# data[].attributes.body
1867
"These Indians," he explained, "divided into or belonging to different tribes, and speaking different dialects, are peaceful, docile, and generally inclined to work, but strongly addicted to their own habits, ways and customs. Only through white immigration and the leadership of a light-skinned elite, such men argued, could the nation overcome its
backward Indian majority." Emma Jauregui

# data[].attributes.body
1985
"The Canal Zone was only the most visible example of an expansive U.S. empire that was transplanting its domestic racial and labor practices throughout the Caribbean Basin, including the north coast of Guatemala." Emma Jauregui

# data[].attributes.body
Nevertheless, United Fruit's policy of racial segmenatation ensured that it's workforce remained internally divided. As a result, when a large strike erupted on the north coast in February 1923, ladino laborers focused their anger not on United Fruit but on their black coworkers. Pg 619

Vladimir Terrones

# data[].attributes.body
On 3 October 1909, for example,

Puerto Barrios residentjosé Molina Flores complained that, on his family's lands,

"there have been introduced various Jamaicans with dark color and kinky hair for

the purpose of cultivating various plants and especially bananas." He demanded

that municipal authorities evict the undesirable residents. (Pg 607, Colby)
-Cameron Xiao

# data[].attributes.body
By the mid-i88os, U.S. contractors

had completed rail lines from Guatemala's western coffee lands to its Pacific

coast. But the Pacific ports were too shallow for efficient commerce, and

steamship service remained unreliable.
(Pg 602, Colby)
- Cameron Xiao

# data[].attributes.body
African Americans who struck or fled their labor camps risked repression from a Guatemalan state determined to have its railroad. This was particularly evident during a three-year strike by railroad workers from 1898 to 1901, which heightened antiblack hostility among Guatemalan elites and officials.

Vladimir Terrones

# data[].attributes.body
"All they really needed to meet this demand was more land and more labor. So Keith began traveling to other countries in Central and South America - Guatemala, Honduras, Colombia - making deals with their governments. He'd help them build infrastructure like he'd done in Costa Rica if they gave him land, and they agreed." Unfortunately the beautiful country of Honduras was another conquest of Keiths as he pushed to dominate south america.

-Isaac M

# data[].attributes.body
"United Fruit remained ruthless in its mission. In partnership with the U.S. government, it would go on to overthrow the government of Guatemala in the 1950s, and in the 1960s, it participated in the Bay of Pigs invasion of Cuba, an attempt to overthrow Fidel Castro, which led to the Cuban Missile Crisis. " The United Fruits push for dominance even came to the point where it wanted to overthrow a government to get its way.
-Isaac M

# data[].attributes.body
And as in Panama, Hispanic residents resented this Jim Crow colonialism.
American discrimination toward Hispanics clashed sharply with ladinos own notions of racial hierarchy and nationalism. Since the 1870's, Liberal elites had encourage ed ladinos to view themselves as the core identity of the nation, superior to the mayan majority. Yet in the banana enclave, with few exceptions they found themselves on the "colored" side of the color line. Such conditions encouraged not only anti- American resentment by racial tension within the workforce, as ladino laborers sought to distance themselves from blacks and claim the benefits of citizenship and racial supremacy. In fact, for many frustrated ladino. black immigrants became a symbol of US. domination. (pg 618) - Sabrina Martin

# data[].attributes.body
"Like its counterparts throughout the imperial world, United Fruit transplanted domestic conceptions of race, labor, and civilization to its colonial sphere in Guatemala. Cutter and his subordinates, many of them drawn from the U.S. Northeast, sought to carve out an orderly and familiar world from the densely forested, disease-ridden north coast. At first, their efforts focused on expanding the rail network, constructing modern port facilities, and improving health and sanitation. This included redesigning the town of Puerto Barrios on a grid layout and constructing a modern sewage system. By the late 1900s,however, they focused increasingly on the banana plantations themselves. They dubbed their division headquarters "Virginia," locating it in the large land concession of Quiriguá. Soon farms sprang up along the Northern Railroad and its feeder lines" (606) - Jocelyn Paniagua

# data[].attributes.body
"Cutter had joined United Fruit in 1904 and apprenticed under the legendary railroad builder and banana pioneer Minor C. Keith.

His first overseas assignment had taken him to Costa Rica, where, according to Wilson, he "learned the business of banana growing and negro management."" (595) - Jocelyn Paniagua

# data[].attributes.body
“In October 1938 32,000 banana workers go on strike” … “ The total number of strikers killed by the Columbian military exceeded 1000“
-podcast (44:38-44:43) & (48:33-48:40)

# data[].attributes.location_name
Cartago Province, Paso Marcos, Costa Rica

# data[].attributes.headline
Cartago Province, Paso Marcos, Costa Rica

# data[].attributes.subject
Cartago Province, Paso Marcos, Costa Rica

# data[].attributes.body
“Up until the 1870’s most of Costa Rica east of the capital was completely undevelooped just Miles and Miles of in penetrate rainforest”
-Podcast (11:22-11:32)

# data[].attributes.body
In April 1896, for example, a white mob removed an African-American man named Harper from a prison and lynched him. Railroad contractors also called on the Guatemalan state to hunt down runaway workers and break strikes, encouraging local ladino officials to engage in antiblack violence. Such practices helped set the patterns of black ladino relations on the north coast" (603)
- Maria Cervantes

# data[].attributes.body
"As in Costa Rica, this combination of railroad monopoly and vast landholdings laid the foundation for United Fruit's colonial enclave" (Colby, p 606).
Giannina Ayala

# data[].attributes.body
"In return for completing the Northern Railroad, Keith would receive a ninety-nine-year lease on the line and 168,000 acres of land concessions along its route through the north coast's Motagua River valley. Four years later, Keith's workers finished the line, finally connecting Guatemala City and the western coffee lands to Puerto Barrios on the Caribbean" (Colby, p605)

Giannina Ayala

# data[].attributes.body
"In September 1907, for example, provincial governor Enrique Arias entered a Zacapa saloon owned by black American Simon Shine, and, after demanding to see his business license, pistol-whipped him nearly to death. In response, Shine and several other black residents sent a plea directly to President Theodore Roosevelt asking him to 'protect us poor niggers from being beaten to death, we have no one to look to but you'. As Thomas Schoonover has noted, U.S. diplomats generally protested such abuses in an effort to build Guatemalan respect for American citizenship. Yet antiblack violence placed them in an awkward position. Not only were Guatemalan abuses of black immigrants often instigated by white Americans but U.S. officials generally shared the prejudices of their countrymen" (Colby, 604). - Julia Real

# data[].attributes.body
"In 1882, Barrios declared Livingston a free port and opened surrounding public lands for settlement. He also reached an agreement with U.S. railroad contractors for construction of a 'Northern Railroad,' which would connect the western coffee lands to the Atlantic shipping lanes through the new Caribbean port of Puerto Barrios, thereby circumventing Huntington's monopoly. Ironically, the project's labor needs spurred the large-scale black immigration that elites had previously rejected. Yet unlike Keith's Costa Rican railroad, then under construction with West Indian workers, the Northern Railroad relied on black American labor" (Colby, 603). - Julia Real

# data[].attributes.body
" United Fruit's approach to medical care was equally racialized. As in
Cuba, Panama, and Costa Rica, company engineers on Guatemala's north coast
drained swamps, poisoned mosquito breeding grounds, built sewage systems,
constructed managerial and worker housing, and built a modern hospital
complex. But United Fruit's health policies revealed the racial limitations of its
corporate culture." (Colby, pg 609)

Dalia Villa

# data[].attributes.body
"In reality, the Canal Zone was only the

most visible example of an expansive U.S. empire that was transplanting its

domestic racial and labor practices throughout the Caribbean Basin, including

the north coast of Guatemala." (Colby, pg 599)

Dalia Villa

# data[].attributes.body
This caste system also extended to the company's new enclave on Guatemala's Pacific coast. Frances Emery-Waterhouse, the wife of United Fruit manager Russell Waterhouse, observed that on her plantation, "social strata are as sharply observed as machete blades, and one must conform." "The fine and cultured Latin-American employees and their families were snubbed and slighted by the North Americans" and treated with "ill-disguised contempt," she noted, and "because I made no secret of my liking for [them], I was sharply criticized."
pg. 617

Oscar E. Garcia

# data[].attributes.body
This combination of American and ladino racism placed West Indians in a tenuous position, and they responded in a variety of ways. Some called on the British government for support; others departed Guatemala. But many turned to racial solidarity, and as in Cuba, Panama, Costa Rica, and the U.S. mainland, black workers welcomed Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) pg. 618

Oscar E. Garcia

# data[].attributes.body
“Escaped slaves had resided in the Izabal and Petén provinces since the colonial era, and the north coast also held a sizeable population of Garifuna. Often called "black Caribs," the Garifuna were descendants of African slaves deposited on the Central American coast by the British in 1797. Most resided in Livingston, at the mouth of Guatemala's Dulce River, where they fiercely resisted the central state's efforts to assimilate them”. (Colby, pg 601) - Natalie Rivera

# data[].attributes.location_name
Iglesia Adventista El Atlantico, Guatemala

# data[].attributes.body
“As in Panama, The domestic U.S culture of white supremacy played a central role in shaping labor control and race relation on Guatemala’s north coast. coast. But as in all colonial encounters, the internal society powerfully influenced interactions on the ground” (Colby, pg 600)- Natalie Rivera

# data[].attributes.body
The first African Americans arrived in August 1884, and over the following three decades, as many as twenty thousands came to the north coast. Hailing mostly from Louisiana and neighboring states, these men welcomed the opportunity to escape the rising unemployment and racial violence of the U.S South.

- Sabrina Martin

# data[].attributes.body
Wilson says in the "black moist night" a "line of negroes stripped to the waist and bare-footed, each bent under the load of a huge bunch of bananas up the wharf, "where they passed their burden into holding through a chain gang of handlers."
- Adriana Saldana

# data[].attributes.body
August 1884.
The First African-Americans arrived and over the following three decades, as many as 20,000 came to the north coast. They mostly came from Louisiana and they were welcomed the opportunity to escape the rising unemployment and racial violence of the U.S. South. Unfortunately, the life awaiting will be very familiar.
- Adriana Saldaña

# data[].attributes.body
Like company officials throughout United Fruit's empire, they used a variety of forms of domination. Perhaps most important, they maintained strict labor segmentation along racial lines, reserving supervisory and clerical positions for whites and confining black workers to heavy plantation and stevedore work. The pay system reflected this division: whites received monthly salaries; workers of color were paid by the task, often scrip valid only at company commissaries. (Colby, 608) - Jacqueline Macias

# data[].attributes.body
In autumn 1904, United Fruit's board of directors approved large-scale banana plantations in Guatemala. Serious efforts at development began in 1906, when the company appointed twenty-five-year-old Victor Cutter to direct its Guatemala division. Like its counterparts throughout the imperial world, United Fruit transplanted domestic conceptions of race, labor, and civilization to its colonial sphere in Guatemala.  (Colby, 606) - Jacqueline Macias

# data[].attributes.body
" Labor contractors misled black workers about wages and living conditions, and white overseers transplanted Jim Crow practices to Guatemala, confining black workers to menial positions and demanding they address all whites as "mister"(Colby,603). Railroad contractors also called on the Guatemalan state to hunt down runaway workers and break strikes, encouraging local ladino officials to engage in antiblack violence. Such practices helped set the patterns of black ladino relations on the north coast"(Colby, 603) -Samantha Lang

# data[].attributes.body
"In 1871, Liberal rebels led by wealthy coffee planter Justo Rufino Barrios overthrew the Conservative government and ushered in a new era of Guatemalan history. The ensuing Barrios dictatorship (1873-1885) passed taxes and labor laws designed to force Mayan Indians into agricultural labor and trap them in a cycle of debt peonage"(Colby, 601) -Samantha Lang

# data[].attributes.body
"Poor conditions and racial abuse spurred African-American workers to flee work camps by the hundreds. When possible, they returned home, but many escaped inland. The ladino culture they encountered in the Guatemalan interior contained racist sentiments, to be sure, but anti-black discrimination was rarely institutionalized to the same degree as in the U.S. South. In the railroad hub of Zacapa, for example, black men could stroll arm-in-arm with white or ladino women, and black residents suffered no legal segregation. Not surprisingly, by the late 1900s, Zacapa had become an important center for Guatemala's African-American residents, several of whom opened businesses" (Colby, 603-604).
-Melissa Riley

# data[].attributes.body
Puerto Limon was founded in the late 1800s as a port city to ship bananas and other food products abroad.

-Allyson Blanco

# data[].attributes.body
Where a sizeable population of Garífuna resided. The Garífuna's were descendants of African slaves depositied on the Central American coast by the British in 1797 (Colby.8)

-Nicole Briseno

# data[].attributes.body
"The tenuous nature of this 'negro management' was revealed on a trip Wilson and Cutter took to Puerto Barrios. 'Three negroes loaded a handcar onto the track. Cutter and I sat on the front bench with our guns, and the negroes set the gasoline engine in movement... Don't shoot! In a hushed tone he explained to the startled WIlson, 'Didn't you see those ni****s' eyes bulge at the first shot?" (Colby.4).

-Nicole Briseno

# data[].attributes.body
“Such constraints on action were familiar to whites throughout the imperial world, and they hinted at both the Jim Crow culture of the U.S. Caribbean empire and nonwhite resistance to that racial order” (Colby 597).  In his study of the U.S. Caribbean sugar industry, for example, César J. Ayala describes the Spanish Caribbean as a “colonial region dominated by the decisions of U.S. capitalist” (Colby 598). Moreover, this quote further prompts one to think about these ventures, forms of ownership, and wealth accumulation on behalf of White Americans in the Global South as connected to US domestic race making.

-Allyson Blanco

# data[].attributes.body
An important and central concept to Colby's essay is the white ventures that take part in creating the fruit companies' workforce and the ideas that they had about the workforce. Specifically, Victor Cutter was a Dartmouth educated superintendent of the fruit company who "educated" a US ambassador about affairs in Guatemala City. Cutter focused on "educating" the US ambassador on managing the United Fruit Company. "During Wilson's visits, Cutter schooled his friend in the racial etiquette of United Fruit's enclave, where company officials not only maintained the strict racial segregation associated with the Jim Crow South but also emphasized the performance of racial superiority common to colonial settings (Colby 595-596)." Namely, Morales was one of the regions addressed in this conversation. Victor Cutter and the US ambassador are pictured in the image above.

-Allyson Blanco

# data[].attributes.body
In the early 1880s, the life awaiting them proved all too familiar. Labor contractors misled black workers about wages and living conditions, and white overseers transplanted Jim Crow practices to Guatemala, confining black workers to menial positions and demanding they address all whites as "mister." (Colby, 603).
- Sebastian Delgado

# data[].attributes.body
...Many Guatemalan police and military officials expressed this rising racism by stepping up harassment of ladino women engaged in relationships with West Indians. They often referred to such women as "Mujeres de mala conducta"—in essence, whores—and sometimes as "negreras," or "women who groups with blacks (Colby,613-614)
- Sebastian Delgado

# data[].attributes.body
The world coffee prices collapsed in 1897. Guatemalan liberals had to leave behind their plans to maintain national ownership of the Northern Railroad. (Colby 605)
-Marilyn Ortiz

# data[].attributes.body
"Escaped slaves had resided in Izabal since the colonial era and the north coast also held a sizeable population of Garifuna"(Colby 601)
The Garifunas are descendants of African slaves deposited on the Central American Coast by the British in 1797.
-Marilyn Ortiz

# data[].attributes.headline
1910: William Wright, Leader of a West Indian Revolt, is lynched. "Although none of the United Fruit's managers were harmed (during the revolt), returning white employees murdered several West Indians." (Colby, 612) - Erik Garcia Montoya

# data[].attributes.subject
1910: William Wright, Leader of a West Indian Revolt, is lynched. "Although none of the United Fruit's managers were harmed (during the revolt), returning white employees murdered several West Indians." (Colby, 612) - Erik Garcia Montoya

# data[].attributes.headline
1913: U.S. "Officials pushed to evict their black workers [and] the British government sought to prevent their return to their economically depressed home islands." (Colby, 607)- Erik Garcia Montoya

# data[].attributes.subject
1913: U.S. "Officials pushed to evict their black workers [and] the British government sought to prevent their return to their economically depressed home islands." (Colby, 607)- Erik Garcia Montoya

# data[].attributes.body
In 1871, Justo Rufino Barrios, a wealthy coffee planter, led Liberal rebels "overthrow the Conservative government and ushered in a new era of Guatemalan history". (Colby, pg 601)
-Marian Arcos

# data[].attributes.body
In 1861, Conservative President Rafael Carrera and others believed that "English speaking negros thus introduced could not be assimilated with their already mixed population." (Colby, pg. 601)
-Marian Arcos

# data[].attributes.headline
Jim Crow in the American South: "The impact of American racial practices abroad during an earlier era of U.S. expansion and foreign people's complex responses remains largely unexamined...The Spanish Caribbean was a 'colonial region dominated by the decisions of U.S. capitalists." (Colby, 598)

# data[].attributes.subject
Jim Crow in the American South: "The impact of American racial practices abroad during an earlier era of U.S. expansion and foreign people's complex responses remains largely unexamined...The Spanish Caribbean was a 'colonial region dominated by the decisions of U.S. capitalists." (Colby, 598)

# data[].attributes.headline
1900s: "Canal Zone was only the most visible example of an expansive U.S. empire that was transplanting its domestic and racial labor practices throughout the Caribbean Basin, including the north Coast of Guatemala" (Colby,599)

# data[].attributes.subject
1900s: "Canal Zone was only the most visible example of an expansive U.S. empire that was transplanting its domestic and racial labor practices throughout the Caribbean Basin, including the north Coast of Guatemala" (Colby,599)

# data[].attributes.headline
1904: Minor Keith is mentor to Victor Cutter where Cutter "learned the business of banana growing and negro management" 

# data[].attributes.subject
1904: Minor Keith is mentor to Victor Cutter where Cutter "learned the business of banana growing and negro management" 

# data[].attributes.location_name
Guatemala City Metropolitan Area, Guatemala

# data[].attributes.headline
1912: 26 year old Hugh Wilson arrives in Guatemala City as U.S. "charge d' affaires": Wilson learned  of the maintenance of a "strict racial segregtion association with the Jim Crow South but also emphasized the performance of racial superiority common to colonial settings" (Colby, 596)

# data[].attributes.subject
1912: 26 year old Hugh Wilson arrives in Guatemala City as U.S. "charge d' affaires": Wilson learned  of the maintenance of a "strict racial segregtion association with the Jim Crow South but also emphasized the performance of racial superiority common to colonial settings" (Colby, 596)

# data[].attributes.body
superiority common to colonial settings" (Colby, 596)