# data[].attributes.headline
Ethnic identity and adolescents and adults

# data[].attributes.subject
Ethnic identity and adolescents and adults

# data[].attributes.body
This author is reference in a chapter titled concepts of self, gender and sex roles in the book - The Developing Child by Denise Boyd and Helen Bee

# data[].attributes.headline
This is from Psychology for Social work by Emma Zara O'Brien

# data[].attributes.subject
This is from Psychology for Social work by Emma Zara O'Brien

# data[].attributes.headline
Cultural differences in adolescent social development

# data[].attributes.subject
Cultural differences in adolescent social development

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Cultural differences that influence adolescent social development.

# data[].attributes.body
Social identity is a person’s sense of who they are based on their group membership(s). In-groups and out-groups

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Social Identity Theory, proposed by Henri Tajfel and John Turner in the 1970s, posits that individuals derive a portion of their self-concept from their membership in social groups.

The theory seeks to explain the cognitive processes and social conditions underlying intergroup behaviors, especially those related to prejudice, bias, and discrimination.

Social identity is a person's sense of who they are based on their group membership(s).

Tajfel and Turner (1979) proposed that the groups (e.g., social class, family, football team, etc.) people belonged to were important sources of pride and self-esteem.

Social identity groups can give you a sense of:

1. Belonging: Being part of a group can instill feelings of connection and unity, giving individuals the comforting sense that they're not alone in their experiences or perspectives.

2. Purpose: Group affiliations often come with shared goals or missions, which can provide direction and purpose to individual members.

3. Self-worth: Affiliating with a group can boost self-esteem as individuals derive pride from group achievements and a positive group image.

4. Identity: Groups provide a framework to understand oneself in the context of a larger community. They can help define who you are based on shared attributes, values, or goals.

Stages

1. Social Categorization

This refers to the tendency of people to classify themselves and others into various social groups based on attributes like race, gender, nationality, or religion.

We categorize objects to understand them and identify them. In a very similar way, we categorize people (including ourselves) to understand the social environment. We use social categories like black, white, Australian, Christian, Muslim, student, and bus driver because they are useful.

Categorization helps individuals simplify the social environment but can also lead to stereotyping. If we can assign people to a category, that tells us things about those people.

Similarly, we find out things about ourselves by knowing what categories we belong to. We define appropriate behavior by referencing the norms of groups we belong to, but you can only do this if you can tell who belongs to your group. An individual can belong to many different groups.

For example, you have categorized yourself as a student, chances are you will adopt the identity of a student and begin to act the ways you believe student act.

2. Social Identification

Once individuals categorize themselves as members of a particular group, they adopt the identity of that group. This means they begin to see themselves in terms of group characteristics and adopt its norms, values, and behaviors.

If for example you have categorized yourself as a student, the chances are you will adopt the identity of a student and begin to act in the ways you believe students act (and conform to the norms of the group).

There will be an emotional significance to your identification with a group, and your self-esteem will become bound up with group membership.

3. Social Comparison

After categorizing and identifying with a group, individuals compare their group to others. This comparison is often biased in favor of one's own group, leading to in-group favoritism.

This is critical to understanding prejudice, because once two groups identify themselves as rivals, they are forced to compete in order for the members to maintain their self-esteem.

Competition and hostility between groups is thus not only a matter of competing for resources (like in Sherif's Robbers Cave) like jobs but also the result of competing identities.

4. In-group (us) and Out-group (them)

Within the context of SIT, the 'in-group' refers to the group with which an individual identifies, while 'out-group' pertains to groups they don't identify with.

The theory asserts that people have a natural inclination to perceive their in-group in a positive light while being neutral or even negative towards out-groups, thus enhancing their self-image.

5. Positive Distinctiveness

The desire for positive self-esteem will motivate one's in-group to be perceived as positively different or distinct from relevant out-groups.

Prejudiced views between cultures may result in racism; in its extreme forms, racism may result in genocide, such as occurred in Germany with the Jews, in Rwanda between the Hutus and Tutsis, and, more recently, in the former Yugoslavia between the Bosnians and Serbs.

Examples of In-groups and Out-groups

It's important to note that ingroups and outgroups are fluid concepts. The group an individual identifies with can change based on context, environment, or over time.

Moreover, everyone belongs to multiple ingroups across different facets of their identity. The categorization into ingroups and outgroups also plays a significant role in intergroup dynamics, biases, and conflicts.

Gender and Sexual Orientation:

Ingroup: LGBTQ+ individuals might feel a sense of belonging with others who identify similarly.

Outgroup: Heterosexual individuals or those who aren't supportive might be perceived as outgroups.

Implications

1. In-group Favoritism: Because individuals seek positive self-esteem, they are inclined to favor and promote their in-group at the expense of out-groups. This can manifest in various ways, from simple preference to allocating more resources to in-group members.

2. Stereotyping and Prejudice: By categorizing people into groups, there's a risk of overemphasizing similarities within groups and differences between them, leading to stereotyping. Coupled with the natural bias towards one's own group, this can foster prejudice against out-groups.

3. Intergroup Conflict: When competition or perceived threats exist between groups, or when resources are scarce, the dynamics described by SIT can intensify, leading to intergroup hostility and conflict.

4. Shifts in Group Membership: SIT suggests that if individuals feel their current group membership is not providing positive self-esteem, they may either seek to elevate the status of their current group or abandon it in favor of another group that offers a more positive identity.

5. Belonging: Being part of a group can instill feelings of connection and unity, giving individuals the comforting sense that they're not alone in their experiences or perspectives.

Applications

1. Reducing Prejudice: By recognizing the mechanisms that lead to in-group bias and out-group prejudice, interventions can be designed to foster intergroup understanding and cooperation.

2. Organizational Behavior: Within organizations, understanding group dynamics can be instrumental in team formation, conflict resolution, and promoting corporate identity.

3. Political and Social Movements: SIT can provide insights into the formation and mobilization of social or political groups, including understanding factors that lead to radicalization. Social identity theory is useful for political psychologists because it addresses intergroup relations, but it has limitations in explaining real-world political identities.

Key issues limiting social identity theory's application to politics are: 1) Choice in acquiring identities versus assigned identities; 2) Subjective meaning of identities rather than just boundaries; 3) Gradual strength of identification rather than just its existence; 4) Stability of identities over time rather than high fluidity.

Social Identity Theory, proposed by Henri Tajfel and John Turner in the 1970s, posits that individuals derive a portion of their self-concept from their membership in social groups.

The theory seeks to explain the cognitive processes and social conditions underlying intergroup behaviors, especially those related to prejudice, bias, and discrimination.

Social identity is a person's sense of who they are based on their group membership(s).

Tajfel and Turner (1979) proposed that the groups (e.g., social class, family, football team, etc.) people belonged to were important sources of pride and self-esteem.

Social identity groups can give you a sense of:

1. Belonging: Being part of a group can instill feelings of connection and unity, giving individuals the comforting sense that they're not alone in their experiences or perspectives.

2. Purpose: Group affiliations often come with shared goals or missions, which can provide direction and purpose to individual members.

3. Self-worth: Affiliating with a group can boost self-esteem as individuals derive pride from group achievements and a positive group image.

4. Identity: Groups provide a framework to understand oneself in the context of a larger community. They can help define who you are based on shared attributes, values, or goals.

Stages

1. Social Categorization

This refers to the tendency of people to classify themselves and others into various social groups based on attributes like race, gender, nationality, or religion.

We categorize objects to understand them and identify them. In a very similar way, we categorize people (including ourselves) to understand the social environment. We use social categories like black, white, Australian, Christian, Muslim, student, and bus driver because they are useful.

Categorization helps individuals simplify the social environment but can also lead to stereotyping. If we can assign people to a category, that tells us things about those people.

Similarly, we find out things about ourselves by knowing what categories we belong to. We define appropriate behavior by referencing the norms of groups we belong to, but you can only do this if you can tell who belongs to your group. An individual can belong to many different groups.

For example, you have categorized yourself as a student, chances are you will adopt the identity of a student and begin to act the ways you believe student act.

2. Social Identification

Once individuals categorize themselves as members of a particular group, they adopt the identity of that group. This means they begin to see themselves in terms of group characteristics and adopt its norms, values, and behaviors.

If for example you have categorized yourself as a student, the chances are you will adopt the identity of a student and begin to act in the ways you believe students act (and conform to the norms of the group).

There will be an emotional significance to your identification with a group, and your self-esteem will become bound up with group membership.

3. Social Comparison

After categorizing and identifying with a group, individuals compare their group to others. This comparison is often biased in favor of one's own group, leading to in-group favoritism.

This is critical to understanding prejudice, because once two groups identify themselves as rivals, they are forced to compete in order for the members to maintain their self-esteem.

Competition and hostility between groups is thus not only a matter of competing for resources (like in Sherif's Robbers Cave) like jobs but also the result of competing identities.

4. In-group (us) and Out-group (them)

Within the context of SIT, the 'in-group' refers to the group with which an individual identifies, while 'out-group' pertains to groups they don't identify with.

The theory asserts that people have a natural inclination to perceive their in-group in a positive light while being neutral or even negative towards out-groups, thus enhancing their self-image.

5. Positive Distinctiveness

The desire for positive self-esteem will motivate one's in-group to be perceived as positively different or distinct from relevant out-groups.

Prejudiced views between cultures may result in racism; in its extreme forms, racism may result in genocide, such as occurred in Germany with the Jews, in Rwanda between the Hutus and Tutsis, and, more recently, in the former Yugoslavia between the Bosnians and Serbs.

Examples of In-groups and Out-groups

It's important to note that ingroups and outgroups are fluid concepts. The group an individual identifies with can change based on context, environment, or over time.

Moreover, everyone belongs to multiple ingroups across different facets of their identity. The categorization into ingroups and outgroups also plays a significant role in intergroup dynamics, biases, and conflicts.

Gender and Sexual Orientation:

Ingroup: LGBTQ+ individuals might feel a sense of belonging with others who identify similarly.

Outgroup: Heterosexual individuals or those who aren't supportive might be perceived as outgroups.

Implications

1. In-group Favoritism: Because individuals seek positive self-esteem, they are inclined to favor and promote their in-group at the expense of out-groups. This can manifest in various ways, from simple preference to allocating more resources to in-group members.

2. Stereotyping and Prejudice: By categorizing people into groups, there's a risk of overemphasizing similarities within groups and differences between them, leading to stereotyping. Coupled with the natural bias towards one's own group, this can foster prejudice against out-groups.

3. Intergroup Conflict: When competition or perceived threats exist between groups, or when resources are scarce, the dynamics described by SIT can intensify, leading to intergroup hostility and conflict.

4. Shifts in Group Membership: SIT suggests that if individuals feel their current group membership is not providing positive self-esteem, they may either seek to elevate the status of their current group or abandon it in favor of another group that offers a more positive identity.

5. Belonging: Being part of a group can instill feelings of connection and unity, giving individuals the comforting sense that they're not alone in their experiences or perspectives.

Applications

1. Reducing Prejudice: By recognizing the mechanisms that lead to in-group bias and out-group prejudice, interventions can be designed to foster intergroup understanding and cooperation.

2. Organizational Behavior: Within organizations, understanding group dynamics can be instrumental in team formation, conflict resolution, and promoting corporate identity.

3. Political and Social Movements: SIT can provide insights into the formation and mobilization of social or political groups, including understanding factors that lead to radicalization. Social identity theory is useful for political psychologists because it addresses intergroup relations, but it has limitations in explaining real-world political identities.

Key issues limiting social identity theory's application to politics are: 1) Choice in acquiring identities versus assigned identities; 2) Subjective meaning of identities rather than just boundaries; 3) Gradual strength of identification rather than just its existence; 4) Stability of identities over time rather than high fluidity.

Research priorities include: studying real-world political identities varying in strength; examining identity formation/development, not just consequences; understanding individual differences in adopting identities; and investigating the meaning of identities based on values, prototypes, valence for members, and contrast with outgroups.

Critical Evaluation

The social identity approach explains group phenomena based on social context, categorization, identity, norms, and status. It shed new light on old topics like crowd behavior, stereotyping, social influence, cohesion, and polarization with its emphasis on collective psychology.

The approach is one of the only broad meta-theories in social psychology that integrates concepts across an impressive range of domains.

The theory revolutionized the field of social psychology and had a major influence on research into prejudice, stereotyping, social influence, and intergroup conflict (Hornsey, 2008).

It has extensive empirical support. The minimal group paradigm remains a widely-used tool.

Yet theorists debate whether the original formulation oversimplified the complex relationship between personal and collective identity.

Depersonalization may also be overstated, as group members accept diverse opinions. The theory's breadth and multifaceted nature make it hard to falsify.

Critics argue it focuses more on ingroup favoritism than outgroup negativity. And its meta-theoretical scope sometimes comes at the cost of precise, testable hypotheses.

Recent evolutions in the social identity approach sought to address some limitations. Theorists now embrace a more nuanced perspective, acknowledging the interplay between personal and social identity. The self-concept is seen as fluid, with individuals shaping group norms as well as vice-versa.

Distinctiveness and belonging are recognized as concurrent human needs. This fueled research on subgroups, deviance, and the motivational significance of inclusion versus differentiation.

New research also expanded the outcomes examined to cover emotions and historical memory. It delved into the most inclusive level of human identity. Applications proliferated in justice, leadership, communication, politics, and especially organizational psychology.

The approach is increasingly prominent in understanding responses to stigmatized identities, collective action, political conflicts, and intergroup contact.

Ingroups are studied not as monoliths but as complex entities with dissenting voices. Overall, social identity theory remains vibrant and influential, broad-reaching across psychology.

Keep Learning

If your identity is a definition of who you are, then how does your affiliation with multiple groups affect it?

Can one truly understand the experiences of an outgroup without having been a part of it?

How do experiences of discrimination or privilege, based on social identities, shape an individual's understanding of societal structures?

In what ways does social identity contribute to societal cohesion, and conversely, societal division?

References

Huddy, L. (2001). From social to political identity: A critical examination of social identity theory. Political Psychology, 22(1), 127-156.

Tajfel, H., Turner, J. C., Austin, W. G., & Worchel, S. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. Organizational identity: A reader, 56-65.

Keep Learning

If your identity is a definition of who you are, then how does your affiliation with multiple groups affect it?

Can one truly understand the experiences of an outgroup without having been a part of it?

How do experiences of discrimination or privilege, based on social identities, shape an individual's understanding of societal structures?

In what ways does social identity contribute to societal cohesion, and conversely, societal division?

Sources:

Billig, M., & Tajfel, H. (1973). Social categorization and similarity in inter-group behavior. European
Journal of Social Psychology, 3, 27-52.

Brewer, M. B. (1979). In-group bias in the minimal inter-group situation: A cognitive motivational
analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 86, 307-324.

Brown, R. (2000). Social identity theory: Past achievements, current problems and future challenges. European journal of social psychology, 30(6), 745-778.

Deaux, K. (1993). Reconstructing social identity. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 19, 4-12.

Ethier, K. A., & Deaux, K. (1994). Negotiating social identity when contexts change: Maintaining
identification and responding to threat. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67,
243-251.

Huddy, L. (2001). From social to political identity: A critical examination of social identity theory. Political Psychology, 22(1), 127-156.

Flippen, A. R., Hornstein, H. A., Siegal, W. E., & Weitzman, E. A. (1996). A comparison of similarity
and interdependence as triggers for in-group formation. Personality and Social Psychology
Bulletin, 22, 882-893.

Hogg, M. A., Terry, D. J., & White, K. M. (1995). A tale of two theories: A critical comparison of
identity theory with social learning theory. Social Psychology Quarterly, 58, 255-269.

Huddy, L. (2001). From social to political identity: A critical examination of social identity theory. Political Psychology, 22(1), 127-156.

Jackson, J. W., & Smith, E. R. (1999). Conceptualizing social identity: A new framework and evidence
for the impact of different dimensions. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 25, 120-135.

Karasawa, M. (1991). Toward an assessment of social identity: The structure of group identification
and its effects on in-group evaluations. British Journal of Social Psychology, 30, 293-307.

Mummendey, A., & Schreiber, H. J. (1984). "Different" just means "better": Some obvious and some
hidden pathways to in-group favouritism. British Journal of Social Psychology, 23, 363-368.

Noel, J. G., Wann, D. L., & Branscombe, N. R. (1995). Peripheral ingroup membership status and public
negativity toward outgroups. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 68, 127-137.

Tajfel, H., Turner, J. C., Austin, W. G., & Worchel, S. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. Organizational identity: A reader, 56-65.

Tajfel, H., Billig, M. G., & Bundy, R. P. (1971). Social categorization and intergroup behavior.
European Journal of Social Psychology, 1, 149-178.

Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S.
Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33-48). Monterey, CA:
Brooks/Cole.

Olivia Guy-Evans, MSc
BSc (Hons) Psychology, MSc Psychology of Education

Associate Editor for Simply Psychology

Olivia Guy-Evans is a writer and associate editor for Simply Psychology. She has previously worked in healthcare and educational sectors.

Saul Mcleod, PhD
Educator, Researcher

BSc (Hons) Psychology, MRes, PhD, University of Manchester

Saul Mcleod, Ph.D., is a qualified psychology teacher with over 18 years experience of working in further and higher education. He has been published in peer-reviewed journals, including the Journal of Clinical Psychology.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Social Identity Theory In Psychology (Tajfel & Turner, 1979)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Social Identity Theory, proposed by Henri Tajfel and John Turner in the 1970s, posits that individuals derive a portion of their self-concept from their membership in social groups. The theory seeks to explain the cognitive processes and social conditions underlying intergroup behaviors, especially those related to prejudice, bias, and discrimination.

# data[].attributes.headline
The importance of ethnic identity development 

# data[].attributes.subject
The importance of ethnic identity development 

# data[].attributes.body
With some few exceptions, ethnic and racial identity development is associated positively with good psychological outcomes, psycho-social outcomes (e.g., better self-beliefs, less depressive symptoms), academic outcomes (e.g., better engagement in school), and health outcomes (e.g., less risk of risky sexual behavior or drug use).

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
What is ETHNIC IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT? What does ETHNIC IDENTITY DEVELOPMENT mean?

# data[].attributes.body
Young BAME men, the police and stop and search

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The disproportionate representation in public care of children and young people from some minority ethnic groups has long been documented, but their subsequent life chances and experiences after leaving care have been largely neglected by researchers. This new study, based on a survey of 261 young people including 36 interviews, by Ravinder Barn, Linda Andrew and Nadia Mantovani at Royal Holloway, University of London, explored the post-care experiences of young people from diverse ethnic backgrounds. The main findings of the study are:

Many young people experienced disruption and disadvantage during and after care; however white young people fared the worst in terms of placement instability, early departure from care, poor educational outcomes, homelessness, and risk taking behaviour including criminal activity and drug use.

Caribbean and mixed-parentage young people were also at a high risk of disadvantage. However, placements in families which reflected their own ethnic background helped to instil stability and counter the effects of disruption for some Caribbean youngsters.

School exclusion, placement instability, and lack of appropriate encouragement and support were key contributory influences in the poor educational outcomes for white, Caribbean and mixed-parentage young people.

Lack of adequate consultation, poor planning and support, and the fast pace of change required of them by the social services proved to be disempowering for many young people leading to adverse after care experiences in housing, budgeting, and the job market.

Asian and African young people arrived in care as adolescents, and experienced least instability in placement and education. Asian young people also reported highest levels of satisfaction with their social worker.

Asylum-seeking young people demonstrated considerable resilience and determination and were reported to be doing particularly well in education.

Many of the Caribbean, African and Asian young people were generally self-assured and secure in their individual and ethnic group identity. Living in a multi-racial locality was cited as an important factor.

Many young people reported continued support from their foster carers.

Help and support from social services after leaving care was described as variable, and lacking in focus and effect.

Social services were also said to have played a minimal role in the development and maintenance of racial and ethnic identity; and in equipping young people to deal with racism.

Background

There is much research evidence documenting the marginalisation and social exclusion of care leavers in a range of areas concerning transition to adulthood and independence. However, due to a lack of focus on the needs and concerns of minority ethnic care leavers, there has been a serious gap in our knowledge and understanding about the situation of these youngsters. The impetus for this study, therefore, came from a serious paucity of research evidence into how care leavers from minority ethnic groups are prepared for leaving care and their experiences after care. The study reveals a complex picture of ethnicity and disadvantage.

This study documents the findings concerning the post-care experiences of 261 minority ethnic and white young people in England. The research comprised both quantitative and qualitative approaches to explore a number of key areas including education, employment and training, housing and homelessness, crime and delinquency, identity, and preparation and after care support. The views and experiences of social work professionals provide a contrasting picture of the process of preparation for leaving care, and after care.

Disadvantaged transitions

Although many young people value the time spent in public care, there has been much concern about the role of the local authority as a 'corporate parent' in meeting the challenges of poor pre-care experiences and in providing sufficient post-care services to reduce social exclusion. It has been documented that, upon leaving care, many young people experience poor levels of educational attainment and high levels of unemployment, poverty and isolation.

The findings indicate that white young people experienced the worst outcomes, both during their time in care and after leaving care, in relation to placement disruption, educational attainment, homelessness, and risk taking behaviour including criminal activity, and drug use. Caribbean and mixed parentage young people were also amongst those who were at a higher risk of disadvantage. However, the study provides some useful insights into their particular experiences. For example, whilst both Caribbean and mixed parentage young people experienced lengthy periods in care, the former achieved greater levels of stable, same-race placements. They were also more likely to be living in multi-racial areas. Also, whilst young people from white, Caribbean and mixed-parentage backgrounds experienced high rates of school exclusion, the Caribbean grouping were more likely to go on to college for further study to obtain educational qualifications. However, in spite of this, they still experienced high rates of unemployment. Mixed-parentage young people, on the other hand, not only spent lengthy periods in care, but also experienced severe disruption in placements and their education outcomes were poor. African and Asian groups emerged as experiencing most stability in care and in education. Many of these young people entered care as adolescents and therefore spent a shorter period being looked after. Many of the African and Asian young people had had stable care placements. They were also least likely to report being excluded from school. Asian young people also reported the highest levels of satisfaction with their social worker.

The disparate outcomes of these groups are linked to length of time in care, placement and school disruption (including exclusion) and teenage parenthood. A quarter of the sample of 261 were young parents, and four out of ten young women (predominantly white) were mothers. Many of the young mothers reported a lack of educational qualifications. Compared to other groups, care leavers from white, Caribbean and mixed-parentage backgrounds are severely disadvantaged over a long period of time. By the age at which they leave care, the accumulation of such overwhelming and long-term disadvantages affects subsequent life-chances.

Racial disadvantage, prejudice and patterns of cultural support

The quantitative research undertaken helped highlight a number of issues concerning the experience of minority ethnic young people while being looked after, being prepared for leaving and eventually leaving care. The qualitative study focused on experiences after care. However, some respondents did comment on both prejudice and discrimination they had experienced when in care. More specifically they believed they were not always given appropriate cultural and racial support during placements in residential and foster care. For young people seeking asylum, especially, uncertainty about their legal status and their prospects left them unsettled and highly vulnerable to stereotyping and racism on a daily basis. Yet social work professionals commented favourably on the tenacity of asylum-seekers in trying to put trauma and adversity behind them and work towards a positive future for themselves.

The study also highlights particular issues around white and mixed-parentage identity. Those classified in these two categories came from a range of different cultural backgrounds. Those who identified as 'white' included some young people with an Irish/East European/Romany, and Indian/white family heritage. Several young people who, had classified themselves as having a 'mixed parentage' described how they had experienced the process of belonging to one or both/multiple ethnic groups. Others described how, much of the time they had been "passing for white". Many reported a lack of exposure to a positive framework around race and ethnicity that could have provided them with a secure base regarding individual and group ethnic identity. Nearly half had been placed in white families and a third with Caribbean families.

By contrast, Caribbean, African and Asian young people were generally self-assured and secure in their individual and ethnic group identity. Living in a multi-racial locality was cited as an important factor.

Perhaps surprisingly, only one of the local authorities had a specific policy for service provision for minority ethnic young people or had made a concerted attempt to make equal opportunities issues central to their pattern of provision and sensitive to the distinctive needs of children from minority ethnic groups. This is required by the 1989 Children Act and the Race Relations (Amendment) Act 2000.

Agencies recognised the importance of matching young people with social workers from the same ethnic background. Many reported that, were the young person to request this, they would comply. Young people, on the other hand, seemed less concerned with ethnic matching than with the quality of the worker. However, young people did comment on the importance of appropriate matching with their after-care worker. They thought this increased the likelihood of them being given appropriate and sensitive preparation and support for independent living. Practitioners commented that some of the assessment and action records used, particularly in the transition planning process, were mechanistic and provided insufficient scope for a sophisticated exploration of race and ethnicity.

Preparation for leaving care

Preparation for leaving care and after-care support have been the subject of significant change under new guidance and regulations accompanying the Children (Leaving Care) Act (C(LC)A) 2000, which came into effect in September 2001. Many of the respondents to both the questionnaire survey and those interviewed would have undertaken 'pathway planning' and received support as covered by the Act. The aim of the reforms was to bring the process of moving 'looked after' children to independent living more in line with the experience of other children, where the main transitions between youth and adulthood are both protracted and later than in previous decades.

On some of the key areas concerning transitions, including housing, employment and finance, there were no observed differences between the different ethnic groups in reporting preparation and help. However, around half of all groups did not recall getting help and advice on some of the most basic issues, such as housing, careers, claiming benefits, budgeting skills and cooking. Despite the intention of the C(LC)A 2000, many of the sample felt swept along by the fast pace of change required of them after the age of 16. Many were required to live independently shortly thereafter with little time to adapt. Many young people reported finding their 'pathway plans' disappointing - although these are intended to empower young people by encouraging them to enter into dialogue with professional workers in identifying their needs. Many thought they were given no choice but to accept unsuitable accommodation or none at all. As well as being disempowering, these 'forced choices' resulted in young people feeling isolated and lonely, often in accommodation and communities in which they felt lost and afraid.

Over half the sample lived alone. This figure was even higher amongst African and Caribbean groups, where seven out of ten lived on their own. Very few respondents had integrated well into their local communities. Some expressed their uncertainty and lack of skill and knowledge about achieving this. Others were content to keep local people at a distance. Their sense of loneliness and isolation was palpable as they knew very few individuals in the neighbourhood. For some, the strategy of self-isolation seemed to be a defence mechanism to avoid getting in with the 'wrong crowd'. Overall, young women were more critical of social worker support than young men. They were also less likely to report receiving help and support in claiming benefit and careers advice. There were some differences between the ways in which the different local authority areas arranged such support. The majority of professionals interviewed thought that young people leaving care were routinely appraised of their entitlements and that many of the anomalies which had existed prior to the implementation of the C(LC)A (such as very different allocations made through leaving care grants) had now been replaced by a more comprehensive needs assessment. Yet young people remained concerned. The accumulation of debt, threats to their tenancies and their inability to avoid this through careful budgeting were issues of continuing concern. On the positive side, many reported continued support from their foster carers, although this often depended upon an established good relationship between the young person and foster carer. In this sense it was based upon goodwill rather than being contractual.

Conclusion

At a time when the Children (Leaving Care) Act 2000 is being heralded as an important step to support care leavers, this research indicates that major challenges might still need to be acknowledged and met regarding the complexity of ethnicity and disadvantage. The research suggests that as 'corporate parents', local authority social services departments must actively seek to reduce disruption and instability to avoid social exclusion and accumulative disadvantage in the lives of young people.

About the project

The research study is based on a survey of 261 (16- to 21-year-old) young people including a significant number from minority ethnic groups (44 per cent). Six local authorities participated in the study - three London Boroughs and three local authorities in the North and Midlands. The London authorities were chosen to reflect a mix of different ethnic groups. One of the northern cities also had a sizable Pakistani population. Interviews were also conducted with 36 young people and 13 professional workers and their managers to explore their views and experiences.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
The experiences of young care leavers from different ethnic groups

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The disproportionate representation in public care of children and young people from some minority ethnic groups has long been documented, but their subsequent life chances and experiences after leaving care have been largely neglected by researchers.

# data[].attributes.headline
Marcus Rashford (Man Utd) takes to Twitter to support black teenager.

# data[].attributes.subject
Marcus Rashford (Man Utd) takes to Twitter to support black teenager.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
A black boy was taunted by white youths who shouted 'kiss my shoes' in a clip posted to social media.

The Snapchat video, which has been viewed more than 1.5 million times on Twitter also, shows a white teenage boy and a white teenage girl repeatedly shouting at the black boy to kneel and kiss their shoes.

The boy is slapped by the male youth twice in the 45-second long footage.

During the video, the white teenager shouts: "Kiss my shoe now. No-one is going to back you."

He also says: "Kiss my fresh Air Force One Pro I paid £120 for."

West Yorkshire Police said two teenagers had been arrested after a video was reported to them on Wednesday.

The force said it appeared the video had been filmed at Holmfirth Cricket Club, near Huddersfield, West Yorkshire, earlier this week.

The footage provoked outrage on social media and a local barber posted a message saying it had sacked a member of staff in response.

Manchester United and England striker Marcus Rashford used Twitter to say he had "no words to describe" the actions of the teenagers.

He told the victim: "I got you my guy, always. I appreciate the love and support you send me constantly. Keep that head of yours high. Love, your friend, MR."

Chief Superintendent Julie Sykes said on Thursday: "We were made aware last night of a serious incident at Holmfirth Cricket Club following the posting of a video on social media, and have been conducting urgent inquiries regarding what has taken place.

"A male aged 17 has been arrested on suspicion of racially aggravated common assault and a female aged 16 has been arrested on suspicion of a racially aggravated public order offence. They are both currently in police custody.

"We are supporting the victim and his family and working closely with local partner agencies as we conduct a full investigation into what has taken place."

Leader of Kirklees Council Shabir Pandor said: "Let me be perfectly clear. Racism and any other kind of discrimination or bullying does not have any place here in Kirklees.

"I've seen a video which has been shared on social media and I'm absolutely appalled.

"We're really concerned about this incident and we fully support West Yorkshire Police, who have acted swiftly and have arrested two people in relation to it. We will do all we can to help with this investigation.

"We have also reached out to the victim in this video and will do everything we can to support them. In Kirklees, our biggest strength is our diversity and I could not be prouder of that."

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Black boy taunted by white youths shouting 'kiss my shoes' as two teens arrested

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
A black boy was taunted by white youths who shouted 'kiss my shoes' in a clip posted to social media. The Snapchat video, which has been viewed more than 1.5 million times on Twitter also, shows a white teenage boy and a white teenage girl repeatedly shouting at the black boy to kneel and kiss their shoes.

# data[].attributes.body
Children’s books still neglect BAME readers, finds study

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Call this inclusive? Why only 4% of kids' book heroes are BAME

# data[].attributes.headline
Campaign in football is experiencing a spotlight due to the death of George Floyd and the wider issue of systemic racism. Links to opportunity and inclusion.

# data[].attributes.subject
Campaign in football is experiencing a spotlight due to the death of George Floyd and the wider issue of systemic racism. Links to opportunity and inclusion.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
Kick It Out was established as a campaign with the brand name 'Let's Kick Racism Out of Football' in 1993 and as an organisation in 1997. The organisation works within the football, educational and community sectors to challenge discrimination, encourage inclusive practices and work for positive change.

The campaign is supported and funded by the game's governing bodies, including founding body the Professional Footballers' Association (PFA), the Premier League and the Football Association (FA).

Internationally Kick It Out plays a leading role in the Football Against Racism in Europe (FARE) network and has been cited as an example of good practice by the European governing body UEFA, the world governing body FIFA, the Council of Europe, the European Commission, European parliamentarians and the British Council.

Former footballer Paul Elliott left his role at Kick It Out on 23 February 2013, following a reported text conversation in which "discriminatory abusive comments" were made to fellow former footballer Richard Rufus.

Kick It Out provides a facility for football lovers to report incidents of abuse, both via its website, and through a mobile phone app. It also works closely with other organisations to raise awareness of the impact of social media upon football-related hate crime and positively influence users. Many of Kick It Out's campaigns focus upon actions to promote equality, diversity, understanding and tolerance through community action throughout football, from grassroots to professional level. Kick it Out enjoys a mutually supportive relationship with the Football Supporters' Federation.

In April 2019, Kick It Out is supporting manifesto that is, "calling for a fundamental change in how football's authorities tackle racism and discrimination." This campaign is supported by Raheem Sterling, Eniola Aluko, and Sadiq Khan.

Following the COVID-19 pandemic in the United Kingdom with black men and women were nearly twice as likely to die with COVID-19 as white people, Kick It Out's head of development, Troy Townsend, voiced his concerns regarding the restart of the Premier League following its suspension due to the outbreak of the virus. At the time black players represented over a quarter of all players in the league.

Kick It Out continues to lead and co-ordinate equality and diversity training for professional footballers at all levels. It also provides support in the form of mentoring for young people who aspire to careers in the football industry through its annual Raise Your Game conferences as, well as working closely to promote equality and diversity within the amateur game.

In 2015 Kick It Out entered into a partnership with Southampton Solent University to provide the Equality and Diversity in Football Award. This course of study aims to develop participants' understanding of the issues which impact on the promotion of equality and the development of diversity in football, as well as providing an opportunity to identify and enhance the personal qualities and skills that are essential to effective leadership. [2]

Kick It Out has come under criticism from ethnic minorities in the industry for not having a big enough impact on the punishment of players and fans convicted of racist abuse. In the autumn of 2012, at the end of a footballing week marred by racial abuse and violence in an international under-21 fixture between England and Serbia, the campaign organised for Premier League players to wear shirts bearing the organisation's logo before their matches. However, the directive was boycotted by several black players, including Manchester United's Rio Ferdinand, Manchester City's Micah Richards and Reading's Jason Roberts, in protest against the lack of action by the organisation in the wake of high-profile cases of footballers racially abusing their opponents during matches. Following that incident, Manchester City player Joleon Lescott refused to wear the Kick It Out T-shirt before games. This follows his involvement with an FA inquiry into alleged racial abuse against Everton player Joseph Yobo by Newcastle United's Emre Belözoğlu in 2006. Although Lescott had given written evidence, Emre escaped punishment.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
Kick It Out was established as a campaign with the brand name 'Let's Kick Racism Out of Football' in 1993 and as an organisation in 1997. The organisation works within the football, educational and community sectors to challenge discrimination, encourage inclusive practices and work for positive change.

# data[].attributes.body
Sport can be a great divider and a great uniter. It also provides a major source of opportunity for potential career. Inclusion is always important but particularly important to adolescents.

# data[].attributes.headline
Racial discrimination and the justice system

# data[].attributes.subject
Racial discrimination and the justice system

# data[].attributes.body
Also see the Lammy Report (2016)

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
The Metropolitan police may be overly targeting black and ethnic minority youths as gang members, resulting in them being treated more harshly by the courts, prisons and justice system, a review has found.

The concerns centre on figures showing nearly 90% of youths classed as gang members by Britain's largest force are black or from other ethnic minority backgrounds (BAME) - which is considerably in excess of their proportion in the population.

The review is being led by the Labour MP David Lammy and was ordered by David Cameron when he was prime minister. The work continues despite the change in Downing Street.

Concerns centre around the Met's database of gang suspects, called the gangs matrix. Figures for 2016 show that of the 3,626 people listed on that database, 78% were black and a further 9% were from other ethnic minority backgrounds. Ethnic minorities make up 40% of London's population.

The figures cover people known to be in a gang, suspected of involvement, or at risk of joining a gang. Lammy said the effects are that someone can get a longer sentence and be treated more harshly throughout the criminal justice system.

In a speech, he said some cases may be mistaken, with youths wrongly labelled as gang members not knowing how to be cleared of the stigma.

Speaking in London last Friday, Lammy gave the first clues as to the direction in which his review is heading. He said: "We have, therefore, a journey through the system in which suspected gang membership can affect decisions at each turn, from charging, to conviction, to sentencing, to treatment in prison and rehabilitation in the community.

"And we have the gang matrix as the source of much of the information used by other actors in the justice system. Prisoners I have spoken to in both adult prisons and youth offending institutions have often been frank about their involvement in criminality.

"But the same people have often also been insistent that they were mislabelled as gang members by the police and then subsequently by the rest of the justice system."

For the Met's figures to be correct, there would have to be 360 white gang members across all of London's 32 boroughs.

The issue was referenced by Theresa May when she took office last Wednesday. In her speech outside 10 Downing Street she highlighted racial discrimination in the justice system and said: "If you're black, you're treated more harshly by the criminal justice system than if you're white."

Lammy gave the example of a parent who adopted one black and one white child. Both got into trouble and enmeshed into the criminal justice system. "But it was the black child who had wrongly been tagged with the label of 'gang member' and the label had stuck," the MP said. "The parent and his adopted son had no idea how to remove the label - and his name from the gangs matrix."

Lammy added: "One member of a youth offending team told me that her team would routinely make decisions based on the information they were given about gang membership.

"Decisions, she said, were being made without challenging where the information came from, or whether it was reliable and up to date."

The full report is expected to be given to May early next year. Lammy's inquiry is being staffed and supported by civil servants in a sign of how seriously the government is taking it.

Lammy said gang members carry out half of all shootings in the capital and he said many victims came from ethnic minority backgrounds. But the MP added: "But the concern I have heard - repeatedly I must say - is that young people from ethnic minority backgrounds are also being tagged with the 'gang' label in ways they do not feel is justified; and that this tag can have real consequences for the way the criminal justice system deals with those individuals."

Lammy is the MP for Tottenham and Wood Green - the seat of riots in 2011 that spread to become the worst in modern English history. Cameron's claims that gangs were behind the disturbances was overplayed, with strained relations with police and other social factors playing a part.

Lammy said: "When four in five people on the gangs matrix are black - and that database currently informs decisions throughout the criminal justice system - it is something that someone in my position has a duty to scrutinise closely."
Topics

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Met 'may be overly targeting BAME youths as gang members'

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
The Metropolitan police may be overly targeting black and ethnic minority youths as gang members, resulting in them being treated more harshly by the courts, prisons and justice system, a review has found.

# data[].attributes.body
This resource aims to provide practitioners working with children and families affected by ill health and disability with information, resources and links to help develop and implement best policy and practice for services to identify and support black and minority ethnic young carers and their families.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
This resource aims to provide practitioners working with children and families affected by ill health and disability with information, resources and links to help develop and implement best policy and practice for services to identify and support black and minority ethnic young carers and their families.

This site was originally funded by the Department of Health in order to provide an understanding of the needs of black and minority ethnic family carers and best practice support.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
This resource aims to provide practitioners working with children and families affected by ill health and disability with information, resources and links to help develop and implement best policy and practice for services to identify and support black and minority ethnic young carers and their families.

# data[].attributes.body
A university professor is calling for a national strategy to tackle inequalities that mean young black, Asian and minority ethnic (BAME) people are less likely to access mental health services early.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
A university professor is calling for a national strategy to tackle inequalities that mean young black, Asian and minority ethnic (BAME) people are less likely to access mental health services early.

Young people in this group are twice as likely as their white British peers to be compelled to access mental health help, such as via the courts, social workers, custodial settings or probation, according to the research from the Anna Freud National Centre for Children and Families.

By contrast, white British young people are most likely to access help voluntarily through their GP and other primary healthcare providers, the research paper Ethnic Differences in Referral Routes to Youth Mental Health Services, shows.

Researchers collected data from 14,588 young people who accessed child and adolescent mental health services (CAMHS) and looked at referral routes for different ethnicities.

The authors claim the research has important implications for service planning, responses to mental health need, understanding of diversity and the planning of access to services by different ethnic groups.

They are calling for CAMHS and other referral organisations to prioritise early identification and support for young people from minority ethnic backgrounds.

Report co-author Dr Julian Edbrooks-Childs, associate professor of clinical, educational and health psychology at University College London, said: "The findings of the present study suggest that young people from minority ethnic backgrounds were more likely to be referred through different routes such as social care/youth justice compared with white British majority young people.

"Understanding the reasons for these differences is critical for reducing inequalities and improving pathways to mental health care access in young people.

"National and local policy and practice guidelines should prioritise engagement between youth mental health services and local referring organisations to ensure early identification and appropriate intervention for young people from minority ethnic backgrounds."

Among white British young people, one in 20 are referred to CAMHS from social care or youth justice routes.

However, the proportion doubles to two in every 20 among mixed-race, Asian and black young people.

Half of all referrals among white British young people are through a primary healthcare professional such as a GP, the research found.

But the proportion falls to eight for every 20 among referrals of mixed-race children and seven in every 20 children of Asian and black heritage who are referred to CAMHS.

Research published in December suggests that BAME young people are more likely to refer themselves voluntarily to informal support provided by specifically trained youth workers than that provided in more formal settings such as CAMHS.

The research, looking at the experiences of more than 2,000 young people accessing charity-run mental health services found that more informal settings are seen as less stigmatising and are also being provided in more accessible locations.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
Call to boost BAME engagement with youth mental health services

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
A university professor is calling for a national strategy to tackle inequalities that mean young black, Asian and minority ethnic (BAME) people are less likely to access mental health services early.

# data[].attributes.body
Specific issues for BME families:

Young carers are 1.5 times as likely to be from BAME communities, and twice as likely to not speak English as a first language.

BAME groups as a whole are more likely to report and experience ill health than white British people.

People from marginalised groups, including BAME households, are at greater risk of developing mental health problems.

Recent studies have found that BME carers may not access support because they are often unaware that such support exists.4

# data[].attributes.headline
Supporting Black and Minority Ethnic Children and Young People Experiencing Child Sexual Exploitation 

# data[].attributes.subject
Supporting Black and Minority Ethnic Children and Young People Experiencing Child Sexual Exploitation 

# data[].attributes.body
Guidance for Professionals

# data[].attributes.body
Due to the difficulties of accessing culturally sensitive and inclusive services, BAME families often experience the escalation of minor problems which cause family breakdown.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.readable_text
"SOMETIMES, I wish I was like other kids, because being in care messes with my emotions. I've always wanted my own family, friends, room, and most of all my own privacy in a home I can call my own. Instead, I'm moved around the country until carers are fed up of me.

"I've been with carers who have hit and abused me and I've cried so many times I've lost count. They all say the right things and put a show on in front of social workers, but when they actually get a kid like me, it's a different story. It's not my fault my parents couldn't manage, but now because of them, I'm just another kid in care."

This is the experience of 16-year-old Ayesha Richards, a looked-after black child from Walthamstow, east London. She was taken into care at the age of seven when her parents' marriage broke down in 2008. Unfortunately, since then she has not been in a stable home.

Sadly, Richards' case is not unique. Statistics taken from the Department for Education (DfE) last year suggest that black and minority ethnic (BAME) children like Ayesha are hugely over-represented in the care system, making up just over 16 per cent of all Looked-after Children and Young People (LACAYP) even though people of African Caribbean descent make up three per cent of the population as a whole.

Breakdown

Often, children enter the care system as a result of family breakdown, abuse, neglect, alcoholism, domestic violence or refugee status, yet instead of the care system being a safe haven for these kids, their lives are turned upside down.

Due to the difficulties of accessing culturally sensitive and inclusive services, BAME families often experience the escalation of minor problems which cause family breakdown. Single parenthood and an unstable home environment are likely to bring BAME families into contact with children's services more often than families from other groups. Studies have shown that when they do enter the care system, they often have to contend with racial and cultural stereotypes which in turn feed into institutional racism.

According to the Social Care Institute for Excellence (SCIE):

"Foster children from ethnic minority groups have particular emotional and behavioural needs in addition to those of other children".

However, new research suggests the social care system is hugely failing to meet those needs.

Dr. Sinclair Coward, from Buckinghamshire New University, who conducted the research by interviewing black and dual-heritage LACAYP as well as black social workers, identified a range of challenges. According to his research, three issues need immediate attention: the first is the lack of genuinely warm relationships that BAME children experience with foster carers and social workers, which negatively impacts on their emotional well-being.

Insensitive

The second is the 'horrible' school experiences black and dual-heritage LACAYP suffer, especially in their relationships with teachers who are described as being 'insensitive', 'prejudicial' and 'judgmental'.

Finally, there is a lack of attention paid to the cultural and ethnic background of these young people by the social work professionals whose job it is to care for the 'whole' child, and not just their physical needs.

"These issues have come about as a result of the system's inability to focus on the particular needs of different groups under its care and protection. This universalising of experience treats all looked-after young people as homogenous whereas some groups have specific needs that need addressing," Coward says.
Warmth
"Why is it that some foster carers - irrespective of ethnic background - fail to provide genuine care to black children?

"The young people themselves suspect that foster carers are motivated more by the money available for the job than a wish to genuinely care for them. It also raises the question of how keen are caregivers to form emotional bonds and have young people feel that they belong to their substitute family?

"Carers urgently need to find culturally acceptable ways to communicate warmth and affection to black looked-after children and young people."

He adds:

"My work has taken me to children's homes around south London. Here I witnessed children who had emotional and behavioural difficulties and it struck me how the needs of this group were being overlooked. Government reports later confirmed this and that sparked an interest for me to look into this deeper and get the perspective of the young people involved.

"These young people deserve better. It's up to those who can help to do so. It's a moral imperative."

According to Leah Bailey, a social worker from west London, there are many actions social workers can take in their everyday interactions with looked-after children to make a difference.
Therapy
"People [social workers, carers and policy makers] don't put enough emphasis on the emotional damage about separation and loss. These kids leave care and can't move forward. I think black children need therapeutic input from day one, from the day they go into care. Social workers and foster carers need to be trained in a way that they are constantly working in a therapeutic way.

"I don't mean that the kids are sent to therapy, but in your everyday interactions you need to be using therapeutic talk."

Coward says:

"There is a lack of will and lack of recognition that it is needed which is why this training is not happening. These children, if they are lucky, get referred to Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services for therapy, which is another story altogether as that service is described as being in a state of 'crisis' and is struggling to meet the needs of the large numbers of young people now presenting with mental health issues, let alone meeting the needs of black and dual heritage young people."

The term 'looked after' also includes unaccompanied asylum seeking children, those children placed with friends and family, children who are compulsorily accommodated through being remanded or those subject to a criminal justice supervision order with a residence requirement.

Over the last year, there has been a significant a rise in the numbers from some minority ethnic groups, in particular 'any other ethnic group', 'African' and 'any other Asian background' - excluding Indian, Pakistani or Bangladeshi - who fall into the looked-after category. Recent research suggests that there is likely to be an increase in the numbers of unaccompanied asylum seeking children arriving in England, who make up six per cent of the numbers of LACAYP.

SCIE recommends that these children are placed in an environment where they can develop an understanding of their own culture and receive support in dealing with racism and discrimination. It also recommends that black and dual heritage children need to make sense of their history and will need extra help with this if placed with white carers. In line with this research, the Voice of Child in Care, a 2004 report, noted the positive impact of black young people in care expressing pride in their heritage.
Emotions
"They want to know about their history, to learn about black achievers and to have positive black role models who have not subjugated blackness for achievement and status.

"They want to keep links with their families and to feel secure and comfortable in their skins and in the company of other black and minority people. But sadly, for many young people, the realities of living in care are not pretty.

"They say foster carers are not meant to be emotionally attached to the child. Rubbish," says 17-year-old Lamont Teale.

"You can't have a child and not be attached to them. That's why many kids in care are so messed up - they lose touch with their emotions.

"You don't feel things - you don't feel happy, you don't cry. For me it's proper weird.

"I haven't cried for 10 years.

"When I see people crying over a death I say 'why are you crying?' - and then I say to myself I'm pretty messed up.

"A good friend of mine died recently. I'd known him since he was a child and I couldn't cry. I was at the funeral just standing there and I couldn't feel anything."

Coward intends to continue sharing the findings of his work in a bid to start a much-needed conversation about the care system. Most importantly, he aims to liaise with local authorities in an effort to implement changes on the ground that can inform practice across the social care sector and positively impact on the experiences of young BAME people.

"The hope is that through this research I can raise awareness and understanding on this issue, which in turn will influence policy and practice, and impact meaningfully on the outcomes for black and dual heritage looked-after children."

Read every story in our hardcopy newspaper for free by downloading the app.

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.title
How the care system is letting down black children | The Voice Online

# data[].attributes.attachment_link.description
"SOMETIMES, I wish I was like other kids, because being in care messes with my emotions. I've always wanted my own family, friends, room, and most of all my own privacy in a home I can call my own. Instead, I'm moved around the country until carers are fed up of me.

# data[].attributes.body
BAME disadvantage in the labour market

# data[].attributes.body
William E. Cross
Thomas A. Parham
5 stage theory
Pre - encounter (Stage 1) - Identity based on mainstream values - pro white/anti black
Encounter (Stage 2) - Re-evaluation of racial identity
Immersion/Emersion (Stage 3) - Immersion in black culture - pro black identity
Internalisation (Stage 4) - intellectual/emotional acceptance of being black
Internalisation/Commitment (Stage 5) - Taking self acceptance into activism, become involved in social change/civil rights issues.