Khilafat movement. Muslims throughout the country accepted me as their true friend.

How then is it that I have now come to be regarded as so evil and detestable? Had I any axe to grind in supporting the Khilafat movement? True, I did in my heart of hearts cherish a hope that it might enable me to save the cow. I am a worshipper of the cow. I believe the cow and myself to be the creation of the same God, and I am prepared to sacrifice my life in order to save the cow. But, whatever my philosophy of life and my ultimate hopes, I joined the movement in no spirit of bargain. I co-operated in the struggle for the Khilafat solely on order to discharge my obligation to my neighbour who, I saw, was in distress. The Ali brothers, had they been alive today, would have testified to the truth of this assertion. And so would many others bear me out in that it was not a bargain on my part for saving the cow. The cow like the Khilafat. Stood on her own merits. As an honest man, a true neighbour and a faithful friend, it was incumbent on me to stand by the Mussalmans in the hour of their trial.

In those days, I shocked the Hindus by dinning time they have now got used to it. Maulana Bari told me, however, that through he would not allow me dine with him, lest some day he should be accused of a sinister motive. And so, whenever I had occasion to stay with him, he called a Brahmana cook and made social arrangements for separate cooking. Firangi ,Mahal, his residence, was an old-styled structure with limited accommodation; yet he cheerfully bore all hardships and carried out his resolve from which I could not dislodge him. It was the spirit of courtesy, dignity and nobility that inspired us in those days. They respected one another's religious feelings, and considered it a privilege to do so. Not a trace of suspicion lurked in anybody's heart. Where has all that dignity, that nobility of spirit, disappeared now? I should ask all Mussalmans, including Quaid-I-Azam Jinnah, to recall those glorious days and to find out what has brought us to the present impasse. Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah himself was at one time a Congressman. If today the Congress has incurred his wrath, it is because the canker of suspicion has entered his heart. May God bless him with long life, but when I am gone, he will realize and admit that I had no designs on Mussalmans and that I had never betrayed their interests. Where is the escape for me, if I injure their cause or betray their interests? My life is entirely at their disposal. They are free to put an end to it, whenever they wish to do so. Assaults have been made on my life in the past, but God has spared me till now, and the assailants have repented for their action. But if someone were to shoot me in the belief that he was getting rid of a rascal, he would kill not the real Gandhi, but the one that appeared to him a rascal.

To those who have been indulging in a campaign of a abuse and vilification I would say, "Islam enjoins you not to revile even an enemy. The Prophet treated even enemies with kindness and tried to win them over by his fairness and generosity. Are you followers of that Islam or of any other? If you are followers of the true Islam, does it behave you to distrust the words of one who makes a public declaration of his faith? You may take it from me that one day you will regret the fact that you distrusted and killed one who was a true and devoted friend of yours." It cuts me to the quick to see that the more I appeal and the more the Maulana importunes, the more intense does the campaign of vilification grow. To me, these abuses are like bullets. They can kill me, even as a bullet can put an end to my life. You may kill me. That will not hurt me. But what of those who indulge in abusing? They bring discredit to Islam. For the fair name of Islam, I appeal to you to resist this unceasing campaign of abuse and vilification.

Maulana Saheb is being made a target for the filthiest abuse. Why? Because he refuses to exert on me the pressure of his friendship. He realizes that it is a misuse of friendship to seek up to compel a friend to accept as truth what he knows is an untruth.

To the Quaid-Azam I would say: Whatever is true and valid in the claim for Pakistan is already in your hands. What is wrong and untenable is in nobody's gift, so that it can be made over to you. Even if someone were to succeed in imposing an untruth on others, he would not be able to enjoy for long the fruits of such a coercion. God dislikes pride and keeps away from it. God would not tolerate a forcible imposition of an untruth.

The Quaid-Azam says that he is compelled to say bitter things but that he cannot help giving expression to his thoughts and his feelings. Similarly I would say : "I consider myself a friend of Mussalmans. Why should I then not give expression to the things nearest to my heart, even at the cost of displeasing them? How can I conceal my innermost thoughts from them? I should congratulate the Quaid-i-Azam on his frankness in giving expression to his thoughts and feelings, even if they sound bitter to his hearers. But even so why should the Mussalmans sitting here be reviled, if they do not see eye to eye with him? If millions of Mussalmans are with you can you not afford to ignore the handful of Mussalmans who may appear to you to be misguided? Why should one with the following of several millions be afraid of a majority community, or of the minority being swamped by the majority? How did the Prophet work among the Arabs and the Mussalmans? How did he propagate Islam? Did he say he would propagate Islam only when he commanded a majority? I appeal to you for the sake of Islam to ponder over what I say. There is neither fair play nor justice in saying that the Congress must accept a thing, even if it does not believe in it and even if it goes counter to principles it holds dear.

Rajaji said:"I do not believe in Pakistan. But Mussalmans ask for it, Mr. Jinnah asks for it, and it has become an obsession with them. Why not then say, "yes" to them just now? The same Mr. Jinnah will later on realize the disadvantages of Pakistan and will forgo the demand." I said : "It is not fair to accept as true a thing which I hold to be untrue, and ask others to do say in the belief that the demand will not be pressed when the time comes for settling in finally. If I hold the demand to be just, I should concede it this very day. I should not agree to it merely in order to placate Jinnah Saheb. Many friends have come and asked me to agree to it for the time being to placate Mr. Jinnah, disarm his suspicious and to see how he reacts to it. But I cannot be party to a course of action with a false promise. At any rate, it is not my method."

The Congress as no sanction but the moral one for enforcing its decisions. It believes that true democracy can only be the outcome of non-violence. The structure of a world federation can be raised only on a foundation of non-violence, and violence will have to be totally abjured from world affairs. If this is true, the solution of Hindu-Muslim question, too, cannot be achieved by a resort to violence. If the Hindus tyrannize over the Mussalmans, with what face will they talk of a world federation? It is for the same reason that I do not believe in the possibility of establishing world peace through violence as the English and American statesmen propose to do. The Congress has agreed to submitting all the differences to an impartial international tribunal and to abide by its decisions. If even this fairest of proposals is unacceptable, the only course that remains open is that of the sword, of violence. How can I persuade myself to agree to an impossibility? To demand the vivisection of a living organism is to ask for its very life. It is a call to war. The Congress cannot be party to such a fratricidal war. Those Hindus who, like Dr. Moonje and Shri Savarkar, believe in the doctrine of the sword may seek to keep the Mussalmans under Hindus domination. I do not represent that section. I represent the Congress. You want to kill the Congress which is the goose that lays golden eggs. If you distrust the Congress, you may rest assured that there is to be perpetual war between the Hindus and the Mussalmans, and the country will be doomed to continue warfare and bloodshed. If such warfare is to be our lot, I shall not live to witness it.

It is for that reason that I say to Jinnah Saheb, "You may take it from me that whatever in your demand for Pakistan accords with considerations of justice and equity is lying in your pocket; whatever in the demand is contrary to justice and equity you can take only by the sword and in no other manner."

There is much in my heart that I would like to pour out before this assembly. One thing which was uppermost in my heart I have already dealt with. You may take it from me that it is with me a matter of life and death. If we Hindus and Mussalmans mean to achieve a heart unity, without the slightest mental reservation on the part of either, we must first unite in the effort to be free from the shackles of this empire. If Pakistan after all is to be a portion of India, what objection can there be for Mussalmans against joining this struggle for India's freedom? The Hindus and Mussalmans must, therefore, unite in the first instance on the issue of fighting for freedom. Jinnah Saheb thinks the war will last long. I do not agree with him. If the war goes on for six months more, how shall we able to save China?

I, therefore, want freedom immediately, this very night, before dawn, if it can be had. Freedom cannot now wait for the realization of communal unity. If that unity is not achieved, sacrifices necessary for it will have to be much greater than would have otherwise sufficed. But the Congress must win freedom or be wiped out in the effort. And forget not that the freedom which the Congress is struggling to achieve will not be for the Congressmen alone but for all the forty cores of the Indian people. Congressmen must for ever remain humble servants of the people.

The Quaid-i-Azam has said that the Muslim League is prepared to take over the rule from the Britishers if they are prepared to hand it over to the Muslim League, for the British took over the empire from the hands of the Muslims. This, however, will be Muslim Raj. The offer made by Maulana Saheb and by me does not imply establishment of Muslim Raj or Muslim domination. The Congress does not believe in the domination of any group or any community. It believes in democracy which includes in its orpit Muslims, Hindus, Christians, Parsis, Jews-every one of the communities inhabiting this vast country. If Muslim Raj is invetable, then let it be; but how can we give it the stamp of our assent? How can we agree to the domination of one community over the others?

Millions of Mussalmans in this country come from Hindu stock. How can their homeland be any other than India? My eldest son embraced Islam some years back. What would his homeland be-Porbandar or the Punjab? I ask the Mussalmans: "If India is not your homeland, what other country do you belong to? In what separate homeland would you put my son who embraced Islam?" His mother wrote him a letter after his conversion, asking him if he had on embracing Islam given up drinking which Islam forbids to its follower. To those who gloated over the conversion, she wrote to say: "I do not mind his becoming a Mussalmans, so much as his drinking. Will you, as pious Mussalmans, tolerate his drinking even after his conversion? He has reduced himself to the state of a rake by drinking. If you are going to make a man of him again, his conversion will have been turned to good account. You will, therefore, please see that he as a Mussalman abjures wine and woman. If that change does not come about, his conversion goes in vain and our non-co-operation with him will have to continue."

India is without doubt the homeland of all the Mussalmans inhabiting this country. Every Mussalman should therefore co-operate in the fight for India's freedom. The Congress does not belong to any one class or community; it belongs to the whole nation. It is open to Mussalmans to take possession of the Congress. They can, if they like, swamp the Congress by their numbers, and can steer it along the course which appeals to them. The Congress is fighting not on behalf of the Hindu but on behalf of the whole nation, including the minorities. It would hurt me to hear of a single instance of a Mussalman being killed by a Congressman. In the coming revolution, Congressmen will sacrifice their lives in order to protect the Mussalman against a Hindu's attack and vice versa. It is a part of their creed, and is one of the essentials of non-violence. You will be excepted on occasions like these not to lose your heads. Every Congressman, whether a Hindu or a Mussalman, owes this duty to the organization to which will render a service to Islam. Mutual trust is essential for success in the final nation-wide struggle that is to come.

I have said that much greater sacrifice will have to be made this time in the wake of our struggle because of the opposition from the Muslim League and from Englishmen. You have seen the secret circular issued by Sir Frederick Puckle. It is a suicidal course that he has taken. It contains an open incitement to organizations which crop up like mushrooms to combine to fight the Congress. We have thus to deal with an empire whose ways are crooked. Ours is a straight path which we can tread even with our eyes closed. That is the beauty of Satyagraha.

In Satyagraha, there is no place for fraud or falsehood, or any kind of untruth. Fraud and untruth today are stalking the world. I cannot be a helpless witness to such a situation. I have traveled all over India as perhaps nobody in the present age has. The voiceless millions of the land saw in me their friend and representative, and I identified myself with them to an extent it was possible for a human being to do. I saw trust in their eyes, which I now want to turn to good account in fighting this empire upheld on untruth and violence. However gigantic the preparations that the empire has made, we must get out of its clutches. How can I remain silent at this supreme hour and hide my light under the bushel? Shall I ask the Japanese to tarry awhile? If today I sit quite and inactive, God will take me to task for not using up the treasure He had given me, in the midst of the conflagration that is enveloping the whole world. Had the condition been different, I should have asked you to wait yet awhile. But the situation now has become intolerable, and the Congress has no other course left for it.

Nevertheless, the actual struggle does not commence this moment. You have only placed all your powers in my hands. I will now wait upon the Viceroy and plead with him for the acceptance of the Congress demand. That process is likely to take two or three weeks. What would you do in the meanwhile? What is the programme, for the interval, in which all can participate? As you know, the spinning wheel is the first thing that occurs to me. I made the same answer to the Maulana. He would have none of it, though he understood its import later. The fourteen fold constructive programme is, of course, there for you to carry out. What more should you do? I will tell you. Every one of you should, from this moment onwards, consider yourself a free man or woman, and acts as if you are free and are no longer under the heel of this imperialism.

It is not a make-believe that I am suggesting to you. It is the very essence of freedom. The bond of the slave is snapped the moment he consider himself to be a free being. He will plainly tell the master: "I was your bond slave till this moment, but I am a slave no longer. You may kill me if you like, but if you keep me alive, I wish to tell you that if you release me from the bondage, of your own accord, I will ask for nothing more from you. You used to feed and cloth me, though I could have provided food and clothing for myself by my labour. I hitherto depended on you instead of on God, for food and raiment. But God has now inspired me with an urge for freedom and I am to day a free man, and will no longer depend on you."

You may take it from me that I am not going to strike a bargain with the Viceroy for ministries and the like. I am not going to be satisfied with anything short of complete freedom. May be, he will propose the abolition of salt tax, the drink evil, etc. But I will say, "Nothing less than freedom."

Here is a mantra, a short one, that I give you. You may imprint it on your hearts and let every breath of yours give expression to it. The mantra is : 'Do or Die'. We shall either free India or die in the attempt; we shall not live to see the perpetuation of our slavery. Every true Congressman or woman will join the struggle with an inflexible determination not to remain alive to see the country in bondage and slavery. Let that be your pledge. Keep jails out of your consideration. If the Government keep me free, I will not put on the Government the strain of maintaining a large number of prisoners at a time, when it is in trouble. Let every man and woman live every moment of his or her life hereafter in the consciousness that he or she eats or lives for achieving freedom and will die, if need be, to attain that goal. Take a pledge, with God and your own conscience as witness, that you will no longer rest till freedom is achieved and will be prepared to lay down your lives in the attempt to achieve it. He who loses his life will gain it; he who will seek to save it shall lose it. Freedom is not for the coward or the faint-hearted.

A word to the journalists. I congratulate you on the support you have hitherto given to the national demand. I know the restrictions and handicaps under which you have to labour. But I would now ask you to snap the chains that bind you. It should be the proud privilege of the newspapers to lead and set an example in laying down one's life for freedom.

You have the pen which the Government can't suppress. I know you have large properties in the form of printing presses, etc., and you would be afraid lest the Government should attach them. I do not ask you to invite an attachment of the printing-press voluntarily. For myself, I would not suppress my pen, even if the press was to be attached. As you know my press was attached in the past and returned later on. But I do not ask from you that final sacrifice. I suggest a middle way. You should now wind up your standing committee, and you may declare that you will give up the pen only when India has won her freedom. You may tell Sir Frederick Puckle that he can't except from you a command performance, that his press notes are full of untruth, and that you will refuse to publish them. You will openly declare that you are wholeheartedly with the Congress. If you do this, you will have changed the atmosphere before the fight actually begins.

From the Princes I ask with all respect due to them a very small thing. I am a well-wisher of the Princes. I was born in a State. My grandfather refused to salute with his right hand any Prince other than his own. But he did not say to the Prince, as I fell he ought to have said, that even his own master could not compel him, his minister, to act against his conscience. I have eaten the Prince's salt and I would not be false to it. As a faithful servant, it is my duty to warn the Princes that if they will act while I am still alive, the Princes may come to occupy an honourable place in free India. In Jawaharlal's scheme of free India, no privileges or the privileged classes have a place. Jawaharlal considers all property to be State-owned. He wants planned economy. He wants to reconstruct India according to plan. He likes to fly; I do not. I have kept a place for the Princes and the Zamindars1 in India that I envisage. I would ask the Princes in all humility to enjoy through renunciation. The Princes may renounce ownership over their properties and become their trustees in the true sense of the term. I visualize God in the assemblage of people. The Princes may say to their people : "You are the owners and masters of the State and we are your servants." I would ask the Princes to become servants of the people and render to them an account of their own services. The empire too bestows power on the Princes, but they should prefer to derive power from their own people; and if they want to indulge in some innocent pleasures, they may seek to do so as servants of the people. I do not want the Princes to live as paupers. But I would ask them : "Do you want to remain slaves for all time? Why should you, instead of paying homage to a foreign power, not accept the sovereignty of your own people?" You may write to the Political Department : "The people are now awake. How are we to withstand an avalanche before which even the Large empire are crumbling? We, therefore, shall belong to the people from today onwards. We shall sink or swim with them." Believe me, there is nothing unconstitutional in the course I am suggesting. There are, so far as I know, no treaties enabling the empire to coerce the Princes. The people of the States will also declare that though they are the Princes' subjects, they arepart of the Indian nation and that they will accept the leadership of the Princes, if the latter cast their lot with the people, the latter will meet death bravely and unflinchingly, but will not go back on their word.

Nothing, however, should be done secretly. This is an open rebellion. In this struggle secrecy is a sin. A free man would not engage in a secret movement. It is likely that when you gain freedom you will have a C.I.D. of your own, in spite of my advice to the contrary. But in the present struggle, we have to work openly and to receive bullets on our chest, without taking to heels.

I have a word to say to Government servants also. They may not, if they like, resign their posts yet. The late Justice Ranade did not resign his post, but he openly declared that he belonged to the Congress. He said to the Government that though he was a judge, he was a Congressman and would openly attend the sessions of the Congress, but that at the same time he would not let his political views warp his impartiality on the bench. He held Social Reform Conference in the very Pandal1 of the Congress. I would ask all the Government servants to follow in the footsteps of Ranade and to declare their allegiance to the Congress as an answer to the secret circular issued by Sir Frederick Puckle.

This is all that I ask of you just now. I will now write to the Viceroy. You will be able to read the correspondence not just now but when I publish it with the Viceroy's consent. But you are free to aver that you support the demand to be put forth in my letter. A judge came to me and said : "We get secret circulars from high quarters. What are we to do?" I replied, "If I were in your place, I would ignore the circulars. You may openly say to the Government : 'I have received your secret circular. I am, however, with the Congress. Though I serve the Government for my livelihood, I am not going to obey these secret circulars or to employ underhand methods,'"

Soldiers too are covered by the present programme. I do not ask them just now to resign their posts and to leave the army. The soldiers come to me, Jawaharlal and the Maulana and say : "We are wholly with you. We are tired of the Governmental tyranny." To these soldiers I would say : You may say to the Government, "Our hearts are with the Congress. We are not going to leave our posts. We will serve you so long as we receive your salaries. We will obey your just orders, but will refuse to fire on our own people."

To those who lack the courage to do this much I have nothing to say. They will go their own way. But if you can do this much, you may take it from me that the whole atmosphere will be electrified. Let the Government then shower bombs, if they like. But no power on earth will then be able to keep you in bondage any longer.

If the students want to join the struggle only to go back to their studies after a while, I would not invite them to it. For the present, however, till the time that I frame a programme for the struggle, I would ask the students to say to their professors : "We belong to the Congress. Do you belong to the Congress, or to the Government? If you belong to the Congress, you need not vacate your posts. You will remain at your posts but teach us and lead us unto freedom." In all fights for freedom, the world over, the students have made very large contributions.

If in the interval that is left to us before the actual fight begins, you do even the little I have suggested to you, you will have changed the atmosphere and will have prepared the ground for the next step.

There is much I should et like to say. But my heart is heavy. I have already taken up much of your time. I have yet to say a few words in English also. I thank you for the patience and attention with which you have listened to me even at this late hour. It is just what true soldiers would do. For the last twenty-two years, I have controlled my speech and pen and have stored up my energy. He is a true Brahmacharri1 who does not fritter away his energy. He will, therefore, always control his speech. That has been my conscious effort all these years. But today the occasion has come when I had to unburden my heart before you. I have done so, even though it meant putting a strain on your patience; and I do not regret having done it. I have given you my message and through you I have delivered it to the whole of India.

III
[The following is the concluding portion of Gandhiji's speech before the A.I.C.C. at Bombay on 8-8-`42 which was delivered in English]:
I have taken such an inordinately long time over pouring out, what was agitating my soul, to those whom I had just now the privilege of serving. I have been called their leader or, in the military language, their commander. But I do not look at my position in that light. I have no weapon but love to wield my authority over any one. I do sport a stick which you can break into bits without the slightest exertion. It is simply my staff with the help of which I walk. Such a cripple is not elated, when he has been called upon to bear the greatest burden. You can share that burden only when I appear before you not as your commander but as a humble servant. And he who serves best is the chief among equals.

Therefore, I was bound to share with you such thoughts as were welling up in my breast and tell you, in as summary a manner as I can, what I except you to do as the first step.

Let me tell you at the outset that the real struggle does not commence today. I have yet to go through much ceremonial as I always do. The burden, I confess, would be almost unbearable. I have to continue to reason in those circles with whom I have lost my credit and who have no trust left in me. I know that in the course of the last few weeks I have forfeited my credit with a large number of friends, so much so, that they have begun to doubt not only my wisdom but even my honesty. Now I hold my wisdom is not such a treasure which I cannot afford to lose; but my honesty is a precious treasure to me and I can ill-afford to lose it. I seem however to have lost it for the time being.

Friend of the Empire

Such occasions arise in the life of the man who is a pure seeker after truth and who would seek to serve the humanity and his country to the best of his lights without fear or hypocrisy. For the last fifty years I have known no other way. I have been a humble servant of humanity and have rendered on more than one occasion such services as I could to the Empire, and here let me say without fear of challenge that throughout my career never have I asked for any personal favour. I have enjoyed the privilege of friendship as I enjoy it today with Lord Linlithgow. It is a friendship which has outgrown official relationship. Whether Lord Linlithgow will bear me out, I do not know, but there is a personal bond between him and myself. He once introduced me to his daughter. His son-in law, the A.D.C. was drawn towards me. he fell in love with Mahadev more than with me and Lady Anna and he came to me. She is an obedient and favourite daughter. I take interest in their welfare. I take the liberty to give out these personal and sacred tit-bits only to give you an earnest of the personal bond will never interfere with the stubborn struggle on which, if it falls to my lot, I may have to launch against Lord Linlithgow, as the representative of the Empire. I will have to resist the might of that Empire with the might of the dumb millions with no limit but of nonviolence as policy confined to this struggle. It is a terrible job to have to offer resistance to a Viceroy with whom I enjoy such relations. He has more than once trusted my word, often about my people. I would love to repeat that experiment, as it stands to his credit. I mention this with great pride and pleasure. I mention it as an earnest of my desire to be true to the Empire when that Empire forfeited my trust and the Englishman who was its Viceroy came to know it.

Charlie Andrews

Then there is the sacred memory of Charlie Andrews which wells up within me. At this moment the spirit of Andrews hovers about me. For me he sums up the brightest traditions of English culture. I enjoyed closer relations with him than with most Indians. I enjoyed his confidence. There were no secrets between us. We exchanged our hearts every day. Whatever was in his heart, he would blurt out without the slightest hesitation or reservation. It is true he was a friend of Gurudev1 but he looked upon Gurudev with awe. He had that peculiar humility. But with me he became the closest friend. Years ago he came to me with a note of introduction from Gokhale. Pearson and he were the first-rank specimens of Englishmen. I know that his spirit is listening to me.

Then I have got a warm letter of congratulations from the Metropolitan of Calcutta. I hold him to be a man of God. Today he is opposed to me.

Voice of Conscience

With all this background, I want to declare to the world, although I may have forfeited the regard of many friends in the West and I must bow my head low; but even for their friendship or love I must not suppress the voice of conscience - promoting of my inner basic nature today. There is something within me impelling me to cry out my agony. I have known humanity. I have studied something of psychology. Such a man knows exactly what it is. I do not mind how you describe it. That voice within tells me, "You have to stand against the whole world although you may have to stand alone. You have to stare in the face the whole world although the world may look at you with bloodshot eyes. Do not fear. Trust the little voice residing within your heart." It says : "Forsake friends, wife and all; but testify to that for which you have lived and for which you have to die. I want to live my full span of life. And for me I put my span of life at 120 years. By that time India will be free, the world will be free.

Real Freedom

Let me tell you that I do not regard England or for that matter America as free countries. They are free after their own fashion, free to hold in bondage coloured races of the earth. Are England and America fighting for the liberty of these races today? If not, do not ask me to wait until after the war. You shall not limit my concept of freedom. The English and American teachers, their history, their magnificent poetry have not said that you shall not broaden the interpretation of freedom. And according to my interpretation of that freedom I am constrained to say they are strangers to that freedom which their teachers and poets have described. If they will know the real freedom they should come to India. They have to come not with pride or arrogances but in the spite of real earnest seekers of truth. It is a fundamental truth which India has been experimenting with for 22 years.

Congress and Non-violence

Unconsciously from its very foundations long ago the Congress has been building on non-violence known as constitutional methods. Dadabhai and Pherozeshah who had held the Congress India in the palm of their hands became rebels. They were lovers of the Congress. They were its masters. But above all they were real servants. They never countenanced murder, secrecy and the like. I confess there are many black sheep amongst us Congressmen. But I trust the whole of India today to launch upon a non-violent struggle. I trust because of my nature to rely upon the innate goodness of human nature which perceives the truth and prevails during the crisis as if by instinct. But even if I am deceived in this I shall not swerve. I shall not flinch. From its very inception the Congress based its policy on peaceful methods, included Swaraj and the subsequent generations added non-violence. When Dadabhai entered the British Parliament, Salisbury dubbed him as a black man; but the English people defeated Salisbury and Dadabhai went to the Parliament by their vote. India was delirious with joy. These things however India has outgrown.

I will go Ahead

It is, however, with all these things as the background that I want Englishmen, Europeans and all the United Nations to examine in their hearts what crime had India committed in demanding Independence. I ask, is it right for you to distrust such an organization with all its background, tradition and record of over half a century and misrepresent its endeavours before all the world by every means at your command? Is it right that by hook or by crook, aided by the foreign press, aided by the President of the U.S.A., or even by the Generalissimo of China who has yet to win his laurels, you should present India's struggle in shocking caricature? I have met the Generalissimo. I have known him through Madame Shek who was my interpreter; and though he seemed inscrutable to me, not so Madame Shek; and he allowed me to read his mind through her. There is a chorus of disapproval and righteous protest all over the world against us. They say we are erring, the move is inopportune. I had great regard for British diplomacy which has enabled them to hold the Empire so long. Now it stinks in my nostrils, and others have studied that diplomacy and are putting it into practice. They may succeed in getting, through these methods, world opinion on their side for a time; but India will speak against that world opinion. She will raise her voice against all the organized propaganda. I will speak against it. Even if all the United Nations opposed me, even if the whole of India forsakes me, I will say, "You are wrong. India will wrench with non-violence her liberty from unwilling hands." I will go ahead not for India's sake alone, but for the sake of the world. Even if my eyes close before there is freedom, non-violence will not end. They will be dealing a mortal blow to China and to Russia if they oppose the freedom of non-violent India which is pleading with bended knees for the fulfillment of debt along overdue. Does a creditor ever go to debtor like that? And even when, India is met with such angry opposition, she says, "We won't hit below the belt, we have learnt sufficient gentlemanliness. We are pledged to non-violence." I have been the author of non-embarrassment policy of the Congress and yet today you find me talking this strong language. I say it is consistent with our honour. If a man holds me by the neck and wants to drawn me, may I not struggle to free myself directly? There is no inconsistency in our position today.

Appeal to United nations

There are representatives of the foreign press assembled here today. Through them I wish to say to the world that the United Powers who somehow or other say that they have need for India, have the opportunity now to declare India free and prove their bona fides. If they miss it, they will be missing the opportunity of their lifetime, and history will record that they did not discharge their obligations to India in time, and lost the battle. I want the blessings of the whole world so that I may succeed with them. I do not want the United Powers to go beyond their obvious limitations. I do not want them to accept non-violence and disarm today. There is a fundamental difference between fascism and this imperialism which I am fighting. Do the British get from India which they hold in bondage. Think what difference it would make if India was to participate as a free ally. That freedom, if it is to come, must come today. It will have no taste left in it today you who have the power to help cannot exercise it. If you can exercise it, under the glow of freedom what seems impossible, today, will become possible tomorrow. If India feels that freedom, she will command that freedom for China. The road for running to Russia's help will be open. The Englishmen did not die in Malaya or on Burma soil. What shall enable us to retrieve the situation? Where shall I go, and where shall I take the forty crores of India? How is this vast mass of humanity to be aglow in the cause of world deliverance, unless and until it has touched and felt freedom. Today they have no touch of life left. It has been crushed out of them. It lustre is to be put into their eyes, freedom has to come not tomorrow, but today.

Do or Die

I have pledged the Congress and the Congress will do or die.

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The Quit India Speeches | Famous Speeches by Mahatma Gandhi

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Famous 'Quit India Speech' by Mahatma Gandhi

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8 Things To Know About Quit India

By Nitya Menon

"This is the mantra, 'Do or Die', that I give you. You imprint it on your heart and let every breath of yours give an expression to it." - Mahatma Gandhi

On August 8th, 1942, Mahatma Gandhi launched the Quit India Movement (also known as the August movement) in Bombay. This movement was a strong and vehement appeal made by the Congress to the British to leave India once and for all. The Indians demanded what they called 'an orderly British withdrawal' from India. Here are eight interesting facts about the Quit India Movement that will give you a better insight into India's freedom struggle:

1. The Beginning

The people involved in the Quit India Movement gathered at Mumbai's Gowalia Tank Maidan during the All India Congress Committee session. This was the place where Mahatma Gandhi delivered his first speech that awakened a fierce spirit and desire for freedom among Indians, marking the beginning of the movement. The maidan also houses a monument as a tribute to this historical event.

2. The Cripps Mission

This movement was started after the Cripps Mission failed in India. Headed by a senior British minister called Sir Stafford Cripps, this mission was an attempt by the British to secure support and cooperation from India for efforts in World War II. This mission failed for three main reasons:

- It faced Gandhi's strong opposition which led to the Indian National Congress to reject the offer
- Cripps' modification of the offer to include self-government had no real transfer of power
- There was an active effort by the Viceroy and Secretary of State for India to sabotage the mission.

3. "Do or Die!"

It is believed that within hours of Gandhiji's historic 'Do or Die' speech, almost the entire INC was imprisoned without trial. Several national leaders such as Sardar Vallabhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad and Mahatma Gandhi himself were arrested. Little did they know that their merciless imprisonment would become the catalyst in eventually securing India's freedom.

4. Congress Suspended

The British response to the movement was to declare the Indian National Congress an unlawful association. Everyone involved was arrested, offices were raided, and funds were frozen. In fact, more than 10,000 people were arrested for conducting peaceful protests across the country. The then viceroy and Governor-General of India, Lord Linlithgow, adopted a policy of brutal violence to stem the movement. However, this backfired on the British as it only garnered more sympathy among the general population towards the movement.

5. Indian Tricolour Hoisted

Despite several police warnings and government bans, Aruna Asaf Ali presided over the remaining AICC session, and on August 9, in the presence of a large crowd at the Gowalia Tank Maidan, she proudly hoisted the Indian tricolour. She was immensely influenced by the thoughts and ideals of Mahatma Gandhi, and was honoured with the Bharat Ratna Award in 1997.

6. Underground News

Few of the younger leaders took upon the duty to broadcast news through an underground station, dubbed the Congress Radio. Organised by Dr. Usha Mehta, the operators had to keep moving and shifting their broadcasting equipment to avoid being captured by the British. On August 14th, 1942, a week after the Quit India Movement was launched, the radio went live with the following announcement announced by Dr. Usha Mehta herself:

"This is the Congress Radio calling on (a wavelength of) 42.34 meters from somewhere in India."

7. Young Students Martyred

On August 8th, 1942, a group of seven young students tried to hoist the Indian flag on the Patna Collectorate building to show their affiliation to the freedom struggle. What began as a patriotic gesture ended in tragedy, when, without an iota of hesitation, they were shot dead by the police. There is a memorial in their memory on the Collectorate premises in Patna. It's known as the Shaheed Smarak, meaning Martyr's Memorial.

8. A New India Shines

As we all know, the British had been refusing to give India its independence for the fear of loss of power and dominance over colonies in Asia. However, after the Quit India Movement, the British government realised that they could no longer keep Indians under their control. India's walk down the long road to freedom had entered its final chapter. After the conclusion of World War II in 1945, India gained freedom on August 15th, 1947.
Amar Chitra Katha's vast collection of freedom fighter biographies is now available on the ACK Comics app, as well as on major e-tailers.

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8 Things To Know About Quit India | Amar Chitra Katha

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8 Things To Know About Quit India By Nitya Menon "This is the mantra, 'Do or Die', that I give you. You imprint it on your heart and let every breath of yours give an expression to it." - Mahatma Gandhi On August 8th, 1942, Mahatma Gandhi launched the Quit India Movement (also known as the August movement) in Bombay.

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Interesting facts about India's independance

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Interesting facts about India's independance

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No matter how much we've read about our country, it's never enough. But ours is a generation that likes reading things that are short, quick and informative. Thus, on our 69th Independence Day, we summed up 16 unknown and undisclosed facts about India's independence that we think every Indian should know. Take a look.

1. Our current national flag had a number of iterations. The version you know today was made by Pingali Venkayya at Bezwada in 1921.

Initially, the two dominant colours, saffron and green, represented the two prominent communities. The idea of the white strip in the middle and the Ashok Chakra was given by Mahatama Gandhi. The white shade represented other communities and the Chakra was seen as a symbol of progress. According to another theory, it is believed that saffron stands for courage and sacrifice, green represents faith and chivalry, and white is the symbol of peace. The current national flag was adopted by India on July 22, 1947.

2. Only Khadi Development and village industries have the license to produce or supply our national flag.

3. We did not have a national anthem on our first Independence day.

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The Bengali version of 'Jana Gana Mana' was written in 1911. But it was adopted as our national anthem only in 1950.

4. It's hard to believe this one, but Mahatama Gandhi was not a part of the first Independence Day celebration.

Gandhiji was fasting in protest against the Hindu-Muslim riots that were taking place in Bengal.

5. Lord Mountbatten was forced to attend the Independence Day of both India and Pakistan, which is why he brought forward Pakistan's Independence Day to 14th August.

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6. Lord Mountbatten chose 15th August as India's Independence Day because it honoured the second anniversary of Japan's surrender to the Allied forces.

7. South Korea, Republic of Congo, and Liechtenstein share their Independence Day with India.

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8. Mahatama Gandhi wanted the Congress Party to disband as its objective to attain freedom had been achieved.

A day before Gandhi's assassination, he had written a 'draft constitution of Congress'.

9. Goa was a Portuguese state when India became independent. It became a part of the Indian union in 1961.

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10. Our first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru was a style icon. He featured in an issue of Vogue Magazine.

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Sadly, he didn't make it to the cover page and we couldn't manage a picture from there either. But here's one from Life magazine where he looks really classy. Nehru's unique dressing sense became a worldwide trend. The Nehru jacket was listed as a 'global fashion trend' by Time magazine.

11. Hindi is not the national language of India. It was chosen as India's first official language and was declared so in 1949.

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12. After Independence, 560 princely states became a part of the Indian union.

13. Hyderabad was the last state to become a part of the Indian union.

14. The border between India and Pakistan was drawn by British lawyer Sir Cyrill Radcliffe.

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15. In 1975, Sikkim became the final and 22nd state to join the Indian union. Before that, Sikkim was an Indian protectorate.

16. This year, 14,000 people will be celebrating Independence Day for the first time.

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On August 1 2015, 14214 citizens of Bangladesh, who had been residing in 51 enclaves located in India, became Indian nationals. 'It's an independence that arrived late, but arrived nonetheless.'

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16 Facts About Indian Independence Every Indian Needs To Know

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No matter how much we've read about our country, it's never enough. But ours is a generation that likes reading things that are short, quick and informative. Thus, on our 69th Independence Day, we summed up 16 unknown and undisclosed facts about India's independence that we think every Indian should know.

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Behind the celebration of Independence on 15th August, 1947, there is a much violent and chaotic history of fierce rebellions, wars and movements done by thousands of spirited Indian freedom fighters.All these freedom fighters of India fought, struggled and even sacrificed their lives in an effort to free India from British rule.

To end the reign of foreign imperialists and their Colonialism in India, a great number of revolutionaries and activists from diverse family backgrounds came together and embarked on a mission. Many of us might have heard of some of them, but there are so many prominent heroes whose contributions have not been celebrated.
To respect their efforts and devotion, we have made a list of 25 top freedom fighters of India, without them we wouldn't be breathing in Independent India.

1. SardarVallabhbhai Patel

Jawaharlal Nehru was the only son of Motilal Nehru and Swarup Rani and was born in 1889. Nehru was originally a barrister and became popular as both freedom fighter of india and a politician. His passion for India's freedom was the influence of Mahatma Gandhi's efforts to relieve India from Britishers. He joined the freedom struggle, became the President of Indian National Congress and was eventually made the First Prime Minister of India post the independence. Since he adored children, he was called Chacha Nehru and his birthday is celebrated as Children's day.

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born in 2 nd October, 1869 and was entitled "Father of Nation" and Mahatma Gandhi because of his great deeds. Married to Kasturba at 13, he studied law in London and went to South Africa for practice where racial discrimination towards some Indians inspired him to fight for human rights. Later, after watching the status of India ruled by Englishmen, Gandhi fiercely joined the freedom fight. He took "DandiKuch" on his bare foot to relieve tax on salt and led several non-violence movements against Britishers in efforts for freedom.

Tantia Tope was born in 1814 and became one of the great classic Indian rebellions in 1857. He led a group of soldier and to fight and end the dominance of the British. A firm follower of Nana Sahib, he served as General and continued his fight despite extreme circumstances. Tantia made General Windham to leave Kanpur and was involved in reinstating Rani Lakshmi to Gwalior.

Nana Sahib was a significant contributor in 1857 uprising in which he led a group of ardent rebellions.He overwhelmed the British forces in Kanpur and threatened British camp by killing the survivors of the force. Audacious and fearless, Nana Sahib was a skilled administrator as well who prepared and ledthousands of Indian soldiers.

Lal Bahadur Shastri was born in 1904 in UP. He received the title "Shastri" Scholar after he completed his study at Kashi Vidyapeeth. As a silent yet active freedom fighter, he participated in Quit India movement, Civil Disobedience movement and Salt Satyagrah movement led by Mahatma Gandhi. He also spent many years in Jail. After the independence, he graced the position of Home Minister and later became Prime Minister of India in 1964.

Famous with the title Netaji, Subhas Chandra Bose was born in 1897 in Orissa. The Jallianwala bagh Massacre potentially shook him and made him return to India from England in 1921. He joined Indian National Congress and was a part of Civil Disobedience Movement. Since he wasn't content with Non-Violence method of freedom as promoted by Gandhi Ji, he went to Germany for help and eventually formed Indian National Army (INA) and Azad Hind Government.

Born in 1907, Sukhdev was a valiant revolutionary and an integral member of Hindustan Socialist Republican Association. He worked close with his associates Bhagat Singh and Shivram Rajguru. He was said to be involved in killing a British officer John Saunders.Unfortunately, he was arrested and martyred along with Bhagat Singh and Shivaram Rajguru at the age of 24.

Born in November 1777, Kunwar Singh led a force of soldiers against the British in Bihar at the age of 80. Clever and deceptive, Kunwar Singh was fondly called Veer Kunwar Singh due to his intimidating bravery. He targeted British Troops with guerrilla warfare tactics and defeated British forces heavily. Kunwar Singh is always remembered for his young audacity, passion and respectable bravery.

Rani Lakhsmi Bai, the Queen of Jhansi, was born in 1828. She was a key member of India's fierce uprising of independence in 1857. Despite being a woman, she embodied bravery and fearless attitude, inspiring thousands of women to participate the freedom battle. She bravely defended her palaceof Jhansi in 1858 when it was to be invaded by British force led by Sir Hugh Rose.

Bal GangadharTilak was born in 1856 and was a remarkable freedom fighters of India. In a raging protest against British, he created burning flame across the nation with the slogan - "Swaraj is my birthright". He was more popular as one of the triumvirate: Lal, Bal and Pal. To defy English rulers, Tilakbuilt schools and published rebellious newspapers. Since people loved and respected him as one of the greatest leaders, he was called Lokmanya Tilak.

LalaLajpat Rai was born in 1865 in Punjab and was informally called Punjab Kesari. A part of Lal-Bal-Pal trio, he was one of the extremist members of Indian National Congress. In 1920, he became a popular leader as he led the Non-Cooperation Movement and Punjab Protest against the Jalliawala Bagh incident. In a Simon Commission protest in 1928, he died from brutal Lathi charge by the Britishers.

Born in 1827, Mangal Pandey was one the early freedom fighter. He was among the first rebels to inspire young Indian soldiers to instigate the great rebellion of 1857. Serving as a soldier for the British East India Company, Pandey launched a first attack by firing at English officials, which was the beginning of the Indian rebellion in 1857.

14. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar

Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was born in 1883 and spent his life being a passionate activist and Indian revolutionary. He founded Abhinav Bharat Society and Free India Society. He was known as Swatantryaveer Savarkar. As a writer, he also wrote a piece titled 'The Indian War of Independence' that included glorious details about the struggles of the Indian uprising of 1857.
Also Read: 9 Union Territories of India and their Capitals
Born in 1878, C Rajagopalachari was a lawyer by profession but later joined the Indian National Congress in 1906 to become a respected Congress representative. He was a devoted follower of Mahatma Gandhi and defended a revolutionary P. Varadarajulu Naidu. He also actively participated in the Non-Cooperation Movement led by Lajpat Rai.

Bhagat Singh was quite a famous revolutionary and also controversial Freedom Fighters of India as he became proud martyr for his country. He was born to a Sikh family of freedom fighters in 1907 in Punjab. He was therefore a born patriot and joined non-Cooperation movement in 1921. He formed the "Naujawan Bharat Sabha", to instill patriotism in youth of Punjab. Chauri-Chaura Massacre changed him and made him extreme in his fight for freedom.

DadabhaiNaoroji was born in 1825 and is accountable for establishing the Indian National Congress. He is also one of the prominent activists to have joined the non-violence independent movement. He criticized in one of his books about British colonialism in India being equivalent to stealing wealth from the country.

Like Shahid Bhagat Singh, Ram Prasad Bismil was also a memorable young revolutionary who martyred for his country. Born in 1897, Bismil was one of the respectable members of the Hindustan Republican Association with Sukhdev. He was also involved in the notorious Kakori train robbery because of which British government sentenced him to death.

Born in 1887, K.M. Munshi established Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan and emerged as a strong freedom fighter as he participated in Salt Satyagraha and Quit India movement with Mahatma Gandhi. He also joined Swaraj Party and Indian National Congress. He was a strong follower of Sardar Patel, Gandhi and Sayajirao Gaekwad and was also arrested many a time for his freedom protests.

Bipin Chandra Pal, born in 1858 was a substantial part of the Indian National Congress. He is an unforgettable revolutionary. He encouraged the the abandonment of foreign goods. He formed an association with LalaLajpat Rai and Bal Gangadhar Tilak, a Lal-Pal-Bal trio, and together he executed many revolutionary activities for the country.

21. Chandra Shekhar Azad

Chandra Shekhar Azad was born in 1906 and was a close associate of Bhagat Singh in the struggle for freedom. He was also a part of Hindustan Republican Association and the most fearless and challenging freedom fighter against British rulers. During a skirmish with British soldiers, after killing many enemies he shot himself with his Colt pistol. He swore he would never be captured alive by those Britishers.

Born in 1870, Chittaranjan Das was a lawyer by profession and the real founder of the Swaraj Party. Famous as Deshbandhu, he also took part in the Indian National Movement. As a law practitioner, he successfully defended Aurobindo Ghosh who was charged with a said crime by the British. Subhash Chandra Bose was mentored by Chittaranjan.
23. Abdul Hafiz Mohamed Barakatullah
Abdul Hafiz Mohamed Barakatullah was born in 1854 and has uniquely fought for the nation's freedom. He was a co-founder of Ghadar Party that was operated overseas from San Francisco. Being an overseas revolutionary, he took pen as a fighting weapon and published blazing articles in England's leading daily to incite the fire of Independence.

Born in 1900, Ashfaqulla Khan wa s another young fountain of revolutionary fire who also sacrificed his life for his mother India like many other martyrs in the list. Like Bismil and Chandrashekha, he, too, was a prominent member of the Hindustan Republican Association. He carried out the popular train robbery at Kakori Khan with the help of his associates, which led him to being executed by the British.

Born in 1820, Hazrat Mahal participated in the 1857 mutiny to insurrect against British rulers. She worked along with the leaders like NanaSaheb and Maulavi of Faizabad. She single-handedly defended Lucknow, leading the troops when her husband was away. She also fought to stop the demolition of temples and mosques after which she retreated to Nepal.
Conclusion
These brave Indian freedom fighters fought for our motherland and many among them sacrificed their lives for the freedom of our country. Let us remember all of these freedom fighters of India and be proud for them.

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25 Popular Freedom Fighters of India | Edsys

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Behind the celebration of Independence on 15th August, 1947, there is a much violent and chaotic history of fierce rebellions, wars and movements done by thousands of spirited Indian freedom fighters.All these freedom fighters of India fought, struggled and even sacrificed their lives in an effort to free India from British rule.

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100 Highly Respectable Freedom Fighters In India

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The Freedom Fighters of India were individuals who fought for our freedom and who actively participated in our national movement in India to get rid of all the colonies established in India, in the name of the trade, and for other purposes.

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Women freedom fighters of India deserve special acclaim while moving through the history of Indian freedom struggle. In their way, they have faced various tortures, exploitations, etc. They sacrificed their lives for the nation.

In all aspects, they rightly deserve a standing ovation and are true inspiration for all of us. These women's freedom fighters were brave and intelligent.

In this blog, we shall read about some women freedom fighters of India, who fought courageously for the nation.

The Rani of Jhansi, Lakshmi Bai, was the queen of Maratha. She was the first freedom fighter of India who fought in the Independence Movement of 1857.

She is always remembered for her bravery and valor as a warrior. She fought against the British rule till the end and was considered a symbol of resistance.

The British considered her a force to reckon with.
2. SAROJINI NAIDU
Sarojini Naidu was a poet and an independence activist. She was the first lady to become a governor of a province and of a state in independent India.

She was appointed as the president of the Indian National Congress. She established the Women's Indian Association and was involved in women's welfare and empowerment.

She was arrested and jailed for her roles in the Civil Disobedience and the Quit India movements.

She supported Gandhiji in the Sabarmati pact, Montagu-Chelmsford reforms, Satyagraha pledge and Khilafat issue.
3. KASTURBA GANDHI
Kasturba Gandhi, the wife of Gandhiji, took an active role in politics and the independence of India.

She taught Indians the basic qualities of health and hygiene and the value of reading and writing. She partook in all the demonstrations and movements for Indian independence.
4. KAMALA NEHRU
Kamala Nehru, wife of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, was a freedom fighter herself.

She was instrumental in organizing women groups during the Non-cooperation Movement in 1921 and picketed foreign cloth and liquor stores.

She often stood in for her husband and delivered speeches when he could not arrive on time.
5. JHALKARI BAI
Jhalkari Bai was a courageous woman and a fighter. With her fighting tactics, she killed tigers in the jungle and forced dacoits to retreat. She played a crucial role in the battle of Jhansi.

Her close resemblance to Rani Laxmi Bai enabled her to take command of the army during the battle allowing the queen to escape.
6. BEGUM HAZRAT MAHAL
Begum Hazrat was known as Begum of Awadh. She rebelled against the British. On the demise of her husband, she took over the rule of Awadh. She captured Lucknow and appointed her son as the ruler.

Lucknow was later re-captured by the British. She fought against the demolition of temples and mosques for the construction of roads.
7. KITTUR RANI CHENNAMMA

Born: 23 October 1778

Died: 21 February 1829

Full name: Kitturu Rani Chennamma

Nicknames: Queen of the princely state of Kittur

She belonged to the Lingayat community in a small village in Karnataka. She was a valiant freedom fighter well versed in sword fighting, archery and horse-riding.

She ruled over her kingdom and rebelled against the British rule in India.
8. RANI GAIDINLIU
Rani from Manipur, a daughter of the hills, is known for her resistance to British rule. She started at a young age joining the movement for the revival of the Naga Tribe which led to her arrest by the British when she was 17 years.

She was imprisoned for 14 years. On completion of her jail term, she engaged in rebellion against the British in Cachar Hills and Hangrum Village. She fought for freedom with an indomitable spirit.
9. MATANGINI HAZRA
Matangini Hazra, known as Gandhi Buri, was a revolutionary who protested against British rule and was imprisoned a few times. She was known for her patriotism and independence.

She led a procession of six thousand people during Quit India movement. She was shot dead by the police in Tamluk, Midnapore district.

She held the Indian flag high and chanted 'Vande Matram' when faced with death.
10. UDA DEVI
Uda Devi, along with other Dalit ladies was known as Dalit Veeranganas of the Indian Independence struggle of 1857.

She was a bold and resolute woman. Begum Hazrat helped her in forming a women's battalion.

Under Uda Devi's command, they fought bravely against the British. She is said to have shot dead British soldiers from a pipal tree.
11. MOOLMATI
Moolmati was a little known patriot who resisted British rule. She was known as the sacrificial mother.

When her son Ramprasad Bismil was hanged by the British rulers, she was unmoved and proud. She addressed public meetings and arranged processions. She offered her and her other son's support to the freedom struggle.
Also Read: 25 Popular Freedom Fighters of India 12. ARUNA ASAF ALI
She was a political activist and an active member of the Indian National Congress. She participated in the Salt Satyagraha and the Quit India movement.

She was imprisoned by the British. She organized protests inside the jail against the treatment meted out to prisoners. Her strikes resulted in the improvement of the conditions of the prisoners in Tihar jail.
13. KANAKLATA BARUA
Known as Birbala, Kanaklata Barua was a freedom fighter from Assam. She actively participated in the Quit India movement in 1942.

She protested against the British by waving the Indian flag and shouting slogans. She was shot dead by the police at the age of 18.
14. TARA RANI SRIVASTAVA
Tara and her husband Phulendu Babu joined the Quit India movement protests. They gathered a crowd and marched towards Siwan Police Station in Bihar shouting slogans.

The police opened fire and her husband was badly hurt. She still led the crowd holding the Indian flag. Her husband eventually died, but she continued her struggle for freedom.
15. MADAM BHIKAIJI CAMA
Madam Bhikaiji Cama was a Parsi social worker, an active freedom fighter and a philanthropist.

She was affected by bubonic plague while providing assistance and aid to those infected.

She voiced for human rights and equality between men and women. She donated all her assets to help and orphanage for girls. She was designated as an Indian ambassador to Germany in 1907.
16. ANNIE BESANT
Annie Besant was a British socialist but an active fighter for self-rule for India. She was president of the Theosophical Society, helped in establishing Hindu colleges and was a co-founder of the All India Home Rule League.

She became president of the Indian National Congress. Her contributions to self-rule agitations are innumerable.
17. CAPTAIN LAXMI SEHGAL
Capt Laxmi was a doctor as well as a social activist. She was the first lady in India to lead an all-women regiment, the Rani Jhansi Regiment.

She worked with her heart looking after untouchables and patients till she died. She was awarded the Padma Bhushan for her dedication to society.
18. AMMU SWAMINATHAN
Ammu was a political activist and social worker during the pre-independence movement. She fought against the arrogance of the upper caste. She was member of the committee which drafted the Indian constitution.

Her political work took her to countries abroad as a goodwill ambassador. She was president of the Bharat Scouts and Guides.
19. UMABAI KUNDAPUR
Umabai was an unselfish political activist. She preferred to stay out of the limelight and refused many honors and posts offered to her. She participated in protests and acted against the British. She founded the Bagini Mandal and led the women's wing of the Hindustani Seva Dal. She provided shelter for the freedom fighters.
20. SUCHETA KRIPLANI
Sucheta, a political activist, came into limelight during the Quit India movement. She was the first woman to be a chief minister of Uttar Pradesh of independent India.

She believed in the ideals of Gandhiji and partook fearlessly in the riots with him. She was a member of the committee that drafted the constitution of India.
21. KAMALADEVI CHATTOPADHYAY
Kamaladevi was a social reformer and a dedicated freedom fighter. She was the first woman to be arrested by the British for her active role in politics.

She was fearless and committed to her efforts. She participated in the Salt Satyagraha. She was elected to the Legislative Assembly. She worked for the improvement of the conditions of women in India. She promoted theater and handicrafts in post-independent India.
22. VIJAYALAKSHMI PANDIT
Vijayalakshmi Pandit, the sister of Jawaharlal Nehru, is known for her diplomatic role in Indian politics. She was the first lady to be designated as a cabinet minister for public health.

She was the first woman to hold the post of the president of the United Nations General Assembly. She was the first woman ambassador in the world. She was ambassador to Moscow, London and Washington.
23. SAVITRI BAI PHULE
Savitri Bai along with her husband Jyotirao Phule took the first step to educate girls.

She was the first female teacher at the first girl's school in India. She fought against the orthodox norms of society during the British rule. She overcame all resistance and brought about social reform in Maharashtra.
24. BEGUM ROYEKA

ROYEKA Born: 9 December 1880

Full name: Rokeya Sakhawat HossainNicknames:

Begum was one of the earliest women freedom fighters and social activists in India. She fought for gender equality at a time when it was not thought of.

She wrote books, stories, poems and essays wherein she advocated the necessity for men and women to be treated on par. She did mention that lack of education was the prime cause of backwardness in women.
25. DURGA BAI DESHMUKH
She was a political and social activist in India's struggle for independence. A lawyer, by profession, she was an ardent follower of Gandhiji and was a part of the Satyagraha movement. She was elected to the Lok Sabha and the Planning Commission as a member. She formed the Social Welfare Board to rehabilitate and improve the conditions of women and children.

Women Freedom Fighters - Infographics

The women freedom fighters came from different parts of India. Though with different backgrounds, they all came together to fight for the independence of India. Stories of their valor, courage and patriotism inspire us.

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Women Freedom Fighters of India: 25 Fierce and Fearless Warriors

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Women freedom fighters of India deserve special acclaim while moving through the history of Indian freedom struggle. In their way, they have faced various tortures, exploitations, etc. They sacrificed their lives for the nation. In all aspects, they rightly deserve a standing ovation and are true inspiration for all of us.

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Freedom Fighters Who fought Valiatly in Independence movement

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Freedom Fighters Who fought Valiatly in Independence movement

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Freedom Fighters Who Fought Valiantly in India's Independence Movement - MyGov Blogs

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India's freedom movement against the British was witness to an overwhelming participation of people throughout the country. From Kashmir to Kanyakumari, Assam to Gujarat, thousands of men and women fought together against atrocities of the British Raj. While many selflessly gave their lives to protect the dignity o ...

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Few women freedom fighters honoured with commemorative postage stamps

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Few women freedom fighters honoured with commemorative postage stamps

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" "" Independence Day 2019: Rare Photos of Indian Freedom Fighters

On the 73rd Independence Day, Take a look at the rare pictures of Indian freedom fighters who dedicated their lives for India's freedom.

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Independence Day 2019: Rare Photos of Indian Freedom Fighters

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" "" Independence Day 2019: Rare Photos of Indian Freedom Fighters On the 73rd Independence Day, Take a look at the rare pictures of Indian freedom fighters who dedicated their lives for India's freedom.

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" "" 70 Rare & Amazing Photos From Indian History That You'll Love To See

On India's 70th Republic Day, We take a look at the 70 rare and amazing photos from Indian history most have not seen before.

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70 rare & amazing pictures from indian history

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70 Rare & Amazing Photos From Indian History That You'll Love To See

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" "" 70 Rare & Amazing Photos From Indian History That You'll Love To See On India's 70th Republic Day, We take a look at the 70 rare and amazing photos from Indian history most have not seen before.

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15th August 2017 is going to mark the 70th Independence Day of India and while the entire country is ready to get awashed in the colours of the nation, we bring to you some monochromes from back in the day.

Here are 50 iconic photos that capture India's struggle for freedom and India's history. A look at India that was.
1. Mahatma Gandhi with his wife, shortly before his arrest for conspiracy, during passive non-cooperation. 2. The 1857 mutiny by Indian soldiers, then called 'sepoys', led to significant change in how India was to be controlled by the British. In this image from circa 1915, Indian signallers from the 1st Regiment of Bombay Infantry keep watch from a hillside lookout post and relay their sightings to the troops. 3. An Indian volunteer lies in front of a cartload of imported British cloth. Image circa 1930. 4. First Day of Constituent Assembly in India, 1946. 5. Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Mahatma Gandhi at Jinnah's house in the 1940s. 6. Mahatma Gandhi and Gurudev Rabindranath Tagore who gave the title of 'Mahatma' to Gandhi. 7. Nehru with the Mountbattens at India's first independence day on August 15, 1947. 8. The last known photo of freedom fighter Bhagat Singh before he was executed. 9. Mahatma Gandhi in Lord Mountbatten's study in Rashtrapati Bhawan in the days just before Independence in 1947. 10. Pictures from the 1947-1948 Indo-Pak war fought over Kashmir. 11. The walk of purpose: Gandhiji begins the Dandi March on 12th March, 1930. 12. Jawaharlal Nehru meets the press in New Delhi in August 1947, shortly before Independence. 13. The moment India awakened to freedom.
Pandit Nehru's speech: "Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. At the stroke of the midnight hour, when the world sleeps, India will awake to life and freedom."
14. Jawaharlal Nehru addresses a crowd from the balcony of his house in Simla, India. 15. Mass protest during salt satyagraha. 16. Yusuf Meherally, who coined the iconic slogan 'Quit India'. 17. Mahatma Gandhi and Sarojini Naidu during salt satyagraha. 18. Human wall by the satyagrahi. 19. Women demonstration during Quit India movement. 20. 15th August, 1947. 21. This 1928 poster condemns the Simon Commission sent by London to look at India's future because it had no Indian members. 22. Lakshmi Sahgal, an officer of the Indian National Army, was a pioneer personality of the Indian Freedom Movement. 23. Tara Rani Srivastava, an active member of the Quit India movement, who lost her husband while fighting for the country. 24. "Bharat Chodo" slogan echoed amongst Indians. 25. A letter to the Indian Soldiers at the time of struggle. 26. People marching in a protest against Simon. 27. Gandhi discusses the Quit India movement with Nehru. 28. Mohan Singh (1909-1989) was an Indian military officer and member of the Indian Independence Movement. 29. Vultures meander over those killed in Muslim-Hindu violence in the approach to Indian independence. 30. First Independence Day celebration in Delhi on August 15, 1947.
31. Gandhi during a discussion with Nehru at an All India Congress Committee meet in Bombay.
32. The front page of Times of India featuring the new face of independent Indian on 15 August, 1947. 33. Bhagat Singh's death sentence. 34. Mass migration, 1947. 35. Gandhi spinning cotton thread. 36. Japanese troops using Indian POWs for target practice, 1942. 37. An old photo of Rash Behari Bose with Azad Hind Fauj. 38. The declassified Netaji Files reveal how Prime Minister Nehru and chief minister Bidhan Chandra Roy took care of Subhas Chandra Bose's family. 39. 1943. On this day "Provisional Government of free India" was established in Singapore under the leadership of Netaji. 40. Indian pilots meeting their officer in London. 41. Mass migration during independence of India and Pakistan in 1947. 42. First General Elections in January, 1952. 43. Indira Gandhi with Benazir Bhutto and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (her father). 44. Subhash Chandra Bose after resignation from the post of Congress president. 45. Bose, in the front row, with the crew of Japanese submarine. 46. Pre-partition signs in Peshawar, 1940s. 47. Last Nizam of Hyderabad greets Sardar Patel after Operation Polo, 1948 48. A rare picture of a library table divided by the Partition as India and Pakistan in 1947.
49. Last glimpse of the Father of the Nation, 1948
50. India's first Republic Day parade in 1950.

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50 Iconic Photos That Capture India's Struggle For Freedom

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15th August 2017 is going to mark the 70th Independence Day of India and while the entire country is ready to get awashed in the colours of the nation, we bring to you some monochromes from back in the day. Here are 50 iconic photos that capture India's struggle for freedom and India's history.

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Rare Photos Of  British India Before Independence |Every Indian Must Watch & Share

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Footage - Personalities - Nehru - 1947 August 15, #01

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Indian Struggle for freedom Original Video Top Viewed   YouTube 360p

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Mahatma Gandhi, Sarojini Naidu and others during the Salt Satyagraha, April 1930

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Mahatma Gandhi's  first interview on Television

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Mahatma Gandhi's  first interview on Television

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Mahatma Gandhi First Television Interview (30 April 1931)

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Five rare photographs that take you back to 1942

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Five rare photographs that take you back to 1942

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Quit India movement played an important role in the freedom struggle of India. The father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi initiated the movement that spread across the country like wildfire, strengthening Indians in their demand for freedom. Here are five pictures taken during the Quit India movement that takes us back to 1942.

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Quit India movement: Pictures that take you back to 1942

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Quit India movement played an important role in the freedom struggle of India. The father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi initiated the movement that spread across the country like wildfire, strengthening Indians in their demand for freedom. Here are five pictures taken during the Quit India movement that takes us back to 1942.

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Quit India movement played an important role in the freedom struggle of India. The father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi initiated the movement that spread across the country like wildfire, strengthening Indians in their demand for freedom. Here are five pictures taken during the Quit India movement that takes us back to 1942.

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Quit India movement: Pictures that take you back to 1942

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Quit India movement played an important role in the freedom struggle of India. The father of the nation, Mahatma Gandhi initiated the movement that spread across the country like wildfire, strengthening Indians in their demand for freedom. Here are five pictures taken during the Quit India movement that takes us back to 1942.