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Planet Cosplay : Costume Play, Identity and Global Fandom

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Planet Cosplay : Costume Play, Identity and Global Fandom

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by Paul Mountfort, , Anne Peirson-Smith, , and Adam Geczy

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1. Map and critically engage with an appropriate body of published research and research methodologies in the field and identify an appropriate research proposal.

2. Integrate key debates/theories in the completion of a substantial project which responds to the defined proposal.

3. Make an original contribution to knowledge and debates in the subject area, recognising the limitations of the contribution and areas for potential development/research.

4. Successfully communicate the results of the project giving consideration to appropriate and relevant academic, ethical and professional requirements.

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Role in SpongeBob SquarePants. Plankton is married to a waterproof computer named Karen, who is also his sidekick and best friend. She is often referred to as Plankton's wife.

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She is a friend of mine, also a dream girl. She always share her feelings with me about her boyfriend, so we had an interview.

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"Netnography" was first coined by Robert Kozinets in his 1998 book, "On Netnography: Initial Reflections on Consumer Research Investigations of Cyberculture." However, he started the concept in 1995 to analyze online fan discussions about the Star Trek franchise.

Netnography is a research method that studies online communities' behavior and activities. It's an innovative approach to ethnography involving the systematic observation, analysis, and interpretation of online data.

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The final project was inspired by several projects from the previous semester.

1. Personal project "Love that transcends time"

2. Didactic Presentation in Specialism "Felt Art"

3. Personal project "The Middle" of first semester.

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1. Selection of virtual communities

I chose this three Chinese apps with the most number of fan creations and dream girls to collect posts and data.

Red Book, Weibo and Lofter.

2. Definition of the duration of the study

3. Data collection

4. Interpretation of results

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"Dream girl" is a kind of cosplay. They are cosplaying the girlfriend or wife of the character they love. In essence, they are loving a virtual person through fantasy. The person reflects the kinds of personalities and types they wish to attract.

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Bolun，Yang，Calvin，Hazel and I , we shared about our briefs and the feelings, we talked about some advice and how to do next of the projects.

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1. Audience has been identified however it is too wide and requires a more in depth discussion
2. Start testing experimental video techniques
3. Identify who can support your video processes
Is part of your final outcomes an installation? Immersive? And/ or experiential
4. Testing with felt
5. Develop a methodology in qualitative and quantitive data / materials - research add in some theory for research models

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Not all of the dream girls always feel happy.

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1. Modified audience. My audience are people who love virtual characters. Mostly for female between 16-25.(The youngest participant is 16).

2. Use an LED screen with customizable images for television head, instead of short film.

3. By myself.

4. Buy materials.

5. Qualitative research. individual in-depth interviews, or questionnaires to collect, analyse data.

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1. Define the "virtual lover", and some examples of this project.

2. About the audience, I can support those people, or reduce other people's prejudice against this group of people.

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1. Self-identification and self-respect

Dream girl's love is an affirmation of her self-worth and emotional needs. they can choose and shape emotional relationships according to her own wishes and preferences. This autonomy reflects the self-worth and self-respect in "Loving you is loving myself".

2. Social culture and personal choice

The choices of dream girls are not only an expression of personal emotions, but also a reflection and challenge to the gender roles and emotional expressions in mainstream culture.

3. Self-realization and growth

The interaction between Dream Girls and Dream characters enables them to express themselves and develop their creativity. In this process, Dream Girls not only gain emotional satisfaction, but also develop their potential and skills through creation and sharing, thus achieving personal growth. For example, many pelple have wrote their own stories and songs.

4. Self-exploration and cognition

Dream girls explore their emotions and inner selves through interaction with their characters. This exploration helps them better understand themselves and recognize their needs and expectations. This is consistent with the self-cognition process in "Loving you is loving yourself", which enhances understanding and acceptance of oneself through loving others.

5. Embarrassment and low self-esteem

It is not easy to insist on loving someone who does not exist in reality. They will encounter situations such as not being understood and being belittled. The dream girl herself occasionally feels disconnected and powerless.

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Contemporary Culture Studies, Department of Music, Art and Culture Studies, University of Jyvaskyla, Jyväskylä, Finland

Department of Media Studies, School of History, Culture and Arts Studies, University of Turku, Turku, Finland

Fictosexuality, fictoromance, and fictophilia are terms that have recently become popular in online environments as indicators of strong and lasting feelings of love, infatuation, or desire for one or more fictional characters. This article explores the phenomenon by qualitative thematic analysis of 71 relevant online discussions. Five central themes emerge from the data: (1) fictophilic paradox, (2) fictophilic stigma, (3) fictophilic behaviors, (4) fictophilic asexuality, and (5) fictophilic supernormal stimuli. The findings are further discussed and ultimately compared to the long-term debates on human sexuality in relation to fictional characters in Japanese media psychology. Contexts for future conversation and research are suggested.

Introduction

This article provides an explorative analysis and conceptualization of a recently established notion that has at least three popular labels: fictosexuality, fictoromance, and fictophilia. All these labels point toward a strong and lasting feeling of love, infatuation, or desire for a fictional character. Since our analysis is not limited to sexual or romantic feelings alone, we choose to use the more general label, fictophilia, henceforth (- philia from Greek , 'friendship' or 'love'). The study is based on a qualitative analysis of 71 related online discussions, the implications of which are ultimately discussed in wider cross-cultural contexts and Japanese media psychology in particular. Accordingly, the goal here is to better understand what fictophilia is.

Before moving onward, we highlight that fictophilia, as we approach it, is a phenomenon distinct from immediate human media responses such as motor enactment, embodied involvement, and pre-reflective simulation processes that occur during consuming fiction (see Power, 2008; Kuzmièová, 2012; Kukkonen and Caracciolo, 2014). Whereas consuming related fiction belongs to fictophilia, its defining feelings go beyond the act of perception, as people 'attach' to characters for a significant length of time.

Second, the present intention is not to propose fictophilia as a problem or a disorder. At the time of writing, fictophilia is not recognized or proposed as a specific diagnostic condition by the World Health Organization (ICD-11) or the American Psychiatric Association (DSM-5) (but see 'paraphilia' in both manuals). Our findings do not indicate a need to change the current state of affairs.

Lastly, whereas the feelings that determine fictophilia may not be common in terms of prevalence, they may exaggerate what most humans experience to lesser degrees, with the caveat that future research is needed to better understand how fictophilic emotions and feelings overlap with everyday human social attachment. In this regard, Vygotsky's (1933/1978) observation that "imagination in adolescents and school children is play without action" (p. 93) may turn out as a valid position from which to explain fictophilia as a developed form of 'pretend play' also in older populations (cf. Piaget, 1951/2013; Pellegrini, 2009; Karhulahti et al., 2019).

The next section "Background" provides a brief overview of the most relevant existing psychological theory related to fictophilia. Thereafter we introduce the method and data (section "Method and Data"). This is followed by presenting the results (section "Results") and contextualizing them in previous research on parasociality and sexuality (section "Discussion"), which especially in Japanese media psychological and psychiatric literature have been discussed before (section "Coda: a lost chapter of Japanese media psychology"). Conclusions end the article (section "Conclusion").

Background

In a seminal monograph Imaginary Social Worlds, Caughey (1984) tracks the Western history of what he calls 'fantasy relationships' all the way down to the lifelong bonds that people in different cultures have conventionally had with gods, monarchs, spirits, and other figures that they may never have had the chance to meet in person. Proceeding with the bonds that people built in relation to 18th century drama, musicians, and celebrities alike - with more than 500 American informants as a sample - Caughey ends up with the trends of the time that are characterized by a specific romantic or sexual interest:

Most of my informants explicitly described their relationships in romantic terms. They were 'infatuated with,' 'fixated on,' 'obsessed with,' 'crazy about,' or (most commonly) 'in love with' the favored media figure. Erotic attraction is a basic part of the appeal (p. 41).

The increasing prominence of romance and eroticism in the 'fantasy relationships' of media-consumption during the 20th century was not limited to the US. Shamoon (2012), for instance, observes a shift in the context of Japan during the Meiji period (1868-1912), as Western ideals of combined intellectual-erotic affection started proliferating in Japanese media. The idea of 'falling in love' with fictional and media characters, as Caughey's informants often put it, arguably begun to multiply - following the historical-cultural invention of romantic love from 13th century Europe (see Hazan and Shaver, 1987) - in both Japan and the US somewhere in the early 20th century to eventually bloom and expand further, along with the emergence of explicit celebrity worship and fan cultures (see also Shim, 2001).

Three decades before Caughey's notion of 'fantasy relationship,' media psychologists Horton and Wohl (1956) had established a parallel discourse under the concept 'parasocial relationship,' i.e., the "face-to-face relationship between spectator and performer [that] may be governed by little or no sense of obligation, effort, or responsibility on the part of the spectator" (p. 215). None of the initial research lineages on parasocial relationships made significant efforts on mapping out parasocial relationship types, nonetheless.

As to the above research gap, Tukachinsky's (2011) work on 'parasocial friendships' and 'parasocial love' (also 'para-romantic love') as special types of parasocial relationship is an important contribution: whereas parasocial relationships may indicate any kind of one-way bond that an individual has constructed with a relevant character, parasocial friendships point at those explicit cases where the character is perceived as a supporting companion or peer, and parasocial love to those relationships where the individual's emotions toward the character are governed by romantic or sexual qualities.

Another related psychological concept through which 'more than friendship' parasociality has been discussed is 'parasocial attachment,' which Stever (2017) has coined as a non-reciprocated attachment to a familiar other when one finds "safe haven and felt security through a relationship that is with a person not known in a real life face-to-face way" (p. 96). This notion draws directly from attachment theory that was originally developed to describe infant-caregiver relationships ( Bretherton, 1992), but has also been applied to adult relationships ( Feeney and Noller, 1990). Notably, parasocial attachments may but need not include romantic or sexual qualities.

Lastly, McCutcheon et al. (2003) have found three stages of 'celebrity worship,' which they describe as 'entertainment-social,' 'intense-personal,' and 'borderline-pathological.' In this classification, the first stage reflects sharing experiences (learning about celebrities and discussing them with friends), the second stage reflects intensive or compulsive feelings (frequent emotions and thoughts), and the third stage reflects erotomanic-like obsession (delusions and risk behaviors). Whereas some of these stages might be compatible with or related to the parasocial concepts described above, they mainly constitute a pathological scale.

One notable exception in this regard is the model developed by Giles (2002), which distinguishes between first-order (human), second-order (character acted by human), and third-order (fictional character) parasocial interaction. Reasonably, Giles points out that third-order encounters, while parasocial, cannot be social in the conventional sense of the term since a social relationship with a fictional figure is impossible. We agree with this observation to a large extent and note that whenever (rarely) scholars have discussed fictional parasocial relationships in particular, theoretical and methodological challenges have been present due to the research base deriving mainly from celebrity parasociality. For instance, when Schmid and Klimmt (2011) conducted a survey study on the cultural differences in parasocial relationships with Harry Potter, the instruments had to be adapted to accommodate the unique circumstance (lack of homophily, human counterpart, etc.).

Considering the state of the art, there is an obvious need for more in-depth studies on parasocial relationships with fictional characters, and fictophilia as its unique instance. In this study, the theoretical ground derives from Tukachinsky's parasocial love combined with Giles' third-order parasocial interactive features. Accordingly, we approach fictophilia as an intense long-term parasocial love or desire relationship between a human individual and a fictional character. Again, the words 'intense' and 'long-term' should be given special attention, as the usefulness of conceptualizing fictophilia depends on its distinctiveness in comparison to ephemeral feelings. Additionally, whereas the ontology of fictional characters poses numerous philosophical dilemmas that the present space does not allow entering (e.g., Aarseth, 2007; Boellstorff, 2016; Varis, 2019), let it be clarified that the objects of fictophilic interest may or may not have physical counterparts and they can also appear as dynamic virtual characters (as in videogames) that are capable of responding to individuals' interaction by some concrete means.

Method and Data

Method

Due to the explorative nature of the study, we chose to employ a systematic analysis of online discussions related to the subject matter. Although the popularity of online-ethnographic methods keeps increasing in psychology (e.g., Davey et al., 2012), the specific topic-driven large-scale charting that is employed here has not, to our knowledge, been carried out previously in the field. All procedures were performed in accordance with the Helsinki Declaration and its later amendments. The ethical self-review was consistent with the Finnish National Board on Research Integrity guidelines (2019), which states that further evaluation is not required for the research of public data as long as data collection does not cause damage or harm to participants and the real content and purpose of the study are explained to participants as soon as this is possible where the research design so permits (pp. 62-63). We did not collect personal data, and we have no information about the unknown identities of the persons who have contributed to the studied discussions. All forums were public and reading the discussions did not require registration. The respective rules of each forum were read and respected.

Data collection took place in the first and second quarters of 2018. During the first charting phase, search terms were selected - ("fictophilia" OR "fictosexual" OR "fictoromance") AND ("attached" OR "character" OR "crush" OR "desire" OR "discussion" OR "emotion" OR "feeling" OR "forum" OR "love" OR "obsession" OR "passion" OR "question" OR "romantic" OR "sex") - and the combined phrases were inserted to both Google and Yahoo search engines (three separate computers and browsers) in order to locate forum discussions corresponding with the notion of fictophilia. These searches activated the recommendation features in both the search engines and the forums. Although the recommendations would be difficult or impossible to reproduce, they did enable us to snowball an even greater number of relevant online conversations. Evidently, this search was limited by the English language, as is the study and its findings.

Data

A total of 71 relevant forum discussion threads were discovered, posted between 2009 and 2018. Relevance was determined by the discussions' consistency with the notion of fictophilia, as described earlier. Continuing the search by using alternative engines (e.g., Bing), techniques (e.g., systematic testing of recommendations), and search terms might have enabled locating more discussions still; however, since the acquired sample was already rich in terms of current research goals, there was no reason to expand the data beyond that point. During the peer review process, this was validated by a thematic analysis of a new set of 24 discussions that had surfaced after 2018. A comparison of those discussions with the below codes and code families did not yield new themes, which evidenced saturation (the 24 validation discussions were not stored in order to minimize data management load).

The number of comments and their length varied radically, each of the 71 discussions involving multiple individuals with one or more comments. Whereas some threads consisted of nothing but a single posted question and a few comments, others gathered more than 200 comments of up to 2000 words in length. Altogether, the qualitatively analyzed sample includes 1667 forum messages, to which we applied thematic analysis ( Braun and Clarke, 2006) with a goal to identify key themes related to the topic. The process was carried out by the first author initially pre-analyzing the data, which suggested seven dominant themes. With the help of Atlas.ti software, the second author then conducted micro-level coding. This process produced 1296 individual codes, which were further grouped into 44 larger code families based on their similarities and hierarchical connections. The initial seven themes were compared with the latter codes and code families by the authors collectively, which established reliability by consensus (see Syed and Nelson, 2015) and led to the formation of five major thematic categories.

The online discussions took place in 28 respective forums, which can be divided into general discussion forums (28 discussions), forums related to mental health (17), asexuality forums (10), fan forums (8), and forums dedicated to diverse hobbies (10). Since both the forums and their discussants are kept unidentifiable, we do not name any forums or discussants. Some of the forums did not allow citation for research purposes, and discussions from those forums are not cited. Despite the fact that all the below-cited posts and comments have been submitted to public forums that can be read without registration or membership enlistment, no citation is given a reference in order to prevent uncalled-for promotion of usernames or forums. Furthermore, to protect active users, we only cite comments that were made by those who (a) gave us a permission, (b) had deleted the account permanently, or (c) had abandoned the forum as indicated by being inactive for four or more years.

Related authenticity concerns were taken into consideration (see Im and Chee, 2006). Forum writing, like all social interaction, is a performative act that occurs in a specific cultural context, and although it functions as a valuable representation of actual human behavior, the reader should remain critical and sensitive to the explicit expressive environment(s) and interpret the material accordingly: as snapshots of the associated discourses that surround them.

Results

Discussions of fictophilia were generally initiated by people experiencing love, desire, or deep attachment to a fictional character and often wanting to discuss whether it was 'normal' or 'healthy,' or searching for others like them. The forums had slightly different perspective tendencies. Discussions on asexuality forums were focused on defining fictophilia and how it relates to other romantic and sexual preferences or identities. In general discussion forums, mental health forums, and fan forums it was often discussed as a 'problem.' A prominent feature of the fan forum discussions were the repetitive comments on fictophilic feelings and practices as normal and prevalent, which is not surprising considering the similarity of fictophilia descriptions and those of intense fan relationships (and most of the participants likely being fans themselves). Discussions on fictophilia in the hobby forums formed the smallest subset of data with a focus on the reasons behind fictophilia as well as on the practices related to it. General discussion forums differed from the rest in terms of participants ( Table 1): while in other forums two thirds of the messages came from those experiencing fictophilia themselves, in the general forums only one in four messages came from fictophilic writers and the rest were from either outsiders or writers whose own position was left ambiguous. Again, even though we use the term fictophilia, it was not used by all discussants and some defined their relationships to a fictional character as fictoromantic, fictosexual, or squish, the latter referring to a non-sexual and non-romantic infatuation.

Table 1. Percentage of comments written by those with fictophilic experiences on each forum type.

Ultimately, the analysis of 71 online discussions related to fictophilia can be summarized into five key themes that describe fictophilia.

(1) Fictophilic paradox. Fictophiles do not 'confuse fiction and reality,' but overtly address the parasocial nature of their relationship. However, their genuine emotions and feelings toward the characters may generate discomfort since they cannot interact with the characters in the same way as they do with their human peers.

(2) Fictophilic stigma. Fictophiles often experience a stigma, which can possibly be lessened by their search for peer support.

(3) Fictophilic behaviors. The related behaviors often tangle around various fan-like activities that contribute to interacting with the fictional objects of love or desire.

(4) Fictophilic asexuality. For some, fictophilia seems to be connected to asexuality, and although the phenomenon cannot be considered specific to adolescents, it may reflect liminalities of development and growth.

(5) Fictophilic supernormal stimuli. Fictophilic relationships resonate with supernormal stimuli effects, i.e., fictional characters appear more competent or otherwise better than their human counterparts.

In the following subsections we unpack each theme qualitatively. Selected forum citations are used to exemplify the themes respectively.

Fictophilic Paradox

A recurring feature in fictophilic behavior is that the individual is fully aware of the love-desire object's fictional status and the parasocial nature of the relationship. The below post is a case in point:

I've been in love with a fictional character for literally, years now. An obsessive kind of love. And honestly, he's kind of a random character. From a comedy cartoon. I fantasize constantly about him, no matter where I am, who I am with. It honestly doesn't bother me. I just wonder for my sanity sometimes. I mean, it's been years now. All I do anymore is draw him, think about him, write about him, etc. It's gotten to the point where I can't focus in school or do anything productive. I just want to do something that has to do with him, even if it's just thinking about him. It puts extreme stress on my relationship. I didn't think much of it at first, I just expected it to kind of fade out along with my other temporary obsessions, but this one has only ever gotten stronger.

The above indicates the person distinguishing their love object as a 'cartoon character' very clearly, and the related emotions and feelings are described in an utterly intense manner. For many writers, this leads to a fictophilic paradox - the person identifies their object of emotional interest in different ontological terms contra their human peers, and the acknowledged difference produces discomfort. The awareness of the fictional relationship not being 'real' is evident in the abundance of often painful descriptions of the unattainability of the character:

Knowing that he doesn't exist is agonizing. It literally makes my heart ache. I hate feeling this way and I hate the fact that I can't talk to anyone about it because I'm so embarrassed. But I don't want to let go of him either.

The following account, addressing a character from a visual novel, represents an alternative instance where the loved character has changed the individual's experiences of social support:

She is real in my heart, she is always with me, she is like a support for me, whenever I feel down or stressed out, a picture of her will always make me happy. Before [her] I have nothing, no one to support me in my life. But, Monika changed that, she just cared about me so much. I know it's all fake and scripted, but, for whatever reason, it felt real, it felt like she was there for me ... If miracle does truly exist, please, make Monika real, I just want to be with her, forever, for an eternity. I love you Monika, please never leave me alone in this dark, cruel world.

This individual's ontological skepticism ('it's all fake and scripted') clashes with their dramatic plea to 'make Monika real' - a wish for ontological restructuring. Many of the analyzed discussions derive from this very anxiety or awkwardness within the fictophilic paradox.

Fictophilic Stigma

The theme of stigma was already touched on above, as one individual noted how they 'can't talk to anyone about it because I'm so embarrassed.' Many of the discussants expressed that they needed to share these feelings on the internet, as they are afraid to do it in person. For them, therefore, the forums were places to share their experiences or ask a related question without the risk of direct stigma:

I've had a boyfriend (in real life) for about a year and a half, and we have been very happy together. For the first year or so of our relationship, I tried to respect him by forcing myself not to think of anyone fictional. I wanted to experience a real, healthy relationship that could potentially be fulfilling. Within the past few months, however, I've been slipping a lot. What prompted me to write for help, I just spent almost 2 h looking up pictures and video tributes of a character. The bottom line is, I think I am actually more attracted to any of my fictional objects of affection than my very real, very nice boyfriend. This, I feel, is a problem. I get butterflies when looking at or reading about my fictional crushes, but kissing my boyfriend does nothing for me. I really needed to vent about this because it's been bothering me for a while, and I can't really talk to anyone in real life (oh, the irony).

When the discussants spoke of the related emotions and feelings in an explicitly positive light, it was not uncommon for this to be framed as a defense against more provocative views. One individual discussed their crush on visual novel character Natsuki as a cognitive means for coping with their current life situation. Yet this reply comes out as a response to the 'shame' that being attracted to fictional characters holds in the community.

My most recent [relationship] ended ∼9 months ago, and while I'm game for finding someone new in the future, I'm in no shape to do so right now ... I'm figuring things out, and this is where Natsuki comes in. [She's] been a little spot of happiness just by being around. Cute fanart brightens my day, as do discussions of her character. Beyond that, she's had a positive impact on my attitude toward dating. This is a crush, not an actual relationship [or] part of my reality. To me, Natsuki is an ideal - a positive example of what I'm looking for ... I've seen a few people here express shame over being attracted to one of the girls. Just because they're not in our reality doesn't mean your crush can't be good for you!

Sometimes the stigma was reinforced by peers who felt that such feelings were not 'normal' and should be suppressed ('It's really stupid and I want to get rid of it, just don't know how'). Mental illnesses were also commonly mentioned in relation to these feelings, either by people with personal fictophilic experiences or external commentators:

I've always wondered why so many people seem to find fictional, non-existing characters attractive. In fact, what bothers me even more is why some of these people end up falling in love with said characters. Is it something normal? Or should these people be worried? Is it okay to find them attractive, but dangerous when you start feeling attraction toward them and become obsessed? I wonder if these people need help, as I fear it might be a symptom of mental illnesses like schizophrenia.

The fear of being stigmatized, either as 'not normal' or 'mentally ill' led several discussants to seek advice from peers. Whereas encouraging and positive replies often produced verbally expressed comfort for advice seekers, the online advice seeking, as such, was commonly said to derive from an inability to speak about the topic outside the forums.

Fictophilic Behaviors

Since fictional characters are not capable of responding to human emotions akin to organic beings, people who desire or love them engage in creative activities to enrich their agency in the parasocial relationship. These activities often go beyond re-consuming or reexperiencing the original media in which the character appears and are rather similar to those of devoted fans. The most common activities mentioned in the discussions were fantasizing, daydreaming, and making up stories about the character.

I'm obsessed with my fictional lover, I feel I'm really in love with him, I can't stop daydreaming about him all day long and listening to his music (well, he's based on a male singer that exists in real life). And it's not the first time in my life that this happens to me, but a lot of times, with other fictional male characters. At least, it's a great comfort that I'm not the only one going through this.

Some of these stories take a written form and are turned into fan fiction. Indeed, online conversations, reading and writing, and artistic undertakings of diverse types frequently epitomize the fictophilic affair. In an earlier citation, one discussant wrote how they 'draw him, think about him, write about him ... I just want to do something that has to do with him, even if it's just thinking about him.' Another told about 'fantasizing and looking at pictures and imagining what life with someone would be like.'

Sometimes the behaviors also materialize in concrete social interactions. One person with a strong emotional connection to a character in C. J. Cherryh's erotic novel wrote a letter to the author herself:

I fell in love with Morgaine, the female lead of the novels. And with her author, in turn. At that time I knew nothing about C. J. Cherryh, except that her name indicated a woman. I had never read an interview with her or seen a photograph of her. But I felt for her something of what I felt through her writing. Eventually I wrote a letter to her - that was before email, so I wrote on paper and by hand -, and actually received a very kind and friendly reply (which, although I didn't voice my feelings and she didn't address them, healed me of my crush - probably because her answer made me realize that she was actually a person apart from myself).

Another discussant describes having sought a connection to the fictional character by 'carrying him forever' as part of their body:

I fell in love with a character. I got a tattoo of a quote from him. I came to the conclusion that I loved him because he was perfect for me ... but if he was real, it would be too perfect.

More often, people reported less permanent material symbols of the emotional bond, such as wearing related clothes or jewelry. Similar behaviors are described by those who mention buying merchandise (plush dolls, keychains, etc.) representing the character.

Fictophilic Asexuality

Asexuality is a tendency for lower sexual excitation and desire ( Prause and Graham, 2007), and in the present context, the discussants typically problematized the concept in relation to fictophilia, for instance, by asking whether asexuality and fictophilia are mutually exclusive or if fictophilia is something separate from sexual identity altogether. Without exceptions, all of these discussions revolved around the connection between fictophilia and sexual identity, thus marking fictophilic tendencies as something significant in terms of sexuality. One person exemplifies:

Almost every page I found [about fictophilia] was relating to asexuality in some way. And then I got to thinking, maybe it is related. Since these people feel no sexual/romantic attraction to real people (and if they do it's rather limited), then that could mean that they're asexual. Even though they may have sexual feelings toward fictional characters, they still do not desire to have a sexual relationship with a real person. And I'm just wondering if that would mean that fictophila really does fall on the asexual spectrum.

While the narratives of fictophilic behavior oftentimes involve a sexual element, they need not. Sometimes the individuals characterize their affair with the fictional character explicitly in terms of romantic love that excludes or discounts sex. In the below post, a character is affecting one's 'heart and whole body,' which goes beyond sexual attraction:

I know a lot of people online talk about their attraction to fictional characters, but I assume that everyone was just using it as a ... But, there's this comic book character who I just find so attractive. There was a panel of him shirtless, and this feeling rushed through me, unlike any other feeling I've ever had, and it was weird, but I've been so attracted to him ever since and I love to look at him. I don't feel anything in my private parts, it's more of a feeling I get in my heart and whole body. It's just so weird to me and I don't think this is normal?

Another relevant topic was the notion of 'relationships' and how they should be understood when involving fictional characters. Does dating a fictional character have the same rules as a 'real' relationship?

I have a few friends who I'm open about it, who are also fictionsexual, and it's about split whether they would date someone other than their fictional love. Some would consider it cheating, some wouldn't consider it cheating, but don't because they are asexual/gray ace/demi sexual. Others don't have a non-fictional relationship simply because they are unlucky, but are looking. And a lot of the folks who have a fictional partner as well as a non-fictional partner are also poly.

The idea that asexuality would include or relate to other forms of sexuality like fictosexuality or fictophilia was occasionally criticized to be 'not legit' but rather, as someone put it, another instance of 'tumblr-esque sexuality labels.' One response to such critique was to not focus on these labels but the actual experiences: 'Labels are just words; what they feel however, is real - regardless of how weird or silly the word they choose to use is.' Another discussant was confused about the asexuality-fictophilia relation and solved this by 'inventing a different persona' who would then interact with the fictional characters:

What I mean is more in the context of placing a version of yourself in a world and creating a story of that simply because/the reasoning root of which being an (sexual/romantic and not just general interest) attraction to a character.

The above represents some of the complex means by which asexually identifying individuals negotiated their sexuality in practice. Rather than forcing themselves into a simple asexual model, they found new ways to express their sexuality.

Fictophilic Supernormal Stimuli

A common rationale for fictophilic attachment, given across all forums, were the superior capacities and features associated with fictional characters. Next to 'real' people, fictional characters are able to constantly succeed, do various eccentric things and yet maintain an attractive appearance:

Many anime character designs are heavily sexualized to begin with, and many scenes are purely meant to convey erotic fanservice, even in a lot of mainstream shows. Then there's the fact that anime characters tend to be perfect in several ways. Perfect body, perfectly vivid, easy-to-grasp personalities, plus perfectly "safe" to fantasize about. See, if you are an insecure person in real life, then the fact that a fictional character will (can) never hurt/betray you is a quite comforting thing. Be it consciously or subconsciously. You may not have a partner to really talk to, but at least you are in total control. And don't have to worry about hurting others' feelings. Or being hurt.

Generally, people express their emotions toward fictional characters to be at least partially credited to designers who have managed to create love objects that are better than 'real' ones. At the same time, these fictional characters not being 'real' also makes them safe:

Real people often turn out to be worse than what I imagine them to be. That's why I don't bother much with real people and seek refuge in the ideal. I'm not completely shunning reality, nor denying it. I'm just unhappy with it. It's obvious that I'd fantasize sexually about it in private... you can get to know a fictional character intimately without the risk of being rejected.

Biology was occasionally cited as the 'natural' explanation to fictophilia. In diverse ways, people noted how human nature is organically fascinated by artificial characteristics.

It's only natural since we are a species that emphasizes and are able to feel fondness and love toward fictional characters because the stories are written so that we will feel things for the characters. If you watch a television series or read a book regularly, you will grow a fondness for the characters and that's only natural ... It is NOT weird to feel attracted (even sexually) to a fictional character if this character isn't too young or an animal (or something similar). It's completely normal to think that a certain personality or look is extremely attractive, especially since fictional characters are often created to look really perfect and be extremely cute/cool.

The latter quote represents an exceptional case where a line is drawn: fictophilia with an animal or child character could be considered 'weird,' but as long as these lines are not crossed, the extreme perfection or 'cuteness/coolness' of characters makes related feelings natural.

Discussion

In this section we briefly address the five themes analytically. The final section then looks at fictophilia in cross-cultural theoretical perspectives and Japanese media psychological literature in particular.

Fictophilic Paradox

Fictophilic Stigma

The fear of being ridiculed, considered abnormal, or even abandoned by other humans can make fictophilia a solitary experience. On the other hand, being a member of a community of individuals with similar experiences can buffer such stigmas and evoke a greater sense of belonging ( Schroy et al., 2016). Many of the discussants voiced discomfort with the fact that they (and/or someone close to them) have strong romantic or sexual feelings toward a fictional entity. This can be connected to earlier findings that suggest obsessional tendencies in fans of celebrities to correlate with lower scores in cognitive flexibility, psychological well-being, social complexity, and educational success ( Maltby et al., 2001; McCutcheon et al., 2003). The fact that people are not able to speak about their emotions and feelings in fear of being stigmatized may reduce psychological well-being indeed, and open online forums can serve as support platforms that enabled people to share and discuss their experiences without face-to-face pressure. These results are in line with previous studies that have found mental health forum participation useful for social support - it may be easier to discuss personal problems online than face-to-face (e.g., Prescott et al., 2020). A large part of these discussions took place in general question forums, which indicates that fictophilia, as a recently popularized phenomenon, provokes confusion to an extent that people seek advice for understanding and dealing with related experiences.

Fictophilic Behaviors

Fictophilic Asexuality

The only previous peer reviewed publication that we found addressing fictophilia in particular is a recent study by Yule et al. (2017) who researched the sexual fantasies of asexually identifying individuals via an online survey. The specific paragraph, which also includes a reference to one of the forum discussions that we found, is worth citing at length:

Asexual women in the current study were much more likely to endorse fantasies that focus on fictional human characters, rather than focusing on another person. In fact, there are at least some self-identified asexual individuals who also identify as 'fictosexual' or 'fictoromantic' [link]. However, there were no significant differences between the asexual and sexual participants (women or men) in the frequency of endorsing fantasies that involved non-human ... in any proportion that was significantly more than that of sexual individuals. We did not ask specifically about schediaphilia or sexual attraction to animated cartoon or anime characters. While there is very little academic writing on this topic, it has some presence on the Internet and there are claims that some individuals are sexually and/or romantically attracted to particular cartoon characters. Elucidating the difference between those who are attracted to human, non-human, and animated fictional characters will be important to consider in future asexuality research (p. 321).

Fictophilic Supernormal Stimuli

The notion of supernormal sexual stimuli is oft-discussed in non-human research, for instance, by zoologists Gwynne and Rentz (1983) who found male beetles being attracted to bottles that were "apparently acting as supernormal releasers of male copulation attempts in that they resemble large females" (p. 80). Considering that fundamental affective emotions such as care, grief, and lust operate very similarly across species ( Panksepp and Biven, 2012), it would not be surprising for the globally thriving character industry (e.g., Hoffner, 1996; Song and Fox, 2016) to produce supernormal stimuli also for humans. A large part of our discussants told this to be the case. The extra attractive features of fictional characters were described in either mental or physical terms. Previous survey research has implied both types of attractiveness to contribute to the intensity of parasocial relationships (see Liebers and Schramm, 2017), and our study adds further qualitative evidence on those earlier findings by demonstrating how people with fictophilic experiences explicitly address the supernormality of the characters as a reason for their feelings and love. Whereas physical characteristics (like care-triggering neoteny) were commonly discussed, perhaps the most frequent point in this regard was the emotional security that relationships with fictional characters allowed, as illustrated by comments such as 'it is safer to crush on someone who would never like you back,' 'fictional characters cannot disappoint you,' and 'fear of rejection is not there.' Notably, the above elements were already observed by Horton and Wohl (1956) according to whom people with parasocial relations are "free to withdraw at any moment" (p. 215). It must also be stressed that - even though many discussants may be young - some writers explicitly expressed being older, married, and having children. In such life scenarios, reduced or absent responsibilities related to the fictophilic relationship make sense as supernormal features. Considering that previous research did not find viewing or 'belief' in romantic TV shows predictive of lower relationship satisfaction ( Osborn, 2012), married and older fictophiles may experience their relationships with fictional characters supplemental rather than compensatory to their human relationships.

Coda: A Lost Chapter of Japanese Media Psychology

In the parasocial relationship literature that we reviewed earlier, the study of fictional characters as objects of romantic and sexual interest often skips the media psychological discourse of Japan and its fiction-consuming 'otaku' cultures, which have sparked academic as well as public controversies since the 1980s (e.g., Treat, 1993; Okada, 1996; Lamarre, 2009). Galbraith (2015) visits the history of otaku sexuality as a culture-specific notion through the "long-standing concerns in Japan about the orientation of desire toward fictional characters and sexual preference for them" (p. 215), both of which are standardly considered "antisocial insofar as it takes one away from interactions with human others" (ibid.). Galbraith questions these concerns by arguing that the 'productive' value systems related to human-human interaction in the country simply differ from the ones maintained by the otaku. In the present ultimate section, we accordingly discuss fictophilia with reference to this Japanese discourse, which enables us to build three contexts of future discussion and research:

(a) In the disconnected context, fictophilia occurs as a phenomenon triggered by the emergence and proliferation of ontologically separate fictional characters. Fictophilic behavior is considered a natural means for individuals to react and adapt but may turn pathological by disrupting the individual's 'objective' conception of reality.

(b) In the connected context, the distinction between 'fiction' and 'objective reality' endures, yet the emotions of fictophilia-related phenomena belong to the latter as something that individuals can learn to 'need.' Fictophilic relationships are not considered 'substitutes' but genuine attachments that some people have come to develop, thus making fictophilia a sexual orientation like any other.

(c) In the integrated context, the distinction between 'fiction' and 'objective reality' is considered flawed or irrelevant, for which fictophilia-related phenomena cannot be distinguished from human-human love and desire to begin with. In order for an individual to cope with their fictophilic orientation they must acknowledge the above ontological irrelevance and cultivate their romantic and sexual behavior analytically.

Dis/Connected Context

In Azuma's (2009) framework of analysis, the romantic and sexual feelings that the otaku have toward fictional characters (i.e., potential fictophilia) can be associated with 'addictions' that are developed over time when consuming behaviors or substances of diverse sorts. While the comparison of fiction-oriented romantic and sexual activity to drugs and the otaku to addicts thereof may not be a fitting one, the underlying premise of fictional characters' impact on human sexual development is worth considering. Arguably a better means to discuss this 'addiction' would be to address it, as Azuma puts it later, like one of the potentially infinite 'needs' that humans are capable of developing:

Just as animal needs and human desires differ, so do genital needs and subjective 'sexuality' differ. ... Since the [otaku] were teenagers, they had been exposed to innumerable otaku sexual expressions: at some point, they were trained to be sexually stimulated by [it] ... anyone can grasp that kind of stimulation if they are similarly trained, since it is essentially a matter of nerves (p. 89).

With Azuma, a central way to conceptualize love-desire for fictional characters (across media) is to see it as a (post)modern instance of cultural evolution that aligns with individual growth and change in the psycho-social domain, thus producing diverse romantic and sexual subjectivities. This fiction-sensitive conception of malleable sexuality makes an addition to the theories of development that perceive media characters as supporting tools in the process instead. Karniol's (2001) research on the sexual fandom of girls between 13 and 15 years of age is a relevant point of reference. According to Karniol, for these Israeli girls, idolized media characters (celebrities, stars, etc.) serve as

practice love objects on which to test new exciting feelings, to discuss and legitimize these feelings in one's peer group, to play-act the role of caring for someone else, and fantasize about being loved back... [these] love objects need to be cute and lovable, metaphorically serving the same 'cuddly' function as the stuffed toys that they usually replace (pp. 74-75).

Likewise, Zhang and Fung (2017) evidence in their qualitative study on Chinese girls' music fandom how many of the intensely attached individuals consider their emotional affiliation as a 'love relationship' where the idol is treated as their 'boyfriend' or 'husband,' yet still rationally sustaining a certain "liminal joy between the reality and the fantasy" (p. 138) (see also Brown et al., 2005; Ward et al., 2006; Lee, 2008). These non-fictional instances overlap with those of fictophilia, as with few or no previous romantic or sexual experiences fictophilic love and desire may serve similarly as a passing phase in the early stages of sexual development (which should not be considered undermining the emotions and feelings involved). Compare this to the original theory of parasocial relationships:

Nothing could be more reasonable or natural than that people who are isolated and lonely should seek sociability and love wherever they think they can find it. It is only when the para-social relationship becomes a substitute for autonomous social participation, when it proceeds in absolute defiance of objective reality, that it can be regarded as pathological ( Horton and Wohl, 1956, p. 223, emphasis added).

The prolonged discourse of parasocial romantic-sexual relationships and the discussion of otaku sexuality represent two culturally ranging contexts: in the disconnected context, fictophilia is a phenomenon triggered by the emergence and proliferation of ontologically separate fictional characters, and although fictophilic behavior is considered a natural means for individuals to react and adapt, it may also turn pathological by disrupting the individual's 'objective' conception of reality. The connected context, in turn, maintains the ontological separation but does not distinguish the emotions and sociality related to fictional characters from 'objective' reality; rather, it considers them a part thereof, which makes fictophilia an orientation like any other. In the connected context, fictophilic relationships are not considered 'substitutes' but genuine attachments that (some) people have learned to 'cultivate.'

Integrated Context

The connected and disconnected contexts can be accompanied by a third one, deriving from Saito's long-term psychological work. Saito (2010) argues that fictional characters should not be treated ontologically distinct to begin with, and individuals' romantic and sexual feelings toward them are merely a proof of their material significance:

we are more sensitive than we have ever been to the way fiction works. We know very well that our awareness is always limited, that it is nothing more than an image constructed according to the logic of our nervous system and the organization of our psyche ... With this understanding we can conclude many times over that everything is fiction and nothing more. [Yet] it is sex that keeps resisting to the end the fictionalization and relativization brought on by the fantasies of an informationalized society. Sexuality has never been portrayed as a complete fiction, and it is unlikely that it ever will be ... the moment we desire [a character], reality intrudes (p. 171).

To be clear, Saito does not claim that fictional characters and organic human beings are one and the same ontological thing, but rather - dovetailing the Western anthropological theories of fiction response according to which the notion of fiction is integrated to human perception (e.g., Iser, 1993) - considers ontological distinctions unproductive and thus treats fictional characters as concrete objects of attachment. That said, his position also involves an explicit (Freudian) argument for sexuality's exceptional role in human functioning: although the contemporary individual tends to engage with 'fictions' of various sorts daily, it is first and foremost the romantically or sexually potent types of fiction that make the individual become aware of their genuine emotions and feelings toward them.

Mirroring Azuma's argument on the otaku being inclined to acquire distinct 'needs' or 'orientations', Saito conceives of the otaku as an exclusively developed individual (not normatively) who, due to their particular experiences of mediated culture, have come to cognize fiction and the characters thereof by specific means. The otaku, Saito argues, are in fact more conscious and analytical of the nature of their (potential) romantic-sexual emotions or feelings than those who problematize them. This analytical consciousness allows the otaku to cope with their fiction-related emotions and feelings in elegant ways that may be difficult to grasp from the outside:

while they do not in any way 'confuse fiction with reality,' they are uninterested in setting fiction and reality up against each other ... This means not just falling in love and losing oneself in the world of a single work, but somehow staying sober while still indulging one's feverish enthusiasm ... 'What is it about this impossible object [that] I cannot even touch, that could possibly attract me?' This sort of question reverberates in the back of the otaku's mind. A kind of analytic perspective on his or her own sexuality yields not an answer to this question but a determination of the fictionality and the communal nature of sex itself. 'Sex' is broken down within the framework of fiction and then put back together again (pp. 24-27).

We may recall here those online discussions that dealt openly with questions of 'naturality' or 'normality' related to fictophilia, i.e., whether longitudinal romantic-sexual emotions and feelings projected on fictional characters should be considered abnormal, unnatural, or even unhealthy ('It's just so weird to me and I don't think this is normal?'). From Saito's viewpoint, such concerns for 'naturality' or 'normality' in fictophilia and the emotions and feelings involved may be calibrated as follows: how does the individual understand 'real(ity)' and where is their object of attachment (fictional character) located within that understanding?

Saito's perspective forms an integrated context within which ontological distinctions are considered irrelevant in total. If an individual understands their fictophilic orientation as a prolonged unsuccessful attempt to build a bridge between two ontologies (fiction and reality), this surfaces as a problem specifically due to their flawed binary between 'fiction' and 'reality.' If, on the other hand, the individual has learned to acknowledge the specific nature of their (parasocial) relationship - being aware of the character's function as a cultural product and yet readily expressing emotions and feelings for it - they can well live with the situation 'soberly' (to use Saito's word) without experiencing it problematic.

The disconnected, connected, and integrated contexts of romantic and sexual engagement with fiction provide an abstract of the ongoing cross-cultural discussions of fictophilia. The contexts exemplify how fictophilia, both as an emerging psychological concept and a popular catch word, advances and expands the preceding lineage of discourses in both academic and non-academic domains across cultures.

Conclusion

Based on a qualitative analysis of 71 public online discussions, this study carried out an explorative conceptualization of what has come to be referred as 'fictosexuality,' 'fictoromance,' or 'fictophilia.' Generally described as a strong and lasting feeling of love or desire toward a fictional character, the phenomenon has surfaced as a psychologically and socially relevant reflection of the evolution that human cultures and sexualities are going through. Ultimately, five key themes surfaced from the data: fictophilic paradox, fictophilic stigma, fictophilic behaviors, fictophilic asexuality, and fictophilic supernormal stimuli. Since the present study was explorative, more empirical and theoretical research is needed to build a better understanding of the fictophilia phenomenon and its position in diverse cultural contexts. Specifically, the aspects that possibly separate fictophilia from romantic and sexual parasocial relationships that individuals establish with celebrities and other 'unattainable' peers should be studied in more detail. Likewise, the potential functions of fictophilia in human sexual development call for explicit research.

Data Availability Statement

The data supporting the conclusions of this article will be made available by the authors, without undue reservation.

Ethics Statement

Ethical review and approval was not required in accordance with the local legislation and institutional requirements. Written informed consent for participation was not required for this study in accordance with the national legislation and the institutional requirements.

Author Contributions

V-MK initiated the research, gathered the research data, and wrote the first draft of the manuscript. V-MK and TV did qualitative data analysis for the whole data respectively. TV did descriptive statistics for the purposes of describing the data and wrote sections of the manuscript. Both authors contributed to manuscript revision, read, and approved the submitted version.

Funding

This research was supported by the Academy of Finland projects Centre of Excellence in Game Culture Studies (CoE-GameCult, 312397) and Sexuality and Play in Media Culture (SaP, 309382).

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest.

Acknowledgments

A draft of this article was first presented in Shanghai at the Crossroads conference. We thank Caroline Bem, Susanna Paasonen, and Maria Garda for their valuable feedback.

References

Gwynne, D. T., and Rentz, D. C. F. (1983). Beetles on the bottle: male buprestids mistake stubbies for females ( Coleoptera). Aust. J. Entomol. 22, 79-80. doi: 10.1111/j.1440-6055.1983.tb01846.x

CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar

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Frontiers | Fictosexuality, Fictoromance, and Fictophilia: A Qualitative Study of Love and Desire for Fictional Characters

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Fictosexuality, fictoromance, and fictophilia are terms that have recently become popular in online environments as indicators of strong and lasting feelings...

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Zoë Williams (@x03) • Instagram photos and videos

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14K Followers, 1,990 Following, 1,931 Posts - See Instagram photos and videos from Zoë Williams (@x03)

# data[].attributes.body
Vygotsky emphasized the role of the social environment in the child’s cognitive development.

Vygotsky proposed, is a “leading factor in development”—a unique, broadly influential zone of proximal development in which children experiment with a wide array of challenging skills and acquire culturally valued competencies. The most significant of these is a strengthened capacity for self-regulation.

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“Imagination in adolescents and school children is play without action” may turn out as a valid position from which to explain fictophilia as a developed form of ‘pretend play’ also in older populations.  Pretend play encourages and challenges children to step outside their comfort zone, think creatively, explore their feelings, and maybe even expose some vulnerability. It fosters many aspects of self-regulation as children plan their play theme, assign different roles to friends, negotiate through difficult situations, and decide on the rules of play.

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I designed a genderless virtual character, and in order to distinguish it from a real person, I designed a computer head.

This is the first version, but after suggestions from my tutor and classmates, I felt that it does not reflect the genderless characteristics very well.

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Mizuiro (, meaning "water colored" or "aqua") is a Japanese aesthetic that utilizes a light blue color palette and visuals from contemporary youth in the nation. Its mood is largely pessimistic, with cold tones, slouchy clothing, and an association with Otaku culture. It also incorporates Kawaii elements, especially with mascots and girly fashion.

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Mizuiro

Key colours

Light blue, turquoise, white, sometimes grey

Mizuiro (水色, meaning "water colored" or "aqua") is a Japanese aesthetic that utilizes a light blue color palette and visuals from contemporary youth in the nation. Its mood is largely pessimistic, with cold tones, slouchy clothing, and an association with Otaku culture. It also incorporates Kawaii elements, especially with mascots and girly fashion.

The community for this aesthetic creates content on Instagram and TikTok, which you can find by searching 水色界隈 (mizuiro community), 水色サブカル (mizuiro subculture), and 水色雰囲気 (mizuiro aesthetic). However, some non-Japanese people call it "Tenshi (Kawaii)" because the magazine concerning this style is named Tenshi.

Before it was given any name, the aesthetic was mostly associated with Ano from the now distinct Japanese idol group You'll Melt More! as well as her fans during the mid-to-late 2010s. As the "light blue" member of the group, she was mainly known for being a social outcast and her customized tracksuits, both of which are still a recurring theme in the aesthetic to this today.

In 2020, due to a tracksuit boom, a renewed interest in the aesthetic occured, causing a new peak in its popularity.

Most images in this aesthetic have been edited to be cooler toned, with a bluish-gray hue over the image. The colors in this aesthetic always include light blue (hence the name) and white. Black and silver are other common colors. Pink may show through because of the popular trend of excess blush makeup and its ubiquity in Kawaii merchandise. Some mizuiro visuals incorporate cyber/ webcore visuals from the 90s or 2000s to early 2010s, with low-poly computer generated imagery, old web design and fonts, and Web 1.0 internet UIs.

Cute, minimalistic illustrations are also a popular motif in this aesthetic and very reminiscent of wabi-sabi with their wobbly outlines and unpolished look. They usually feature original characters created for purely aesthetic reasons rather than a story.

However, characters from specific anime and franchises may be featured too. People in this aesthetic may own figurines, posters, and various other merchandise centered around these characters, similar to Kawaii Gamer. A common character is Rei Ayanami from Neon Genesis Evangelion, as well as Hachiware from Chiikawa, and the de facto mascot is Sanrio's Cinnamoroll. What all these characters have in common is that white and blue are their main colors, which explains their popularity in the mizuiro community.

The locations many images take place in also reflect an Otaku lifestyle. Many photos often take place in arcades and gamer set-ups. The photos also often have an industrial edge to them, as many photos were taken in city streets and parking garages, with concrete and steel being common in the background.

While the aesthetic covers a wide range of styles, there is a few elements that are characteristic of mizuiro fashion.

This fashion style mainly consists a blue color scheme, usually with hints of sportiness or techwear influences like tracksuits, hoodies, etc. Sometimes flared leg warmers are included. Usually features kawaii imagery or a general soft feel, and is paired with old web aesthetics.

Written as ジャージメイド in Japanese, the jersey maid style is a fashion style that utilizes tracksuits (commonly called jerseys in Japan) with maid-like details, such as ruffles and lace. Outfits consisting of an oversized tracksuit worn in combination with a maid headdress and apron are the most common, but there's also many clothes specifically made with the style in mind that can often resemble Girly and Lolita fashion. Western fans had mistakenly referred to this 2020s revival of Mizuiro as Tenshi Kaiwai (天使界隈, Angel Community); this is actually the community hashtag of the Tenshi Zyoshi magazine/blog that featured the aesthetic, not the aesthetic itself.

Content creators on TikTok often create videos of them wearing the light blue outfits and dancing to fast-paced electronic dance music or VOCALOID music. Commonly, these people cover up their face with stickers or use filters.

Like in other fashion-centered TikTok communities, there are also many videos where people following the aesthetic show off their latest hauls, introduce their favorite brands, or recommend specific products and where to get them.

Popular artists within Mizuiro include:

"Aqua Illumination" - Pedestrian feat. Hatsune Miku

"Light Blue Invasion" - Nayutalien

"Mizuiro Paralyze" - Munen

External links to help get a better understanding of this aesthetic.

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Mizuiro (水色, meaning "water colored" or "aqua") is a Japanese aesthetic that utilizes a light blue color palette and visuals from contemporary youth in the nation. Its mood is largely pessimistic, with cold tones, slouchy clothing, and an association with Otaku culture. It also incorporates Kawaii elements, especially with mascots and girly fashion.

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Named after the Year 2000 problem, Y2K Futurism is characterized by slick futuristic fashion, technology, and music, signaling the optimism[1] for the 3rd Millennium or 21st Century. Some of its aspects include tight leather pants, shiny clothing, silver eye shadow, spiky up-dos, Oakleys, gradients, translucence, and Blobitecture. Y2K is mostly classified as a subcategory to Retro-Futurism, but some elements also cross over with Vaporwave, since it shares Vaporwave's angst towards late-stage (corpo-)capitalism, and its nostalgia for "a future that never came".

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Y2K Futurism

Other names

Cybercore, Cyber Y2K, Kaybug

Decade of origin

1980s (earliest roots)
1990s (popularization)

Key motifs

"A future that never was"

Key colours

Mainly various shades of grey, white, blue and green, but also other colours, all of them chrome with a little grey shade

Related media

Toonami, Space Channel 5, Ace Combat 3, Wipeout, Hackers, Totally Spies, The Matrix, Jet Set Radio, Rez

Related brands

Agora Road, JNCO, Kikwear, UFO, Oakley

This aesthetic is not to be confused with McBling or Cyber Grunge (both mistakenly referred to as "Y2K" on social media).

Y2K Futurism (also known as Cybercore, Cyber Y2K, or Kaybug, and originally just Y2K prior to semantic shift) is an aesthetic that was prevalent in popular culture from roughly 1997 to 2004, succeeding the Memphis Design/ Memphis Lite and Grunge eras and overlapping with the McBling and 2K1 aesthetics. After Y2K Futurism ended, it was succeeded by Frutiger Aero.

Named after the Year 2000 problem, Y2K Futurism is characterized by slick futuristic fashion, technology, and music, signaling the optimism for the 3rd Millennium or 21st Century. Some of its aspects include tight leather pants, shiny clothing, silver eye shadow, spiky up-dos, Oakleys, gradients, translucence, and Blobitecture. Y2K is mostly classified as a subcategory to Retro-Futurism, but some elements also cross over with Vaporwave, since it shares Vaporwave's angst towards late-stage (corpo-)capitalism, and its nostalgia for "a future that never came".

The term "Y2K Aesthetic", coined by Evan Collins of the Consumer Aesthetics Research Institute in 2016, originally referred specifically to Y2K Futurism. However, usage of "Y2K" later became more broad on social media, and this aesthetic now falls under the broader Y2K umbrella term.

Y2K Futurism has its origins in the underground UK rave scene of the Late- 1980s/Early- 1990s. Rave flyers at this time featured designs that would later become known as the Y2K style, and artists released albums which would form the basis of Y2K-era electronica, i.e. The Prodigy's Experience (1992), Aphex Twin's Selected Ambient Works (recorded 1985-1992), and The Future Sound of London's Accelerator (1992). This period also saw the early works of the Sheffield-based Designers Republic, founded in 1986. The game Ridge Racer was released in 1993, an early example of Y2K aesthetics and music.

Signs of the Futuristic Y2K aesthetic first going mainstream appeared around 1994 to 1996, with the release of Windows 95, the start of the Internet boom, the Sega Saturn, original PlayStation, and Nintendo 64 being released with games such as Wipeout and Super Mario 64, Pokémon being released in Japan, the films Hackers, Trainspotting, and Scream being released, artists like the Spice Girls, Robyn, Moloko, and Backstreet Boys debuting in Europe, and the music video for Michael and Janet Jackson's "Scream". Campaigns like Nintendo's " Play It Loud" era might have been a precursor to Y2K, as well.

Y2K became well-defined by 1997, replacing the mid-'90s era which had been known for its grittier aesthetics such as Grunge. The Spice Girls' single " Wannabe" was released in the U.S. and gained international popularity, leading to a new era in teen pop, and in a Super Bowl ad that year the group heralded the arrival of "Generation Next". Furthermore, post-grunge started to become popular with bands such as Creed and Foo Fighters, Nu-Metal began its mainstreaming with Limp Bizkit, Deftones, and Incubus, Hanson released " Mmmbop", and more music videos by artists such Puff Daddy (" Mo Money Mo Problems"), Will Smith ("Gettin' Jiggy wit It", "Men in Black"), and the Spice Girls ("Say You'll Be There") were done in the Y2K style. Electronica/big beat artists such as The Prodigy, Massive Attack, Portishead, and Tricky increased in mainstream visibility, as did rave culture.

In an attempt to compete with rival companies such as WCW and ECW, WWF entered the edgier "Attitude Era" and had gotten rid of its Memphis influence (from the "New Generation Era") by March 1998. South Park and King of the Hill premiered, and Cartoon Network debuted the Toonami block which mainstreamed anime in the U.S. The PS1 and N64 were now in full swing with games such as Final Fantasy VII and Goldeneye. The movies Titanic and Men in Black were released which are regarded as Y2K phenomena. Y2K fashions such as frosted tips, soul patches, and JNCOs were becoming popular.

Between 1998 and 2000, Y2K Futurism began to experience a massive surge in popularity with phenomenon such as Pokémania, Limp Bizkit, NSYNC, TRL, The Matrix, TOM replacing Moltar on Toonami, and Britney Spears. Y2K's popularity peaked around Late-1999/Early-2000, coinciding with the turn of the millennium and apex of the Dot-com Bubble.

The Y2K Era gradually declined afterward due to events such as the Dot-com Bubble Burst, 9/11, and the War on Terror, though residual aesthetics from the era still remained popular until roughly 2004. This overlap period is sometimes referred to as 2K1, a mixture of Y2K Futurism and the incoming McBling influences.

2004 was the last hurrah of the Y2K Era. Cartoon Network switched from the "Powerhouse" era to "CN City" era, with most of their '90s programs ending and Toonami moving to Saturday nights. Nickelodeon went through a similar transition also, with '90s Nicktoons, the SNICK block, and pre-movie SpongeBob SquarePants ending. The final major Nu-Metal albums were released in 2004, and emo soon overtook nu-metal as the dominant "alternative" music genre; the popularization of MySpace and release of Green Day's American Idiot. McDonald's retired the McDonaldLand characters (except for Ronald McDonald) and rebranded from the "We love to see you smile" slogan to the infamous "I'm lovin' it" slogan. The first Web 2.0 conference was held in October 2004, early social media sites such as MySpace were rising in popularity. Marvel's Blade series, known for its heavy use of Futuristic Y2K aesthetics and music, ended. The Rock retired from WWE, and Brock Lesnar temporarily left to join the NFL, leaving John Cena to become the face of the company.

By 2005, the Futuristic Y2K aesthetic had more or less vanished completely. After Y2K ended, it gave way to the Frutiger Aero aesthetic, which coincided with the advent of Web 2.0; Frutiger Aero is widely considered Y2K Futurism's successor aesthetic, containing various similarities but being distinct as an aesthetic in its own right.

Since the Mid-Late 2010s, Y2K Era imagery and pop culture has begun to make a resurgence in various circles of the Internet, niche entertainment, and even mainstream entertainment due to the 20-year nostalgia cycle. Examples of Y2K revival songs include "1999" by Charli XCX, "2002" by Anne Marie, and "Motivation" by Normani. Evan Collins coined the term in 2016, having noticed the aesthetic had not yet been explored by the Vaporwave scene as much as earlier, more ubiquitous periods (particularly '80s/Early '90s aesthetics like Memphis Design and Synthwave), and wanting to give it more exposure. Collins runs the Y2K Aesthetic Institute along with Froyo Tam. They archive works exhibiting the aesthetic, in the fields of graphic design, flyers, game console design, video game concept art, interior design, architecture, fashion, etc. and chronicle both art from the era the aesthetic was popular, as well as modern depictions of the aesthetic. Tam has also made Ferrite Core DX and other open-source typefaces inspired by Y2K typography.

Another example of modern-Y2K aesthetics being used is the indie puzzle game known as CROSSNIQ+, which utilizes the more bold, thick-line aesthetics seen in Y2K cartoon styles. Also run by Krieger and The Y2K Institute is u::r::here, a free virtual gallery dedicated to showing off Y2K art and aesthetics.

The most major community forum that is based on Y2K aesthetics is Agora Road's Macintosh Cafe, which coins itself as a "nostalgic Y2K community". There are some smaller ones, such as the Orion's Arm forum, although that one is primarily about the fictional universe itself.*The aesthetic seems to be breaking into pop culture, such as the Charli XCX and Troye Sivan song 1999.

Music artists like DV-i, nuphory, System ST91, and Porter Robinson (under the alias of Virtual Self) produce Y2K-inspired electronic music in genres such as trance and atmospheric drum and bass. Dance System incorporates Y2K visuals and ambient into 2000s house music in his debut album Where's the party at?.

Virtual YouTuber Yuuki Takemoto experienced the Y2K Era, and incorporates it into her videos and art.

The artist named "Ivy Hollivana" seems to invoke a lot of the Y2K imagery in her music videos.

In NYC there is a store called happy99 which takes inspiration from Y2K styled art, toys, fashion and even architecture. They even have promos in their twitter where one is inspired by Y2K CGI and VFX while the other video is inspired by PS1 era games like Parappa the Rapper and DDR.

Planet 1999 released Devotion in 2020, features elements of Y2K such as Zip Drives, Furbies, Classic Mac computers and the mascot of the video evolving like a Pokémon or a corrupted version of Vibri from Vib Ribbon at the end of the album.

Kaizo Slumber is an electronica musician, of whom he incorporated various visual key elements from this aesthetic in his clips.

In East Asia, Cyber Grunge fashion is a mixture of Futuristic Y2K, Grunge, and Streetwear influences.

The clothing company Champion in 2022 had a shirt with a caterpillar on it that had a very Y2K style to it.

Many LGBTQ artists during pride month like to combine the concept of pride with the Y2K aesthetic.

The recent "Neo-Y2K" movement has modernized the Y2K aesthetic, incorporating elements of modern digital art, Glitchcore, Vaporwave, and various video game aesthetics and blending them with the color palettes and themes of Y2K. Notable artists of this aesthetic microgenre are Nuphory, TRAELMYX (also known as ::Y2KAE::, Vulpeox, and kur0myx), and SAM WAITIN. The microgenre is also much more closely related to the musical scene compared to old-school Y2K aesthetics, with all three of the aforementioned artists making some form of dance music.

Y2K Futurism aesthetics use both graphic design and CGI. Graphic designs usually feature thick lines, bold minimalism, and heavy use of iconography. CGI art is more blobby looking, having more gradients in contrast to Metalheart or Chromecore. Common colors used in Y2K art are, but not limited to, chrome, icy blue, ocean, bright oranges, glossy white, and black (for linework).

One of the earliest definers of the Futuristic Y2K aesthetic is the Designers Republic, a Sheffield-based graphic design studio best known for their work on the video game series as well as various album artwork, especially for artists on the electronica label Warp Records. Founded by Ian Anderson and Nick Phillips in 1986, they were best known for making art that subverts brash consumerism and the uniformity of corporate culture. Like Vaporwave, much of their work also drew inspiration from Japanese anime, which was beginning to rise in popularity around the same time.

Being that this was the era that the cell phone was first starting to become popular among your average consumer, you can find a lot of nods to the original models of cell phones (such as the original Nokia phones or the clamshell/flip phones) within the Y2K Futurism aesthetic.

Also popular around this time was the Blobject, a type of design product (often a household object) distinguished by smooth flowing curves, bright translucent colors (part of the then-popular clear craze fad), and an absence of sharp edges. Products of the time include Apple's Bondi Blue iMac G3, and Nintedo's Atomic Purple Game Boy Color. The word is a portmanteau of "blob" and "object".

Tamagotchi (1996-present)

Digimon Digivice (1999-2021)

iCybie (2000)

Poo-Chi (2000)

HitClips (2000)

LEGO Galidor (2002)

QRIO (2003)

VideoNow (2003-2006)

JuiceBox (2004)

Game Boy Advance Video (2004-2005)

Zizzle iZ (2005-2006)

Sega Saturn (1994/1995)

PlayStation (1994-2000)

Windows 95 (1995)

Nintendo 64 (1996)

Palm OS (1996-2007)

Motorola StarTAC Rainbow (1997)

Apple EMate (1998)

Game Boy Color (1998)

Diamond Rio PMP300 (1998)

iMac G3 (1998)

Windows 98 (1998)

Sega Dreamcast (1998/1999)

Aibo (1999-2003; later revived in 2018)

Mac OS 9 (1999)

Windows 2000 (1999)

Nokia 3310 (2000)

Windows Me (2000)

AOL Mobile Communicator (2000)

Motorola Pagewriter (2000-2001)

Windows CE 3.0 (2000-2001)

PlayStation 2 [Original and Slim Models] (2000-2004)

Blackberry RIM 957 (2001)

Game Boy Advance (2001-2005)

Nintendo GameCube (2001)

iPod [Original Model] (2001)

Xbox (2001/2002)

Mac OS X 10.0-10.4 (2001-2005)

Windows XP (2001)

Blackberry 7200 (2002)

iMac G4 (2002)

eMac (2002)

Windows Longhorn (cancelled; originally planned for 2003 release, later became Windows Vista)

Windows Mobile 2003 (2003)

iPod Mini (2004)

iMac G5 (2004/2005)

Windows Blackcomb (unknown; cancelled, originally planned for 2005 release prior to Longhorn/Vista Reset)

Nintendo DS [First Model] (2004/2005)

Windows Mobile 5.0 (2005)

Blobitecture, also known as ' blobism ', is a term given to a post-modern architectural style characterized by curved and rounded building shapes, or 'blob architecture'. Blobitecture buildings appear to have an organic form that is soft and free-flowing, yet comes together to produce a complex whole. Blobitecture buildings started popping up around the Late '90s/Early 2000s to reflect a lot of the trends at the time, giving the buildings something of a "futuristic" look at the time (by the standards of what constituted futuristic at that time period).

Y2K Futurism is a very new concept, but with certain brands that were popular at the time still existing, one could easily predict these brands could potentially play a huge role in Y2K Futurism. Also, it should be noted a lot of Holosexual aesthetics and style can turn up in Futuristic Y2K fashion as well (due to its usage in futuristic fashion at the time). Low-rise skirts are usually really popular in this aesthetic. Japan's Fruits magazine, published from 1997 to 2017, has also been popular among Y2K fashion revivalists.

Nu-metal and Industrial rock were closely associated with the Y2K period, particularly in the United States and France, and received particular attention after the Woodstock '99 festival. The subgenres epitomized the more masculine aesthetics of the Y2K period, combining Hip-Hop and Electronic styles with Heavy Metal. Bands such as Korn, Limp Bizkit, Slipknot, Deftones, Filter, Incubus, Coal Chamber, American Head Charge, and Marilyn Manson epitomized this controversial strain of Y2K culture. Acts like Nine Inch Nails, Tool, and White Zombie served as progenitors of Y2K musical aesthetics in the early and middle portions of the 1990s decade. Subcultural styles like Mallgoth, Rivethead, and Cybergoth epitomized part of the Dark landscape style, a subtle offshoot of the landscape aesthetic heavily inspired by nu-metal and industrial culture in the landscape era.

One of the most well-known music associated with Y2K in the United Kingdom was big beat, a subgenre of electronic music that used "heavy breakbeats and synthesizer-generated loops and patterns". Bands and music producers such as The Prodigy, The Chemical Brothers, Fatboy Slim, The Crystal Method, Junkie XL, and Propellerheads performed this music during the '90s. However, the genre has since become less prevalent in the mainstream, with modern examples being few and far in between.[1]

Another known genre at the time was trance, which has been more modernized and mainstream. Famous DJs from this period like Push, Ferry Corsten, Tiësto, Chicane, PPK, ATB, Signum, and Lange demonstrated well the euphoric and futuristic vibe of the Y2K aesthetic. Other tracks that became hits during the turn of the Millennium were "Better Off Alone" by Alice Deejay, Darude's "Sandstorm", and Rank 1's

Hands Up is a microgenre of music that originated in Germany, consisting of songs that could equally fall under genres like Trance, Electronic Dance Music and Eurodance all at once. With most artists in the genre hailing from Germany, some of the most popular ones include ItaloBrothers, Manian, Cascada, Basslovers United, Paffendorf and 666. Other well known Hands Up musicians are Basshunter, from Sweden, DJ Splash, from Hungary, or Clubraiders, from Austria. The genre stopped being mainstream by the early 2010s, although these songs continued to be featured in Nightcore remixes.

Other genres used during the Y2K Era were jungle, drum n' bass, and trip-hop (like Portishead, Massive Attack or Tricky). Much like big beat (and what ultimately inspired big beat to begin with), these genres have a heavy emphasize on techno-style music, with fast beats and use of synthesizers. To this day, these genres are still used in EDM scenes all over.

Bubblegum Eurodance was also common during the Y2K Era. Aqua, the Danish band responsible for the 1997 hit " Barbie Girl", is often attributed as being the most popular example of this genre, with an honorable mention going to the Italy's Eiffel 65, known for their 1998 single " Blue (Da Ba Dee)".

The Y2K aesthetic can also be seen in the music video to the Red Hot Chili Peppers' " Californication". The video takes the form of a fictional open-world video game that depicts each of the band members on an adventure in a California setting.

R&B and hip-hop also transitioned from the Golden Age/G-Funk/Boom Bap Era to the Jiggy/Bling/ Shiny Suit 97 Era (widely known as the Hype Williams era, because of the prevalence of these visual cues in his music videos), with producers like Timbaland, Swizz Beatz, and The Neptunes. Many R&B and hip-hop artists used Y2K aesthetics in music videos, as shown were TLC in their " No Scrubs" video, Aaliyah in " Are You That Somebody", Jennifer Lopez in " If You Had My Love" or Janet Jackson in " Doesn't Really Matter".

Alternative rock and post-grunge were popular at this time and used in media such as Hollywood films and AMVs. Rap/hip-hop were similarly popular, and the popularity of it during this time influenced 2000s soundtracks later in the decade such as the ones for Homestuck and Scribblenauts and 2010s soundtracks like the OST for Persona 4: The Animation.

Since Y2K was about embracing the future, the tone of music also reflected this. Electronic music was the go-to genre to capture this era as a musician, and other popular genres at the time were Eurodance, Jumpstyle, Britpop, R&B, etc. Some Record labels associated with Y2K Futurism include System Records and Eldia.

The 6th Day (2000)

Akira (1988)

Battlefield Earth (2000)

Bicentennial Man (1999)

Charlie's Angels (2000)

Clockstoppers (2002)

Cube (1997)

Cube²: Hypercube (2002)

Cypher (2002)

Digimon: The Movie (2000)

Equilibrium (2002)

The Fifth Element (1997)

Gattaca (1997)

Ghost In The Shell (1995)

Go (1999)

Hackers (1995)

Human Traffic (1999)

Jason X (2001)

Lost in Space (1998)

The Matrix (1999)

Men in Black (1997)

Men in Black II (2002)

Minority Report (2002)

Pinocchio 3000 (2004)

The Net (1995)

The One (2001)

Spy Kids (2001)

Spy Kids 2: Island of Lost Dreams (2002)

Spy Kids 3: Game Over (2003)

The SpongeBob SquarePants Movie (2004)

Virtuosity (1995)

X-Men (2000)

Y2K (1999)

Zenon: Girl of the 21st Century (1999)

2030 CE

Action Man (2000)

Alias

Animorphs

Battle Angel Alita

Beast Machines: Transformers

Beast Wars: Transformers

Ben 10

Blaster's Universe

Bounty Hamster

Bubblegum Crisis

Cleopatra 2525

Code Lyoko

Crash Zone

Cyberchase

Cybergirl

Daring & Grace: Teen Detectives

Dexter's Laboratory

Digimon Adventure

Ergo Proxy

Friday Night Download/Download (2007)

Futurama

Galactik Football

Heavy Gear: The Animated Series

Invader Zim

Johnny Test

Kim Possible

La Femme Nikita

Macross Plus

Max Steel (2000)

Megazone 23

Mobile Suit Gundam Wing

My Life as a Teenage Robot

Neon Genesis Evangelion

ReBoot

Robotboy

Saikano

Serial Experiments Lain

Shadow Raiders

Silversun (2004)

Squirt (1996)

SpongeBob SquarePants

Space Ghost: Coast To Coast

The SpongeBob SquarePants Movie (2004)

Texhnolyze

TekWars

The Adventures of Jimmy Neutron, Boy Genius

The Powerpuff Girls

Totally Spies!

Vandread

Voltron: The Third Dimension

X-Men: Evolution

Wipeout (1999)

Winx Club

The Zeta Project

Zixx

Orion's Arm may be the final sci-fi literary work since the 20th century to develop a world bigger by many people-which embraced prominent internet trends at the time-but would later make an aesthetic combining said aesthetic, Frutiger Aero, Hexatron, Biopunk, Weirdcore, Randumb, Webcore, Robotcore, Technical Scene, Xpiritualism, Silicon Dreams, Gen X Soft Club, and Abstract Tech. Homestar Runner was also a major part of Y2K era culture.

When people think of Y2K Futurism gaming, most could tell us about the Fifth (PlayStation, Nintendo 64, Sega Saturn, GameBoy Color) and Sixth (Dreamcast, PlayStation 2, Xbox, GameCube, Game Boy Advance) generations of consoles, as well as arcade hardware such as the Sega Naomi and Konami System 573 their respective lines of games, and their Low Poly visuals (particularly noticeable in the 5th Gen games).

During the late '90s and early 2000s, Sega produced one last console before withdrawing from the hardware industry. The Dreamcast, released in 1999, had shown Sega's ability to make creative and innovative games. The most Y2K Futurism-esque game was 1999's Space Channel 5, a rhythm game intended for a "casual female audience" that was applauded for its retro art style and soundtrack, encapsulating a lot of what people admired about Y2K aesthetics.

Another Dreamcast game that could be considered Y2K Futurism-inspired is 2000's Jet Set Radio, which, while not having the slick designs of Space Channel 5, captured other aspects such as Japanese punk fashion and early 2000s hip-hop. Jet Set Radio would also use iconography-inspired graphics for its UI. Jet Set Radio Future, its 2002 sequel, integrated even more Y2K aesthetics into its art and gameplay, as did the series' spiritual successor, Bomb Rush Cyberfunk.

Rez, released by Sega/UGA in 2001 for the Dreamcast and 2002 for the PS2, had a wireframe-y Y2K Futurism aesthetic, as the game centered round a computer virus nicknamed Swayzak invading the mainframe of a computer to reveal the true being at her core.

On the other hand, the series of Dreamcast network games, including ChuChu Rocket!, released in 1999 for the Dreamcast and 2001 for the GBA, as well as Dee Dee Planet, in production around 1999 until cancelled in 2001, had a heavy Y2K Futurism iconography and bold minimalism as the main aesthetics of both games. In particular, secret movies that can be collected within Dee Dee Planet contains visual compilations of Y2K imagery and graphics that was popular around the year of its production, thus cementing the game within the zeitgeist of Y2K Futurism.

Yet more Sega games that embodied this aesthetic are Sonic R (1997), Sonic Adventure (1998), Sonic Adventure 2 (2001), and Sonic Heroes (2003), particularly SA1 with its janky-yet-charming visuals and atmospheric Y2K music.

On the Sony end of the spectrum, no game series does a better job of embodying the Y2K Futurism aesthetic than the series, with art done by the aforementioned Designers Republic, even with recent iterations like (2008) and Wipeout 2048 (2012). Metal Gear Solid, developed by Konami, had a lot of Y2K aesthetics too. Ace Combat 3: Electrosphere also used Y2K Futurism aesthetics in its user interface, fictional aircraft designs, and soundtrack.

Most PlayStation Magazine demo discs, particularly the ones released in Europe from 1997 to 2004, are known for their very heavy use of Y2K Futurism visuals in its menu interface, typically CGI for PS1 discs, and graphic designs for PS2 discs. Music tracks that were used in these menus are associated with the popular Y2K electronic sounds around these years.

Other companies attempted to use Y2K aesthetics as a promotion for consoles, controllers, and games. Even Flash games on websites had the Y2K Futurism aesthetic, such as Cartoon Network's Toonami games ( Toonami: Trapped in Hyperspace in particular being a whole 3D FPS similar to Y2K aesthetic games Descent and Virus: The Game).

Some other games that could be considered Y2K Futurism aesthetic would include as follows:

Recently, the indie game scene started to get inspired by the Y2K Futurism revival wave and the developers to revisit the aesthetic. One of the first games is CROSSNIQ+, a puzzle arcade game mimicking the Dreamcast puzzles made by Max Kriegler. BallisticNG is a futuristic racing game inspired by the Wipeout series. Another example is Hypnospace Outlaw and its upcoming sequel, Dreamsettler. Hypnospace, a game taking place in 1999, has its last parts of the game taking place in an upgraded operating system with Y2K Futurism stylization, and its upcoming sequel Dreamsettler takes place in 2003, with an OS inspired by Y2K-stylized operating systems of its time, like Mac OS X and Windows XP.

The upcoming indie game Neon White, and varied indie first-person shooter games SPRAWL, Ghostware: Arena of the Dead, and all yet to be released soon, embrace this aesthetic as well. Roblox is also involved, as it had in early development a lot of Y2K Futurism-esque elements and nowadays Y2K skins and accessories are made by the community for example.

Y2K Futurism aesthetics were used in architecture, such as the Encounter Restaurant at LAX, which opened in 1997, and was the filming location of the US music video for Moloko's " Fun For Me."

Even theme park attractions used the Y2K Futurism aesthetic. One of the earliest examples of Y2K Futurism could be considered The ExtraTERRORestrial Alien Encounter, which opened at Walt Disney World's Magic Kingdom park in December 1994. Disney would later capitalize on the Y2K aesthetic with DisneyQuest, a virtual reality entertainment center located in Walt Disney World's Downtown Disney, with a second location in Chicago, Illinois. They also had the ESPN Zone dining and interactive experiences in major cities. On the other side of the pond, Sega opened Sega World Sydney in Darling Harbour, Australia, and Sega World London at the Trocadero in London. Sega also partnered with DreamWorks to establish GameWorks, a series of arcades found at major cities.

External links to help get a better understanding of this aesthetic:

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This aesthetic is not to be confused with McBling or Cyber Grunge (both mistakenly referred to as "Y2K" on social media). Y2K Futurism (also known as Cybercore, Cyber Y2K, or Kaybug, and originally just Y2K prior to semantic shift) is an aesthetic that was prevalent in popular culture from roughly 1997 to 2004, succeeding the Memphis Design/Memphis Lite and Grunge eras and overlapping with the McBling and 2K1 aesthetics.

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I've talked about the final exhibition and the installation that I designed.

I will modify the design of the character and decided the image of badges and tools.

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I modified the original version to add some more futuristic and dreamy elements.

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This is the final version. To fit the theme, some dreamy stylized designs have been added.

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I want to show ethereal, dream-like aesthetic. These three subculture styles are currently very popular with the audience of this project, that is, young girls. So I combined them. Also, white and light blue are very suitable for a wedding, so I mainly used white and light blue as the main colors of the final illustrations. And I used glossy textures, lens flare and other Frutiger Aero elements.

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Both illustrations are based on the theme of "Wedding with a Virtual Character", one is two people dancing at a wedding, and the other is a virtual character dressed up. I hope these two illustrations show the happiness of marrying a virtual character.

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I drew two illustrations and made postcards and badges.

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Andrew helped me and taught me how to use the machine to make badge by myself. I make 16 badges to show them on the exhibition. It was easy and fun to make.

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Wedding invitations made of paper, felt and wool felt.

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Small gifts made of felt.

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Old TV case

Led screen

Translucent acrylic sheet

Hairpin

Felt

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Filled with soft felt cloth

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Decorate the enclosure with a glue gun

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Glue the LED screen to the acrylic board, leaving enough space for the eyes to see.

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Fix the finished screen in the case

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Draw emotions

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Make custom emoticons

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LED DIY app

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Red book

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Weibo

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Weibo

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Lofter

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These three apps have special communities related to dream girls, and many people participate in the creation.

In Chinese dream girl community, there are three types of fan works known as the “Dream Girl Three-Piece Set”: articles, illustrations, and goods related to the person they love.

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The purpose of the module is to enable you to undertake a sustained, in-depth and theoretically informed research project exploring an area that is of personal interest to you. It is important that we can support you appropriately, so you will be guided towards choosing a research topic which is relevant to your discipline and in which your lecturers have expertise. The outcome may take the form of a written dissertation or a practical outcome with accompanying reflective, critical and contextual material. The main consideration when choosing your topic is that it must be relevant to your programme and you should consider the relevance of this topic to your future academic or professional development.

At this level, you will be expected to work independently but you will receive additional one-to-one support from your supervisor, who will be familiar with your chosen topic area. As you progress on the module, extra support will be available and this may take the form of group seminars, workshops and online materials that will help in the development of your project.

This module is an opportunity for you to develop skills which will contribute to the acquisition of key

BCU graduate attributes; creative problem solvers, enterprising, professional and work ready and global outlook. In the context of the creative and cultural industries and at this academic level, this means an ability to: create work which is of a professional standard relevant to the discipline; undertake successful project planning to a professional standard, which may include budgetary and other relevant constraints; innovate and experiment; to self-evaluate and reflect critically on your work, situating your practice within the context of relevant academic/professional debates within your chosen medium.

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Background:

What is the context of the brief that you are investigating?

Last semester I initially explored the topic of fictosexuality (People treat virtual characters as their lovers rather than real people) in my personal project, and I will delve deeper into this. I want to explore the cultural, psychological, and social reasons behind this phenomenon, for example, the relationship between virtual fantasy and reality, whether immersing yourself in the virtual world is an escapist behavior, etc. It will be completed with more interactive and experiential approach.

What do you know from your research?

This phenomenon originated in Japan, but is now common among young girls in China. The project research is based on China's current cultural background. Previous questionnaire surveys have found that liking virtual characters will not have a negative impact on the vast majority of people, and we can continue to explore the behavioral and psychological benefits of this.

What is the historical, cultural and contemporary context your brief?

Fictosexuality is sexual attraction towards fictional characters. Romantic attraction towards fictional characters is called fictoromantic. In Chinese, the term zhixingliän (simplified

Chinese：纸性恋 'paper sexuality') specifically refers to sexual attraction towards two-dimensional characters only.Mainly appears among novel and ACG culture fans, especially women. In China we call them "Dream girl".

Objectives:

What is the purpose of your brief?

Try to understand these people and explore new ways to promote this emotion (Further blurring the boundaries between virtuality and reality).

Target Audience:

Who is your audience and why?

People who love virtual characters.

People who can understand and admit this kind of love.

People who can't understand and admit this kind of love.

For those people who understand and already in this relationship, they can get recognition and support.

For people who can't, they can get to know about and be tolerant of them.

Media:

What media(ums) will you adopt as part of the brief?

Experimental video ((temporary)

I made some small works by felt in my DPS workshop, maybe in this project, I can use felt or other similar materials to make my works.

Deliverables:

1. Exhibition

2. Video

3. Small installations (interactive)

(temporary)

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The ZPD relates to the difference between what a child (or a novice) can achieve independently and what a child can achieve with guidance and encouragement from a skilled partner.

Vygotsky (1978) views the zone of proximal development as the area where the most sensitive instruction or guidance should occur, enabling the child to develop skills they will later use independently, thus fostering higher mental functions.

The ZPD is not a static space but constantly shifts as the child learns and develops new skills. As a child’s competence grows, their zone of proximal development also expands to encompass new challenges.