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Doppelganger targets US audience on X to discredit Georgian protests

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Doppelganger targets US audience on X to discredit Georgian protests

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The latest iteration of the Russia-attributed campaign discredits pro-democracy protests in Georgia

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Doppelganger targets US audience on X to discredit Georgian protests

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The latest iteration of the Russia-attributed doppelganger campaign discredits pro-democracy protests in Georgia

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Expert Paper Details Risks ahead of Georgia’s Crucial Parliamentary Elections

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Expert Paper Details Risks ahead of Georgia’s Crucial Parliamentary Elections

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Ahead of the crucial Parliamentary elections on October 26, GMF published a paper called “Georgia’s 2024 Parliamentary Election: Pre-election risk assessment,” authored by Laura Thornton, senior vice president of democracy at the German Marshall Fund (GMF), (with contributions from Tamara Sartania), which details risks and vulnerabilities in Georgia’s political pre-election landscape, legal framework and election administration, campaign environment, and media and information space.

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Ahead of the crucial Parliamentary elections on October 26, GMF published a paper called "Georgia's 2024 Parliamentary Election: Pre-election risk assessment," authored by Laura Thornton, senior vice president of democracy at the German Marshall Fund (GMF), (with contributions from Tamara Sartania), which details risks and vulnerabilities in Georgia's political pre-election landscape, legal framework and election administration, campaign environment, and media and information space.

Given the current developments in the country around the Foreign Agents Law, the author argues that the "most significant risk" facing Georgia is "a volatile and evolving crisis that has pitted the government against its people." Thornton anticipates political violence and arrests and the challenges to the legitimacy of the election.

She also warns that the role of media and election observers will be constrained, but also notes that despite all the challenges, the election results are not "foregone," given the track-record of the people of Georgia overcoming such obstacles.

Talking about risks the author writes: "These risks supersede, but build upon, other shortcomings identified in the election framework and administration, the media and information space, and the political playing field."

Heading to the October elections Georgia faces "toxic environment of longstanding risks", which potentially include civil unrest because of violence against segments of Georgian society including media, the growing number of detentions and intimidation, cancellation or limitation of due election observation process, restricted media coverage of the election related developments, failure to carry out necessary electoral reforms, GD information campaigns on threats of war and territorial integrity.

Political landscape

Discussing political landscape, the author focuses on the protests against the Foreign Agents Law and the violence against activists, media and the opposition, including by the security forces. She also discusses the legislative developments around the controversial law and argues that the legislation itself "is a symptom of a deeper illness: the Georgian government's rejection of a westward looking foreign policy and desire to stifle civil society and media-the only remaining checks on government-as part of a broader illiberal agenda and attempt to stay in power," which contradict the will of the Georgian people.

"Importantly, the timing of this legislation is purposeful and directly linked to the elections. GD was likely to secure a plurality without this law due to its access to state resources, the unlevel playing field, and a divided opposition," the author continues, adding that GD founder and honorary chairman Ivanishvili are trying to "eliminate any possible threat, including electoral oversight by civic and media actors" to stay in power.

The author emphasizes the unpredictability of the development of the protests in the country, and notes that it remains unclear "whether there will be heightened violence and further arrests of opposition leaders and activists. If so, the campaign and playing field will be fundamentally altered, creating the groundwork for a crisis of legitimacy."

Election Observation

In this chapter, the author explains the difficulties that the Foreign Agents Law creates for the non-partisan observer organizations, and how they try to deal with them to be able to carry out their crucial role. "The international community and donors must double down on their support to Georgian observers, advocating for their access to the polls, increasing financial support, bolstering their efforts with international missions, and, importantly, vocally and forcefully messaging full confidence in their work."

"If the government and CEC thwart election observation efforts, or the environment becomes too unsafe for monitoring, there is a chance that there will be no independent eyes on the upcoming elections," Thornton writes, noting that if the developments go this way, then the international community should articulate that this election is neither free nor fair.

Legal Framework and Election Administration

The paper offers the detailed overview of Georgia's electoral framework, electronic voting plans, campaign finance and the election administration. "The main risks in the legal framework include provisions limiting broad voter representation, threats to women's representation, new and unfamiliar electronic technologies, poorly enforced campaign finance regulations, and a politicized election commission," the author writes. She warns that reforms appear unlikely ahead of the elections due to the ruling Georgia Dream's reluctance.

Campaign Environment

As for the electoral environment, the paper highlights the low approval ratings of the parties and the sense of political homelessness as constant elements of this environment for years. "The electoral landscape is shaped by voter apathy and frustration at a lack of desirable options among the majority, coupled with deeply entrenched polarization and animosity between GD and UNM among the rest. The current unrest and widespread protests could change this calculus."

The paper also speaks about the persistent problem of the ruling parties' use of state resources and intimidation for the campaign purposes, calling on the observer organizations to document the violations and share the findings with the public.

Information Space

The author calls the media environment in the country "fractured and polarized" and mentions allegations about the government influence over station management and editorial choices which allegedly persisted for years. The paper also mentions the professional media whose reach is increasing, but remains to be highly dependent on the donor support. "With the new foreign agents law in place, GD authorities will have opportunities to limit, fine, or shut down critical and independent outlets."

Speaking of the information space, among other issues, the author talks about the Georgian Dream's mis and dis-information campaigns. "While GD, aided by Russia, continues to engage in dis- and misinformation campaigns around gender, LGBTQ rights, and liberal values, observers suggest that the biggest information risks during the election campaign are false narratives about Georgia's occupied territories and the potential for conflict," the author writes.

Recommendations

The paper offers recommendations for the civil society and the international community to mitigate the existing risks.
For the civil society and media

Develop and disseminate counter-narratives to preempt disinformation campaigns from GD and the Kremlin about threats of war, the role of Western allies, and the foreign agents law; accurately explain the foreign agents law and its possible endangerment of Georgia's European and Euro-Atlantic aspirations;

Raise public awareness about the elections, electronic voting, and electoral options;

(For media) provide platforms for diverse candidates, investigate election irregularities, ensure broad coverage in rural areas;

Following the elections, clearly present election observation data and documentation of irregularities to the public through a unified approach. It will be critical that observers speak with one voice about the integrity of the elections.

For international community/donors:

Governments and policymakers must adopt a more forceful response to the GD government's actions. Specifically, the EU should join the United States by proposing sanctions and travel bans for GD officials and their families. Direct bilateral aid and support to the Georgian government should be suspended;

The EU should consider reversing Georgia's candidate status until election reforms are passed in accordance with the candidacy requirements. Council President Charles Michel should consider a return mission to pressure GD lawmakers to honor their previous agreements;

The United States and the EU should increase support to domestic election observation and independent media organizations, as well as to public diplomacy efforts to address disinformation about the EU and the United States perpetuated by the GD government. Creative financing avenues may need to be explored as the foreign agents law goes into effect;

The United States and the EU should support multiple foreign election assessment missions and observation efforts that serve as critical support to Georgian civil society;

Government leaders should publicly articulate, ahead of the elections, serious doubts about the legitimacy of any election process conducted with hampered nonpartisan observation and failed electoral reform;

After the elections, US and EU leaders must publicly stand behind the work of Georgia's domestic election observers and highlight their findings.

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Expert Paper Details Risks ahead of Georgia's Crucial Parliamentary Elections

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Ahead of the crucial Parliamentary elections on October 26, GMF published a paper called "Georgia's 2024 Parliamentary Election: Pre-election risk assessment," authored by Laura Thornton, senior vice president of democracy at the German Marshall Fund (GMF), (with contributions from Tamara Sartania), which details risks and vulnerabilities in Georgia's political pre-election landscape, legal framework and election administration, campaign environment, and media and information space.

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BRIEFING - The Proliferation of Russian-Style Foreign Agents Laws

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BRIEFING - The Proliferation of Russian-Style Foreign Agents Laws

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This briefing discusses how and why so many countries are adopting this authoritarian tool to repress civil society, with a particular focus on Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Slovakia and Hungary.

Panelists:

* Jasmine D. Cameron, Esq., Senior Legal Advisor for Europe and Eurasia, Center for Human Rights, American Bar Association

* Dr. Lincoln Mitchell, School of International and Public Affairs, Columbia University Martina Hrvolova, Chair of Friends of Slovakia

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BRIEFING - The Proliferation of Russian-Style Foreign Agents Laws

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In 2012, Russia adopted a foreign agents law which has been used repeatedly to crack down on independent civil society and opposition, closing organization a…

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Explainer | What’s in Georgia’s new anti-queer bill?

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Explainer | What’s in Georgia’s new anti-queer bill?

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The ruling Georgian Dream party has tabled a package bill of anti-queer legislation and amendments, coming in the wake of years of rhetoric condemning ‘LGBT propaganda’. OC Media breaks down the changes, their impacts, and the ruling party’s rhetoric on the subject.

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The ruling Georgian Dream party has tabled a package bill of anti-queer legislation and amendments, coming in the wake of years of rhetoric condemning 'LGBT propaganda'. OC Media breaks down the changes, their impacts, and the ruling party's rhetoric on the subject.
The bill is far-ranging, affecting education, healthcare, media, business, and public gatherings, and demonstratively prohibiting a number of rights that are unavailable to queer people in Georgia. It is expected to be adopted in September.

OC Media has broken down the key points of the new law below.

1. Georgian Dream prohibits gay marriage... again

The draft legislative package reiterates several prohibitions already found in other Georgian laws.

The 2017 constitutional changes in turn repeated amendments to the country's civil code passed ten years prior, which specified that marriage could only apply to a heterosexual couple.

The new legislation also underscores that the union of 'two individuals of different biological sexes' is undertaken 'for the purpose of creating a family', and proposes an additional passage that appears aimed at explicitly banning the legal recognition of same-sex marriages enacted outside Georgia.

However, the convoluted language of the passage could potentially ban a queer Georgian from entering a heterosexual marriage. As Article 3 (3) reads, 'it is prohibited to register and/or legally recognise a relationship based on a sexual orientation in which at least one party self-identifies as someone whose gender differs from their biological sex or as one whose sexual orientation does not belong to a heterosexual category'.

2. Protecting 'family purity', prohibiting queer adoption

The current package bill also includes a proposal to recognise the Church's Family Purity Day, or Sanctity of Family and Respect for Parents Day, as a public holiday. The Church has commemorated the day annually since 2014, on the same day as the International Day against Homophobia, Biphobia, and Transphobia.

The draft package bill tabled by Georgian Dream also bans queer people from adopting or fostering children, with the ban applying to people 'with a gender different from their biological sex or whose sexual orientation does not belong to the category of heterosexuality'.

3. Don't say gay - at school, at university, or on TV

The package bill has been widely referred to as the 'LGBT propaganda law', in reference to both similar Russian legislation and the Georgian bill's strict restrictions on public discussion of queer topics.

The bill outlaws sharing information that 'aims to popularise belonging to a gender different from one's biological sex, a relationship based on sexual orientation between those belonging to the same biological sex, or incest' in educational contexts, at public gatherings, in media, and more generally.

Fines for doing so range from ₾800 ($280) to ₾4,000 ($1,400), and would apply to educators, advertisers, and broadcasters, amongst others. In the event of a violation of any of these prohibitions, the amended criminal code also allows a sentence of up to two years in prison.

The 2013 Russian law on 'protecting children from information advocating for a denial of traditional family values' has been used to clamp down on culture, with artists, filmmakers, and musicians fined, losing funding, self-censoring, or emigrating.

4. Linking queer rights to incest

The ban repeatedly groups incest together with queer sexuality and gender identities.

The authors have failed to comment in either the proposed legislation or more broadly in public about why, if at all, they see a danger of incest being popularised amongst Georgians.

5. No transition, legal gender recognition, or labour rights for trans Georgians

The draft law also includes three separate articles specifically targeting transgender rights.

Under the new laws, any medical professional performing gender-affirming surgery would be penalised with a fine, a ban from professional practice for up to three years, or imprisonment of one to four years.

The law also prohibits 'any other type of medical manipulation' used 'to assign a person to a sex different from their biological sex', meaning that prescribing gender-affirming hormones will also be illegal.

The authors also seek to prohibit employers from respecting the identities of their transgender employees in any way, stating that an employer would be prohibited from 'disregarding or encouraging the disregarding of' biological sex in any form of labour relations, likely including employment contracts.

Elton John, Mein Kampf, and a Netflix show: Georgian Dream's arguments for the package bill

Georgian Dream's main argument for the bill has been their alleged desire to protect Georgians, especially minors, from what they describe as 'propaganda of pseudo-liberal values' in Western democracies, which the ruling party has in recent years portrayed as a threat to Georgian identity and traditions.

The ruling party have emphasised the distinction between a need for 'defending the rights' of queer people, which they claim to be committed to, and prohibiting 'propaganda' of nondominant sexuality and gender identity, which they often refer to as a 'lifestyle', 'dirt', or 'immorality'.

The section of the bill justifying the proposed move cited the increased numbers of people self-identifying as queer in two international , neither of which included Georgia.

The authors portrayed the changes as resulting from indoctrination and 'propaganda' against 'family values' in those countries, and not, as is widely understood to be the case, from improved social acceptance and legal protection.

Pro-government media has additionally focused on allegations that 'ladies and gentlemen' has been increasingly scrapped as a greeting in airline announcements in Western countries, a point that parliamentary majority leader Mamuka Mdinaradze reiterated during public discussions of the bill in Ambrolauri on 23 April. None of the officials or journalists in question noted that 'dear passengers' has long been commonplace in public transport announcements in Georgia.

Suspicions about the ruling party's plans to initiate anti-queer legislation in Georgia surfaced last summer, when top Georgian Dream officials on pro-government media reports about McDonald's mentioning prominent British gay musician Elton John's marriage in their Happy Meals, and accused the Sulakauri publishing house of 'spreading LGBT propaganda'.

'If someone told you that we have to do what we're being told to become EU members in 2030 or [someone else told you] not to follow what we're being told, preserve our individuality and become [an EU member state] in 2035, for example - what would you choose? [20]35, right? We may face some challenges, maybe achieve results a bit later, but this is how we are going to protect our national identity'.

'The initiation of [draft] laws on LGBT propaganda and NGOs has had a double benefit: on the one hand, there is no alternative to legislating these two issues, and on the other hand, the premature expenditure of accumulated energy will completely drain the power of an already weakened [foreign] agency.'

As the ruling party seeks to dismantle civil society in the run-up to the coming parliamentary elections, it appears that it is ready to trample the country's queer population on its road to power.

Read in Russian on SOVA.News.

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Explainer | What's in Georgia's new anti-queer bill?

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The ruling Georgian Dream party has tabled a package bill of anti-queer legislation and amendments, coming in the wake of years of rhetoric condemning 'LGBT propaganda'.

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Open Call: Support for Georgia's Civil Society

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Open Call: Support for Georgia's Civil Society

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The New Democracy Fund is launching a call for support to civil society actors based in Georgia.

Civil society actors, based in Georgia, can apply for activity as well as operational support through this call.

Location: Georgia

Community of focus: Civil Society Actors from all the Eastern Neighborhood Countries can apply as long as they are based in Georgia.

Time-sensitivity: on a rolling basis

Who call apply?

Civil society actors are broadly defined as democratically organised civil society organisations, social movements, media, academia, trade unions as well as community-based groups and organisations, including cultural, educational, and knowledge institutions. Civil Society Actors from all the Eastern Neighborhood Countries can apply as long as they are based in Georgia.

💸 Grant applications are accepted for a minimum of EURO 6,500 and a maximum of EURO 13,000.

🔗 Please read the guidelines provided by the Flexible Response Mechanism. Regarding the guidelines: Note, that for this call it will NOT be a requirement to apply in partnership with a Danish organisation.

🌟 Applications can be submitted on a rolling basis. You can apply with the guidelines and application form valid on the day of submission.

💬 Questions? Contact us at frm@newdemocracyfund.org

Apply via this link: https://newdemocracyfund.us14.list-manage.com/track/click?u=a79badadcc8066af97ac0cdaa&id=3bc2c59253&e=9562f1db2b

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A guide how to register an organisation in Armenia

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A guide how to register an organisation in Armenia

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Resisting authoritarianism in the Caucasus

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Resisting authoritarianism in the Caucasus

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Interview with Georgians about their struggle to defend democracy

In this joint interview conducted on behalf of Tempest and Posle Media, Georgian activists and scholars Ia Eradze, Giorgi Kartvelishvili, Luka Nakhutsrishvili, Tamar Qeburia, and Lela Rekhviashvili answer questions about the roots, nature, and trajectory of the country’s social movements and the future of Georgia.

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The country of Georgia, a small nation of 3.7 million people in the Caucasus, has been thrown into a political crisis. In early April, the governing party, Georgian Dream, introduced "a foreign influence law" very similar to the one imposed on Russia in 2012. Vladimir Putin's law helped transform Russia from a so-called managed democracy into an authoritarian state, which has crushed any and all dissent, especially in the wake of its imperialist war on Ukraine.
In Georgia, the billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili pulls the strings behind Georgian Dream. He is the country's richest oligarch and possesses a fortune of $6.4 billion, which is nearly the size of the government's entire budget and a fifth of the country's GDP. He has denounced the influence of Western NGOs and so-called LGBT propaganda to justify passage of the law and a crackdown on democracy so that he can implement a capitalist plan of extractivist development.

Georgians have responded with a mass uprising in defense of their rights for the last two months. Despite their efforts and the veto of the law by the country's president, Georgian Dream has remained determined to carry out the transformation of the government into an authoritarian regime. It has unleashed police to repress the movement. Its parliamentary majority overrode the President's veto and has now enacted the law. Despite these setbacks, the struggle shows no signs of abating as elections approach in October.

Tragically some on the international Left have caricatured the protest movement as a so-called color revolution carried out by Western-backed NGOs. Here Tempest and Posle Media interview Georgian activists and scholars, Ia Eradze, Giorgi Kartvelishvili, Luka Nakhutsrishvili, Tamar Qeburia, and Lela Rekhviashvili, to set the record straight against such slander and answer questions about the roots, nature, and trajectory of the movement and the future of Georgia.

Ia Eradze is a political economist, with a research focus on finance in the post-socialist space. She is currently an associate professor at the Georgian Institute for Public Affairs (GIPA) and a CERGE-EI Foundation teaching fellow. She is also a researcher at the Institute for Social and Cultural Research, Ilia State University.

Giorgi Kartvelishvili is a member of the "Khma" (voice) movement. He is a PhD researcher of Modern & Contemporary History and Far East Studies (Tbilisi State University) and holds M.A. in Contemporary East Asian Studies (Duisburg-Essen University).

Luka Nakhutsrishvili teaches critical theory at Ilia State University Tbilisi and is a researcher and project coordinator at the Institute for Social and Cultural Research at the same university. He holds a PhD in Comparative Literature (Tübingen/Perpignan) and an MA in Philosophy (Wuppertal/Prague/Toulouse-le Mirail).

Tamar Qeburia is a PhD Candidate in Eastern European History at Ilia State University and the University of Göttingen. She is an affiliated researcher at the Institute of Social and Cultural Studies.

Lela Rekhviashvili is a researcher at the Leibniz Institute for Regional Geography, specializing in political economy and regional geography, with a regional focus on post-socialist Eastern Europe and Eurasia.

Posle & Tempest: The Georgian Dream Party's determination to push through a "foreign influence law" has precipitated a wave of mass demonstrations in Georgia. What is the law? Why has Georgian Dream pushed for it now?

Giorgi: This foreign agent law is similar to the one in Russia and other post-Soviet countries like Kyrgyzstan. It requires noncommercial non-state organizations, including NGOs and independent media organizations who receive at least 20 percent of their annual income from foreign sources to register with the state as an organization under the influence of foreign powers.

The Russian law is much wider and more oppressive. It impacts not only organizations, but individuals as well. But if we remember in 2012, when the Russian law was first implemented, it looked very much like the one in Georgia, but it was expanded to include nearly any organization and individual purportedly under foreign influence.

We fear that the proposed law in Georgia will be expanded in the same manner. It already has ominous provisions. For example, the law gives the ministry of justice the right to monitor and request information, including private information and personal data, from organizations and individuals.

It does not exclusively focus on big, Western-backed NGOs. Georgian Dream has made it clear that one of its biggest targets is our country's most progressive grassroots movement that emerged in the past 30 years probably-the movement against the Namakhvani Hydroelectric Power Plant.

That movement was not run by any NGO nor foreign funded, but was a grassroots mass movement. This example demonstrates that the government's actual intent is the repression of any and all opposition to its dictates.

Lela: The other part of this law that is so threatening is that it can apply to migrants, especially those who have given up their citizenship to become citizens of different, mostly European, countries. Migrants have supported the Georgian population over the past decades through remittances, and in recent years have begun to support local social movements, like the one against the Namakhvani Plant.

Back in 2021 the Namakhvani movement did an audit of their donors to fend off accusations from the Georgian Dream government that it was backed by foreign powers. It showed that working class people, especially female care-migrants based in European countries, were the main funders of the movement. And they made small donations averaging something like $10.

So categorizing such support as being under the influence of a foreign agent will cut off a lifeline to local protest movements in Georgia.

Luka: Too much has been made of the NGOs as the target of this legislation. Certainly, there are a handful of powerful Western backed NGOs that are in its sites. And to be honest, they have in general played a negative role in promoting neoliberalism in Georgia.

But they are a small part of the organizations the law targets. It goes after everything from environmental groups to trade unions, who receive support from Western governments and union federations.

Almost all academics in Georgia will be impacted. Why? Because state support for research is almost non-existent, most of us receive support for our research from international funders like the Heinrich Boell Foundation or the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.

Without this backing, we cannot do our jobs. So we're targets of this law. That's why university scholars have joined in the protests alongside students, who are staging massive strikes.

The logic of increasingly intrusive surveillance is at work. Soon, just as in Russia, we will start being branded as a foreign agent for just posting something on Facebook.

Already the law has been amended to allow the government to inquire about the personal lives of not only employees or board members of organizations considered under foreign influence, but their beneficiaries as well. They can even ask about the sexual life of targeted individuals.

Ia: What Luka is saying is really important about how quickly this law has gotten worse. This right to inquire about people's personal lives was not in the original version introduced in April. This amendment was added during a third reading of the law. So already the logic of intensifying surveillance is in effect.

I want to underscore the stakes of this for university professors. This law will essentially cut off our funding for research and prevent us from being able to do academic work. Working conditions at Georgian universities are precarious and research funds provided by the Georgian government are extremely limited.

Therefore, foreign funding plays a crucial role in conducting research and therefore, literally enables academics to pursue their profession. Me and my colleagues genuinely fear that we will no longer be able to do our jobs and will be forced to leave the country. As a political economist, without the possibility to protect our interview partners' confidentiality, I will not be able to do basic things like interviews, which are the foundation of our research.

Even if we don't leave the country, the law will have a chilling effect on academic freedom. We won't be able to write critically about politics and economics. The government is using this law to forge an authoritarian regime of the kind we see in Russia under Putin.

[T]he law will have a chilling effect on academic freedom. We won't be able to write critically about politics and economics. The government is using this law to forge an authoritarian regime of the kind we see in Russia under Putin.

Posle & Tempest: How does Georgian Dream justify this crackdown? Does it have support among the people?

Giorgi: They have adopted a rightwing populist position like that of Donald Trump, Hungary's Viktor Orbán, and Italy's Matteo Salvini to justify their authoritarian turn. They describe their law as a defense of sovereignty against foreign influence, particularly the Western powers.

They blend this with advocacy of so-called traditionalist values against "LGBTQ propaganda" and standard populist anti-liberal positions. They hope to cultivate and mobilize a conservative base in the country, and they have found some support, but it's limited.

The majority of the population in Georgia favors democracy, a fact that explains the size of the protests against the law.

Ia: The government has also claimed that they are taking measures, including this law, to prevent Russia from using supposed Western influence as justification to launch another war in Georgia like they have in Ukraine. That has resonated with some people who are understandably afraid of such a possibility.

Posle & Tempest: Is it right to say that the Georgian Dream government, which has been balancing between the EU and Russia, has now decisively tilted toward Russia? Is it trying to scuttle Georgia's candidacy for membership of the EU?

Lela: We are in a very hard place. Georgia is a specific kind of peripheral capitalism; it is a transit hub capitalism open to capitalist investment from the U.S., EU, China, Turkey, and Russia.

These capitalist powers have all invested in infrastructure to turn the country to transport energy and commodities between the EU and China. So Georgia has been balancing between dominant imperial powers and emerging ones.

But now this integration is starting to unravel. Internally, the government has faced popular opposition to their hydroelectric projects. Externally, they face growing geopolitical tensions between their investors.

So to manage the contradictions of this situation, Georgian Dream is turning to authoritarian solutions to push their infrastructure plans against popular opposition. My fear is that, because of Georgia's significance as a transit hub, all imperial powers will continue to collaborate with an increasingly authoritarian government. And under this law, we will not have the means to resist and challenge Georgia's development policy.

Giorgi: The U.S. and the EU have been the biggest partners in terms of economy and everything else over the past 30 years. But with the rise of China and the West's conflict with Russia, a whole new economic and geopolitical situation is developing around Georgia.

As Lela said, Georgia has become an energy and trade transit site between China and Europe. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has disrupted trade through northern transit routes and forced the EU to look for other suppliers of energy besides Russia.

So both China and the EU are seeking to diversify their trade routes and looking more and more to Georgia as part of a middle corridor and key transit site. And they are looking to the development of Georgia's infrastructure to bring electricity and green energy to Europe.

This is a profoundly different geopolitical position for Georgia, which did not exist when Georgian Dream came to power over a decade ago. Now Georgian Dream is turning to authoritarianism to manage the contradictions of balancing between the U.S. and the EU on the one hand and China and Russia on the other.

And they might even get away with it for a certain period. Remember that Azerbaijan, which has been a major EU energy partner for 30 years, is an authoritarian state without any Western NGOs or democratic pluralism. Georgian Dream hopes to occupy a similar position-running an authoritarian state balancing between increasingly antagonistic powers.

Georgia is a specific kind of peripheral capitalism; it is a transit hub capitalism open to capitalist investment from the U.S., EU, China, Turkey, and Russia. These capitalist powers have all invested in infrastructure to turn the country to transport energy and commodities between the EU and China. So, Georgia has been balancing between dominant imperial powers and emerging ones.

Ia: Georgia is in a risky situation. Its development agenda has been dictated by loans from foreign powers, including international financial institutions like the World Bank as well as U.S., European, and Asian development banks. As a result, 75 percent of government debt is foreign debt, owed to such institutions and banks.

Their loans have bankrolled this transit hub form of capitalism. Georgian Dream is committed to investing in more and more hydropower stations as well as ports for shipping.

The question that I have right now is where the money will come from. It could continue to come from Western development banks. They have been happy to lend to authoritarian regimes.

But Georgian Dream has a backup plan if such funding dries up. They have introduced an offshore law that encourages other sources of capital, including from Russian oligarchs, to flow to Georgia. They have also introduced an amendment to the pension law that enables the government to draw partially on the country's pension to invest in development projects.

So while Georgian Dream keeps following the infrastructure-led development model imposed by western actors, it hopes to diversify funding for transit hub capitalism. They're happy to take capital from the EU, China, Russia, offshore accounts, or even the pension fund.

Posle & Tempest: What is the character of the protest movement? What is its composition? What are its demands? What is its relationship to the opposition parties, especially the United National Movement? What is the movement's relationship to a history of struggle in Georgia?

Giorgi: The protest movement has rallied many sectors of society. Like any mass movement, it includes a wide range of forces from the organized to the unorganized. The big NGOs have played a role. So have mainstream opposition parties, but they cannot play a leading role because people see them as lacking any legitimacy.

Students have played a major role as the entire educational system is at stake. They have shut down whole institutions with strikes. The professors, teachers, delivery drivers and other professionals have joined the movement.

The main demand has been to stop the foreign agents law. I think the demands must be expanded to deepen the reach of the movement.

Tamar: The movement is extremely decentralized. There is no central body of the organizers responsible for organizing it, certainly not the parties and NGOs. Of course, there are certain well organized groups, particularly among the student groups.

People are finding their own voice and own way of organizing, mobilizing, and choosing their strategies. This lack of organization creates a feeling of chaos, but it also prevents the state from identifying and arresting organizers.

The authorities are obsessed with trying to find who's behind the movement. People who have been arrested report that the authorities ask who's behind the protest, what channels of information do you follow, and who inspired you to join?

They cannot grasp the fact that they are confronted with a rising of huge sections of society that want to preserve our democracy, rights, and livelihoods. The movement has been very inspiring.

It has shown to people who have been atomized and isolated that they are not alone. And it has reaffirmed people's deep opposition to the government. People now feel that we are many and they are few.

[T]his movement cannot be reduced to Western backed NGOs as some on the Left have claimed. Nor is it right to dismiss this movement as bourgeois and claim that it has nothing to do with workers...Frankly there are just not that many bourgeois or middle class people in Georgia. It is a very large movement comprised of whole swathes of our society including workers.

Lela: I want to underscore that this movement cannot be reduced to Western backed NGOs as some on the Left have claimed. Nor is it right to dismiss this movement as bourgeois and claim that it has nothing to do with workers.

It's silly to contend that this movement involves only the bourgeoisie. Frankly there are just not that many bourgeois or middle class people in Georgia. It is a very large movement comprised of whole swathes of our society including workers.

There are teachers, professors, and other kinds of professionals. There are mothers groups. There are ecological groups. There are grassroots movements from peripheral regions that have joined because they see this law as a means for the government to push through extractivist mining and infrastructure projects that are threats to them.

Workers and their organizations and unions have also been in the struggle. In fact, the Georgian Trade Union Confederation and some of its member unions have voiced opposition to the law. Delivery drivers and public transport drivers are showing solidarity.

Most workers, however, are not unionized in Georgia so the workers that have joined the movement are mostly unorganized and often precarious workers. And let's remember that most of the students are in fact part of the precarious working class. And why would we want to dismiss student activists fighting for democracy anyway?

Luka: I want to affirm what Lela just said about students. Some people are trying to provide a definition of working class, which is out of touch with Georgian realities. The tens of thousands of students mobilizing are not bourgeois bohemians.

Many students work night shifts in completely unprotected conditions to pay their tuition fees. This interferes with their ability to attend classes, properly study, and find any kind of healthy balance between work, study, and life.

It's completely dishonest intellectually to counterpose workers to this protest movement. The working class in its diversity is part of this uprising against the government.

Posle & Tempest: Some on the Left have essentially dismissed the protest movement as another so-called color revolution, as essentially a vehicle for Western imperialism in Georgia. What's wrong with that argument?

Luka: It is completely at odds with reality. First of all, this movement has not been organized by powerful NGOs or opposition parties to carry out some color revolution. This is a vast, national movement in defense of democracy. Second, the attack on our rights is not just against NGOs but all kinds of organizations and individuals.

It's also disgraceful to dismiss an entire movement that is facing severe state repression. The police are threatening people, repressing protests, beating people up, arresting them, and handing out harsh sentences. The state has also unleashed thugs to attack protests.

Shamefully, some on the Left have trotted out a formula of Western imperialism manipulating NGOs to overthrow a government. And some Western readers, who are familiar with the U.S. carrying out such operations in various countries, think that's what's happening in Georgia. It is not.

We have seen this done to Ukraine's struggle for self-determination. Some on the Left have reduced it to an inter-imperial war that has nothing to do with the Ukrainian people.

They are not recognized as agents in their own struggle but reduced to pawns of bigger powers. That is wrong about Ukraine, and it is also wrong about Georgia. We are not marionettes blindly following the orders of others.

Lela: I am frankly outraged that some on the Left have launched a campaign that reduces this dynamic situation in Georgia to the NGO story. By doing so, they distort not just what the movement is about, but also the nature and problems with Georgia's political economy.

It is a disgrace from leftists. These people are doing quite a lot of harm. By caricaturing the protests as an NGO-backed color revolution they have led many on the international Left to balk at extending solidarity.

Even worse, they have weaponized all the criticism that people like ourselves have made for years against the big NGOs and the controversial role they have played in Georgia to malign the current protests. Blaming everything on big NGOs actually makes it harder for us to criticize them, because it makes us sound like we are on the side of the government.

We are in a mass movement in a tiny country against a party backed by an oligarch, who is turning Georgia into his backyard for capitalist profiteering. We are facing down the threat of authoritarianism if not fascism. That some on the Left don't take our concerns seriously and dismiss it is shocking.

Shamefully, some on the Left have trotted out a formula of Western imperialism manipulating NGOs to overthrow a government. And some Western readers, who are familiar with the U.S. carrying out such operations in various countries, think that's what's happening in Georgia. It is not. We have seen this done to Ukraine's struggle for self-determination...That is wrong about Ukraine, and it is also wrong about Georgia. We are not marionettes blindly following the orders of others.

Giorgi: I completely agree with Lela. Many Western leftists are used to applying these vague formulas over and over again to every event happening in the world without any materialist analysis of particular situations.

The real world is simply not reducible to EU or NATO expansion alone. In Georgia's case, our ruling class, its parties, their authoritarian turn, and the whole political-economic model of Georgia is putting all our democratic rights, individual rights, and workers' rights in jeopardy.

Ia: I only want to add two things. First, I find it stunning that some on the Left use the same argument about NGOs as the oligarchic government does to legitimate their foreign agent law. Don't they find that embarrassing?

Second, Lela, I, and many others have written many critiques of NGOs, but we never absolved Georgian elites, parties, and governments of their accountability for all the social and economic misery in Georgia. It is unreasonable to blame it all on the NGOs. It's dishonest.

Lela: That's completely right. You cannot blame NGOs for Georgia's position as a dependent economy with no social welfare state and plagued with poverty. NGOs are a symptom of the problem and have played a role in neoliberalization, but they are not the cause of it.

It's irresponsible for anyone on the Left to reduce this massive problem to NGOs and absolve the Georgian elites and their governments for dismantling the welfare state. It's just not accurate.

Luka: These sections of the Left don't take the threat of authoritarian rule seriously. That threat is most evident in the justice system. Our oligarch has made sure that Georgian Dream has appointed a so-called Clan of Judges, which is completely loyal to him, to run the courts in his interests.

This is just one example of the overall drift into authoritarianism. For the Left not to be concerned about this in Georgia and everywhere else is shocking. To write about the current protest without taking into account this enormous crackdown on democracy is dishonest.

Posle & Tempest: Russian imperialism seized 20 percent of Georgia in 2008 setting in motion its aggression in other former Soviet states culminating in Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine in 2014 and then in 2022 through to today. What impact has Russia's imperialist war in Ukraine and its ambitions to rebuild its former empire had on both Georgian Dream, popular opinion in Georgia, and the protest movement?

Giorgi: Georgian Dream has used the war to adopt this balancing position between the West on one side and Russia and China on the other. They've argued that some "global war party" made up of influential states, corporations, and NGOs have been pushing Georgia toward war against Russia.

They use that argument to justify their foreign agent law and authoritarian turn. Recently they even hinted that they have some kind of solution to Georgian territories occupied by Russia but are prevented from implementing it by NGOs.

Tamar: The government is trying to scare us by saying that if we don't implement this law, we are going to end up like Ukraine. The opposition parties, by contrast, project our future if the law is implemented as Belarusization, that we will become another Belarus, an authoritarian state under the thumb of the Kremlin.

We on the Left have failed to popularize a positive alternative vision of our national and international future. That is our task in the midst of this movement. That is not a simple one given the weaknesses of our Left.

Posle & Tempest: So what position has the Georgian Left adopted in this whole situation? What is its relationship with the political parties both Georgian Dream and the main opposition party, the United National Movement. And what is the position on the imperial rivalry between Russia and the Western powers, the EU, NATO, and the U.S.?

Giorgi: When we talk about Georgian Left, we have to be specific about what we mean by the Left. The Georgian political landscape, just like other post-Soviet countries, does not have a strong Left in general.

We do not have parties of our own for the most part. We also do not have strong unions and labor movements. The Left consists of scattered individuals, public figures, academics, small groups, some student organizations, grassroots networks, and civil society formations of various kinds. So it's a challenge for us on the Left to play a big role.

Given that reality, how has this Left positioned itself in Georgian party politics? The first thing to say is that the contemporary Georgian Left formed in opposition to Mikhail Saakashvili's United National Movement, its allies in the big NGOs, and their neoliberal policies. So the Left does not support that former ruling party.

The Left's relationship with the Georgian Dream has been problematic and complex. Some leftist groups even joined Georgian Dream in the United Coalition to run against Saakashvili in the 2012 elections. Georgian Dream presented itself then as a reformist project promising improvements in people's lives.

But the "coalition" around Georgian Dream has long collapsed. Georgian Dream has turned to completely monopolizing economic and political power. The social and economic conditions of the majority of the population have not improved and we are still the most unequal country in the region. Of course we should oppose Georgian Dream with its right wing authoritarian turn and monopolistic capitalism.

Our movement "Khma" started precisely against the systemic ills it has produced: predatory banking, hunger in schools, 'cartels' in the pharmaceutical sector, forced evictions, exploitation of strategic natural resources in the interests of big capital and so on. The Left has to find new political shape and provide a positive alternative to the ruling class and their political parties.

Lela: I think the minimum positive program is to assure that local progressive movements have a fighting chance for welfare and protection of their living environments.

That is only the start of providing an alternative to the transit hub development our rulers and their international backers have imposed on our country. Opposing that and defending our democratic rights remain the top priority.

Giorgi: I think one of the duties of the Left is to challenge the notion that we have to simply make a choice between the West and East. While the EU seems appealing, we must remember that Georgia can be a part of the EU without much changing for the better.

Our country could still be unequal, poor, and dependent inside the EU like some of the post-socialist Eastern European states. Of course, a direct drift into the Russian or Chinese camp would be no better and perhaps even worse as it would come with authoritarian rule.

In this situation of heightened imperial rivalry, we have to focus on putting forth the interests of the majority in all questions. Take all the infrastructural development plans for example.

The problem in my opinion about Namakhvani was not that it was a big hydroelectric plant, but that it undermined precisely the sovereignty of the state and did not benefit the majority of our society. The unequal contract between the Georgian state and a private company from Turkey was the main reason that fueled the protest.

We should approach the question of foreign policy in the same way. We should ask: does this benefit the working class and the majority of the society? Does it improve our social welfare? Does it improve the conditions of life for many Georgians?

Of course, Georgia has the right to choose its geopolitical orientation. But we must always ask what the social character of that orientation is? If we choose Europe, which kind of Europe? That of Viktor Orbán? Rampant neoliberalism? Or the more social and progressive side of Europe?

Therefore, the Left must at all times advocate for the interests of workers and the majority and of course for our democratic rights.

Lela: I think we have to challenge the notion of development pushed by all the capitalist and imperial powers. That impacts how I think the Left should position itself in the current rivalries for capitalist hegemony.

All the powers are pushing an extractivist green capitalism that will have a devastating impact on Georgia's society and ecology. We need to advocate an alternative that will benefit society and preserve the environment and local ways of being.

We must not accept this transit hub extractivist development strategy from either the EU or China. So the Left must strengthen our anti-capitalist politics and reject a simplistic pragmatic politics of picking the lesser evil imperial power.

Posle & Tempest: The U.S. has turned up the pressure on Georgian Dream and its imposition of the foreign agent law by putting travel limitations on its leading politicians? What should the Left say about this?

Lela: I think it's very problematic for the U.S. to impose a travel ban on Georgian Dream politicians. The government will use these bans to whip up fears of war, legitimate their turn against the West, and double down on their imposition of authoritarian rule.

We should also look at this scenario geopolitically. If the U.S. tries to bring down the government, it could trigger Russia to retaliate in some way, including launching a war.

The scale of Western hypocrisy makes this even more problematic. The same Anthony Blinken that is announcing travel limitations is greenlighting Israel's genocide in Gaza.

Luka: I also am worried about members of the European Parliament discussing proposals to suspend visa rights for Georgia. Right now, we can travel without visas for three months in the Schengen zone.

Ending that would play into the hands of Georgian Dream. They would disguise the fact that they are the ones delinking from Europe and moving towards Russia, saying, "look Europe doesn't want us anymore. They have once again betrayed us just like they have many times before."

Tamar: I agree. For now, such threats just confirm Georgian Dream's claims about the West threatening our sovereignty. The only way such travel limitations, visa suspensions, and sanctions would make sense is if there is consensus within Georgia that these politicians are traitors.

For the Western powers to act unilaterally before that consensus develops could backfire. But the potential for that consensus to develop is strong right now. And we, before anyone else, must find a way to hold these politicians accountable and make them pay for their actions.

Lela: The scale of Western hypocrisy makes this even more problematic. The same Anthony Blinken that is announcing travel limitations is greenlighting Israel's genocide in Gaza. That puts us as leftists in a terrible position. It's hard to be in protests where some people cheer Blinken threatening sanctions on Georgia.

Luka: This is a very tragic situation. It's problematic in the context of Gaza to fight for anything under the EU flag. Israel's genocidal war has exposed the fact that international legal order and how justice is determined by powerful players, particularly the U.S. and EU, and done to serve their interests.

Georgian Dream has responded to Western criticism of its repression of protests by denouncing West as hypocrites. The prime minister has pointed to Biden's repression of Palestine encampments on campuses across the U.S. and similar repression in EU countries.

But this should not lead any Georgian leftists or on the international Left to support Georgia delinking from the Western camp, turning the government into an authoritarian regime, and aligning with Russia and China. We must reject that as completely cynical and nihilistic.

Russia and China offer no alternative. Their advocacy of a multipolar world order, as Boris Kagarlitsky has argued from Putin's dungeons, is rhetorical justification for their imperialist interests and amounts to nothing more than leaving each government to do whatever they please in absence of any common rules.

[O]ut of basic solidarity the international Left has to take our struggle seriously, and see it as part of a common struggle for democratic rights, equality, and alternatives to extractivist green capitalism.

Posle & Tempest: What can activists sympathetic to Georgia's struggle for democracy and equality do to build solidarity and support to the movement?

Luka: First of all, do not buy into narratives that downplay the authoritarian threat posed by Georgian Dream to people in Georgia. Do not fall for abstract ready-made formulas, in this case spouted by Georgian Dream and parroted by some on the Left, that Western NGOs are carrying out a color revolution.

As I hope we've shown, those formulas do not explain what's happening in our country. Instead, the international Left should extend solidarity to our struggle for democracy and self-determination.

Lela: We're in a very dire situation. People around me are genuinely scared that they will have no choice but to migrate. If this type of authoritarianism is consolidated life as we know in Georgia will dramatically change for many people.

We have already seen this in Russia, Belarus, Hungary. Similar threats of strengthening conservative and far-right politics are looming not only in other former Socialist states, but also in the West.

Faced with social insecurity, unemployment and huge economic inequalities, many citizens have left Georgia in recent years. In 2023 alone, up to 250,000 people left, doubling the emigration rate of 2022. The current authoritarian consolidation and attack on political rights threatens to trigger another, and probably large, wave of emigration from Georgia.

So out of basic solidarity the international Left has to take our struggle seriously, and see it as part of a common struggle for democratic rights, equality, and alternatives to extractivist green capitalism.

Ia: I totally agree with Lela. Many of us have a feeling that if we don't stop this authoritarian turn now, it's going to take many years to win back our democratic rights. This is an existential crisis in Georgia. If we have to leave our country, it is an open question whether we will ever have the possibility to come back home.

Lela: One of the most important ways of solidarizing with us is to listen to Georgians in the movement, read our analysis, and take it seriously. Only then can we build bonds of solidarity in a common struggle for a better world.

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Resisting authoritarianism in the Caucasus

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Georgian activists and scholars answer questions about about the roots, nature, and Georgia's social movements and future.

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What do ‘foreign agent’ laws have to do with gender ideology? Reflections from the HRFN & Ariadne joint day

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What do ‘foreign agent’ laws have to do with gender ideology? Reflections from the HRFN & Ariadne joint day

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Populist fears around ‘gender ideology’ are weaponised in this effort and used as a diversion from what’s really at stake – the loss of national sovereignty as well as individual rights and freedoms.

As women, as queer and trans people, experiencing systemic oppression and marginalisation, our bodies are battlefields within our own countries and communities.

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As we gathered in Tbilisi, Georgia for Ariadne and HRFN convenings, thousands were demonstrating daily in the streets of Tbilisi next to the conference venue. Our evening events on the rooftop of Stamba Hotel were accompanied by Georgian wine and rapidly approaching sounds of whistles and chants. We could see colonies of people marching with flags and banners, blocking the traffic, and chanting "No to Russian Law", "Yes to Europe" and "Sa-kar-tve-lo[1]".
For many conference attendees, it was a bold and brave move for HRFN and Ariadne to host their convenings in Georgia in the context of the daily anti-Russia and anti-government protests, a growing crackdown on civil society and independent media, and increased attacks on LGBTQI rights and communities.

For me and my fellow Georgians in philanthropy, the decision to host these meetings in Tbilisi was a strategic opportunity to put the largely invisibilised and underfunded region of the South Caucasus on the radar of funders amid political turmoil in Georgia and the recent, and ongoing, conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Symbolically, the overlapping day between the Ariadne and HRFN gatherings fell on April 24 - the Armenian Genocide Remembrance Day. Reflecting on the meaning of this day provided us, grantmakers from the region, with an opportunity to help participants gain insight into the complex and invisibilised histories and lived realities of the South Caucasus and their interconnectedness with other struggles, such as those in Ukraine and Palestine.

However, some participants, particularly from Global North and West, regarded the choice of the location as bold and brave mostly due to perceived risks associated with travelling to this faraway, unknown place for some, or a 'highly dangerous' and 'under-developed' place for others. Concerns over participant safety arose in contrast to what I, as an HRFN and Ariadne advisor, and my fellow Georgian grantmakers had hoped for - concerns and mobilisation over the (dire) state of funding for human rights movements in the Caucasus and its neighbouring Central Asia and Eastern Europe.

These regions have long been caught in the crossfires between such global geopolitical superpowers as Russia and the West (EU and USA). As peoples, as nations, we often exist as a battlefield between these forces. Georgia and Armenia alone have endured centuries of colonisation, including nearly two hundred years of Russian rule and before that, the rule of the Ottoman and Persian Empires. For Lara Aharonian of Women's Fund Armenia, one of the panellists for the HRFN-Ariadne joint day plenary that I had the privilege to moderate, 'politics of erasure, denial and land/home loss from the Ottoman times directly inform and impact the present day conflicts and attempts at erasure of such places as Artsakh and the Armenian quarter in Jerusalem'.

Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022 resulted in a mass exodus of its citizens to neighbouring countries, among them Kazakhstan, Armenia, and Georgia - some fleeing political persecution, but most fleeing Western sanctions imposed on Russia. Altynay Kambekova of Digital Defenders Partnership, another panellist for the HRFN-Ariadne plenary, remarked that "Russian coloniality has shaped and defined identities in Kazakhstan and has used language and racial difference to dominate and subjugate". This relationship with Russia has entered the next stage of coloniality for all these regions - manifested in countries being gentrified, languages erased, cultures appropriated, and our peoples continuously and with new rigour constructed as ethnic or racialised 'Others'

As women, as queer and trans people, experiencing systemic oppression and marginalisation, our bodies are battlefields within our own countries and communities.

Russian colonialism and coloniality extend beyond the South Caucasus and Central Asia. North Caucasian republics continue to be annexed by the Russian Federation. There are at least 40 legally recognised Indigenous groups and over 100 ethnic groups in Russia with varying degrees of recognition as Indigenous or ethnic entities ( Cultural Survival).

While the Western world has gained some insight into the struggles of the Ukrainian people, the situation in Belarus has been largely overlooked. According to another panellist, Tony Snizhko of Mama Cash, 'Slavic supremacy is based on the forced idea of 'Russian world', which erases local languages and cultures... in Belarus you can be detained for speaking Belarusian publicly'.

As women, as queer and trans people, experiencing systemic oppression and marginalisation, our bodies are battlefields within our own countries and communities. In Georgia, the so-called 'anti-LGBT propaganda' bill, introduced in March, aims to further limit LGBTQI rights and crack down on already oppressed and marginalised communities. According to Amnesty International, 'the bill envisages a long list of homophobic and transphobic measures, including an explicit ban on sharing information or holding public gatherings that can be regarded as 'promoting same-sex relationships,' prohibition of adoption by same-sex couples, prohibition of sex change and recognition of any non-binary gender, among others.' Tony Snizhko, after fleeing political persecution in Belarus first to Ukraine and then to Georgia, witnessed 'how Russian influence pushes back local social justice movements [in Georgia] and how Russian money feeds into far-right conservatism'.

The fact that the ruling 'Georgian Dream' party introduced four consecutive legislative initiatives in March-April this year before the upcoming parliamentary elections in October, speaks volumes. These are Russian-inspired 'foreign agents' and 'anti-LGBT propaganda' bills, including the abolition of mandatory gender quotas for political parties, and amendments to the tax code that provide tax benefits for moving offshore assets into Georgia. (This latter move benefits not only the Georgian billionaire behind the ruling party but also countless Russian oligarchs affected by Western sanctions.) At the same time, the ruling party representatives have declared their intention to 'review' Georgia's liberal abortion legislation in the near future.

The law, officially called 'On the Transparency of Foreign Influence' is a copy of the Russian 'foreign agents' law. Among most former Soviet states, 'foreign agent' has a connotation of a foreign spy. In the context of the evident pro-Russian political orientation and Russian coloniality, the foreign spy becomes the Western spy. Likewise, since the violent attacks on the first public LGBTQI demonstrations in Georgia in 2012-2013, the conservative Right mobilised by the Orthodox Christian Church has been promoting the narrative of LGBTQI communities being "un-Georgian" and a Western import - a strategy we've seen worldwide.

Populist fears around 'gender ideology' are weaponised in this effort and used as a diversion from what's really at stake - the loss of national sovereignty as well as individual rights and freedoms.

The rhetoric of national security and protection from "foreign influence" is used to target civil society and restrict and criminalise its actions while also aiming to undermine its reputation and popular support. LGBTQI, feminist, and human rights activism are being portrayed as a Western import - and activists as foreign spies. Furthermore, the right-wing actors continue portraying Russia as a value-aligned neighbour, with whom Georgia shares cultural, religious, and historical ties.

The state uses national security rhetoric to crack down on civic space. Populist fears around 'gender ideology' are weaponised in this effort and used as a diversion from what's really at stake - the loss of national sovereignty as well as individual rights and freedoms. Anti-gender opposition becomes a central strategy in a geopolitical battle and in one country's choice of political path and allies.

To my knowledge, Ariadne and HRFN convenings ended without any security incidents associated with the above-mentioned legislative initiatives and the resistance movement against them. The populist government, being well aware of its dependency on Western aid, only benefits from such international conferences and continues to play a two-faced game appeasing both its EU/US allies and Russia. The grassroots popular movement against the country's pro-Russian orientation is explicitly pro-Western and is only happy with the presence of a global philanthropic community in Tbilisi. And to be honest, they have a bigger fish to fry than focusing on our meetings - they are busy organising at the parliament and designing response strategies.

'This is How We Win' is what I thought during the days leading up to the Easter[2] eve demonstration in Tbilisi as I witnessed the resistance movement grow in scale, expand its geographic scope, and diversify its strategies.

First, the youth leading the movement is revising the iconic motto from the 19th-century Georgian national liberation movement "Language, Homeland, Faith" into a more secular "Language, Homeland, Unity," which de-centres the dominant Orthodox Christianity and honours Georgia's religious diversity. The pre-Easter protests are an amalgamation of political chants, national folk songs and dances, quotes from historical figures, vows read out loud at a war hero memorial, and surprisingly - prayers. At the Easter Eve demonstration, activists combine all concepts into one "Language, Homeland, Faith, Unity" and light up these words with candles in the street between the parliament and an ancient church - thus effectively reclaiming faith from the realm of the far right, which has maintained a monopoly on all things patriotic, traditional, and religious.

Foreign funders leave Georgia, but the resistance movement remains. The question is, will the global funding ecosystem meet the challenge of funding grassroots-led intersectional resistance and response strategies that address the root cause of anti-gender opposition? Will the same level of care, accompaniment, and protection that the conference organisers extended to their participants become a new standard, especially for gatherings organised in Global North and West, and not only reserved for those held in the Majority World? Will funders (re)prioritise and/or step up their commitment to Caucasus, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe to support movements, crushed between Russian and Western Imperialisms, in choosing a third path - a path towards themselves? Instead of being perpetually forced to choose one or the other, what if our collective geopolitical orientation could be towards our self-determination and sovereignty while nurturing interdependencies within and among our regions?

[1] Sakartvelo means Georgia in the Georgian language

[2] Orthodox Christian Easter was observed on May 5 2024

Mariam Gagoshashvili is a Gender Justice Grantmaker, Activist, and Advocate. Mariam has held previous leadership positions within Astrea Lesbian Foundation for Justice, the Urgent Action Fund, the Global Fund for Women and FRIDA - Young Feminist Fund.

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What do 'foreign agent' laws have to do with gender ideology? Reflections from the HRFN & Ariadne joint day - Alliance magazine

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As we gathered in Tbilisi, Georgia for Ariadne and HRFN convenings, thousands were demonstrating daily in the streets of Tbilisi next to the conference venue. Our evening events on the rooftop of Stamba Hotel were ...

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Ruling party running out of options as it confronts youth-driven protest movement.

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Alternative funding for human rights defenders - a database by ProtectDefenders.EU

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Alternative funding for human rights defenders - a database by ProtectDefenders.EU

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Here you will find information about funding organisations and partners that can provide support to human rights defenders at risk, including information on those providing specific financial and/or technical support to human rights defenders on the topic of digital security.

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The increased use of digital spaces by human rights defenders raises not only new opportunities for a more effective and impactful human rights defence work, but also an array of issues and risks. ProtectDefenders.eu has been adapting its programmes to allow defenders facing digital risks to find support for digital security.
How does ProtectDefenders.eu support Human Rights Defenders and local organisations facing digital risks? Emergency Protection Grants
Defenders facing risks can apply for emergency and protection grants to cover digital security measures that includes, covering the cost of information technology (IT) equipment and other digital protection material, as well as following trainings on the matter of digital security.

During the year 2020, 30+ emergency grants were allocated for this purpose. A Ugandan journalist at risk was able to enhance his protection, including in digital security, thanks to an emergency grant for comprehensive support. Read about this story here.
Grant-making for organisations
Through this programme, ProtectDefenders.eu supports the consolidation of operational capacities of local human rights organisations, the expansion and capacity-building of these organisations. This means that local NGOs can access digital security measures, to respond to their IT and digital security needs.

In 2020, 15% of the grants to organisation aimed at reinforcing the security of these organisations, including digital security. Thanks to these grants, ProtectDefenders.eu partners, Reporters Without Borders (RSF), supported Syrian journalists from the Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM) so they could access IT and digital security support, among other type of support. Read this story here.
Temporary Relocation
ProtectDefenders.eu allocates grants to human rights defenders at risk so they can temporarily relocate in their country or abroad. During the relocation period and depending on the stay plan the host organisation and the HRD have agreed on, HRDs take part in different activities. These activities should be tailored to their needs; it often includes capacity-building activities and trainings in security, both physical and digital.
Training and capacity-development
Via our partners, ProtectDefenders.eu provides training, and long-term capacity development for Human Rights Defenders and local organisations to develop their protection skills, also in the field of digital security and protection.
Digital Security Actors Supporting Human Rights Organisations
In this section, you can find information on other actors who can provide specific financial and/or technical support to human rights defenders on the topic of digital security. If you wish to find additional resources, such as toolkits, guides or manuals on this topic, as well as the mapping of digital security actors supporting human rights organisations - developed by the EUTRP, you may find them in the resources table.

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News and resources | ProtectDefenders.eu

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Latest news and updates from ProtectDefenders.eu and a compilation of useful resources and materials for at-risk human rights defenders

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The Elisabeth-Selbert-Initiative provides threatened human rights defenders with a safe place to recuperate, cope with trauma, and when possible, to network and further develop their professional skills.

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The Elisabeth-Selbert-Initiative provides threatened human rights defenders with a safe place to recuperate, cope with trauma, and when possible, to network and further develop their professional skills.

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What does the funding include?

The Elisabeth-Selbert-Initiative has three programme lines and a Special Module:

PL1: Four to six-month relocation grants for human rights defenders at risk at host organisations in Germany.

PL 2: Four to six-month relocation grants for human rights defenders at risk at safe places within their home countries or regions.

PL 3: On-site assistance funds for temporary local measures that increase the protection of human rights defenders at risk. The funding is awarded by the German missions abroad. Start in 2022,  2nd half of the year.

PL 4: Special Module Afghanistan provides temporary support for human rights defenders from Afghanistan who have been granted admission under paragraph §22.2. of the Residence Act. Limited to 6 months.

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Protection programme for human rights defenders

The Elisabeth-Selbert-Initiative provides threatened human rights defenders with a safe place to recuperate, cope with trauma, and when possible, to network and further develop their professional skills. The initiative is named after the politician and lawyer Dr. Elisabeth Selbert (1896 - 1986). As one of four women to contribute to the German constitution, called the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany, she is also known as one of 'the Mothers of the Basic Law'. She vigorously campaigned for the principle of equality to be anchored within the constitution, thereby making an important contribution to the protection of human rights in Germany.

ifa cooperates with civil society actors to carry out the programme. The Elisabeth-Selbert-Initiative organises temporary relocation with host organisations which integrate and accompany the human rights defender. The initiative is implemented by ifa with funds from the German Federal Foreign Office.

In 2023 as well as in 2024, the state government of Rhineland-Palatinate will provide EUR 100,000 for the human rights protection programme "Elisabeth Selbert Initiative".

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The Elisabeth-Selbert-Initiative provides human rights defenders at risk with temporary residence in Germany or a secure third country.

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Regimes and resistance in CEECCNA regions: A few puzzle pieces

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Regimes and resistance in CEECCNA regions: A few puzzle pieces

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'Our region is on fire' - says an LGBT+ defender from Belarus. But the data from the #HRFN 's latest report #TheTrustGap shows that in 2019 out of $4.1 billion distributed to human rights around the world only $89 million (2%) was allocated to Eastern Europe and Central Asia.

Read our blog for the Alliance Magazine where our Co-Founder and Lead Nino Ugrekhelidze and MEAL Coordinator Ekaterine Danelia reflect on the ongoing crises across Central and Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, Central and North Asia (#CEECCNA) regions.

Together with regional activists and others they unpack a few puzzle pieces and political undercurrents important for understanding of what's going on and how funders and international community can strategically step up at this critical time in the history of the regions.

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Regimes and resistance in CEECCNA regions: A few puzzle pieces - Alliance magazine

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´Our region is on fire ́ says Nick Antipov, an LGBT+ defender from Belarus who lives in exile due to his political organising under Lukashenko´s regime. Those of us from Central and Eastern Europe, the …

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Foreign Influence Registration Laws and Civil Society: An Analysis and Responses

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Foreign Influence Registration Laws and Civil Society: An Analysis and Responses

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This report develops a typology of salient features of foreign influence registration laws to assist in assessing their potential impact on civil society and to help compare and contrast these laws across countries. It then shares key recommendations for both substantive arguments against overbroad foreign influence registration laws and potential response strategies. In doing so, it adopts a rights-based approach under which any regulation impacting the associational rights of a nonprofit should be undertaken for a legitimate purpose, be non-discriminatory, and be necessary and proportionate.

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Georgia in the spotlight: It’s time philanthropy showed up for us and with us, in a different way

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Georgia in the spotlight: It’s time philanthropy showed up for us and with us, in a different way

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Read Dalan Fund's blog for the Alliance Magazine where our team reflects on the recent Ariadne Network and the Human Rights Funders Network (HRFN) meetings in Tbilisi, on an ongoing crisis in Georgia, and get a sneak peek into our ongoing research ´Where is the Money for Intersectional Movements in Central Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central and North Asia (#CEECCNA) Regions?´

The research revealed several critical funding trends for the regions:
〰 The dominance of emergency funding
〰 Loss of funding
〰 Lack of multi-year funding

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Since late April, images and videos emerging from the protests in Tbilisi, Georgia, have stirred a range of emotions from disbelief to outrage. Hundreds of thousands of Georgians have taken to the streets in response to the controversial "Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence", which was re-introduced in early 2024 after being withdrawn in March 2023.
This law, dubbed the "Russian law" by its critics, would require NGOs to register as "agents of foreign influence" or " organisations carrying the interests of a foreign power" if more than 20% of their total revenue comes from foreign sources (which is the case of the majority of the civil society organisations (CSOs) and independent media sources in Georgia). At the time of writing, on May 14, 2024, Georgian Dream, the ruling party passed the law amid the largest mass demonstrations in the country´s latest history. See the Solidarity Statement by Dalan Fund, Women's Fund in Georgia, and Taso Foundation outlining the situation and calling for international action.

Against this backdrop, the week of April 21st, over 450 funders have landed in Tbilisi to participate in the Ariadne Network Annual Conference and the Human Rights Funders Network's Funding Futures Festival. Having these funder gatherings coincide with the protests directly spotlighted the complexities and the realities of the Caucasus and broader Central Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Central and North Asia (CEECCNA) regions that at large have not been receiving a lot of attention from the funding community on the global stage.

Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, these regions have briefly attracted the attention of Western funders, bringing the ideals of liberal democracy and human rights with their funding priorities. At this time, the democratic pendulum swung back and forth across every country in these regions.

Freedom House's 'Nations in Transit' has been reporting this dizzying shift for the last 20 years, highlighting the increased deterioration of open democratic progress across these regions. According to the 2024 report, eight countries of CEECCNA qualify as consolidated authoritarian regimes, meaning that the regime has successfully dismantled or co-opted the institutions of democracy. The remaining countries are considered 'hybrid regimes', also known as an "illiberal democracy" or "competitive authoritarianism". Despite the initial surge of interest and investment from international funders, many organisations have departed from these regions in the past decade. This exodus can be attributed to a combination of shifting priorities among the funders and the mounting challenges posed by increasingly repressive governments.

As a part of our research: Where is the Money for Intersectional Movements in Central Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central and North Asia (CEECCNA) Regions? (to be published later this year), we aimed to bring about structural change in funding modalities in and for the CEECCNA regions. We conducted a survey that revealed several critical funding trends across Central Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central and North Asia between 2019 and 2023. These include:

The dominance of emergency funding: The research findings suggest a disproportionate focus on short-term reactive funding available only in times of crisis, rather than long-term strategies for human rights and civil liberties.

Loss of funding: The situation worsened after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine when donors changed strategy and moved money from the South Caucasus and Central Asia to Ukraine.

Lack of multi-year funding: The absence of long-term stable and flexible funding, and enormous amounts of time spent on reporting and filling in applications exhausts organisers and keeps them in precarious situations.

The Funding Futures Festival and Ariadne conference presented a critical moment for funders to engage with the intricacies of these regions and explore innovative ways to support human rights initiatives in Georgia and beyond. This gathering also encouraged the funding community to pay closer attention to these often-overlooked regions and recognise the important work being done by local organisations and activists on the front lines of the fight for democracy and human rights.

We invite Western philanthropy, and all who attended the HRFN Festival in Tbilisi, to embrace that very enthusiasm and boldness for funding dissent, resistance, and resilience of organising across these regions with a new flavour, following these recommendations from us:

Trust the people in and from the regions: "Just one in 10 grant dollars for Eastern Europe and Central Asia is granted directly to in-region recipients as flexible support". Fund mechanisms and funds created for, and by the people from the regions.

Fund boldly and creatively: Give unrestricted long-term funding to mechanisms and the funds in, for, and in front of the regions to make decisions on how, to whom, and in what shape the funds get distributed.

Respect diverse forms of organising and advocacy: Understand that visibility and success may look different in various contexts. In more authoritarian regimes, creative and discreet forms of resistance are crucial for the safety and effectiveness of activists. As a Central Asian activist shared, "Underground work is invisible, but the more authoritarian the regime, the more creative our ways of resistance".

Do not reproduce dependency: The funding model that currently exists with short-term funding and the NGO model of organising creates dependency on funders in unhealthy ways. We need funding that will ensure that the end goal is "self-elimination, doing our share of work, reaching the point where we are not needed," - activist from Georgia.

The current moment in Georgia is demonstrating that the CEECCNA regions are going through a defining moment and we invite funders from around the world to stand with us right now. Together we can make history bend toward achieving these regions' self-determination, freedom, and access to human rights for all.
Established in 2023, the (DF) is a multi-regional fund resourcing intersectional social justice movements in Central and Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central and North Asia (CEECCNA). DF transforms how CEECCNA regions are resourced, fostering resilience and the collective power of intersectional social justice organisers and movements in and for the regions.
Nukri Tabidze (they/them) is a freelance researcher and activist, an anthropologist by profession and passion.

Angelika Arutyunova (she/her) is an Armenian feminist resource consultant and activist from Uzbekistan, living in the diaspora in the U.S. She is a co-founder of Dalan Fund, FRIDA: The Young Feminist Fund, and a lead on multiple Where is the Money research projects.

Aizada Arystanbek (she/her) is a socially engaged researcher from Kazakhstan. Her interests include intersections of gender, culture, coloniality, and nationalisms in Central Asia. She is currently doing her Ph.D. in Sociology at Rutgers University

Salome Chagelishvili (she/her) is a feminist activist from Tbilisi, Georgia. She is the executive director of the Women's Fund in Georgia, engaged in feminist movement building and resourcing.

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Georgia in the spotlight: It's time philanthropy showed up for us and with us, in a different way - Alliance magazine

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Since late April, images and videos emerging from the protests in Tbilisi, Georgia, have stirred a range of emotions from disbelief to outrage. Hundreds of thousands of Georgians have taken to the streets in response ...

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Consulting portal MTÜ abi, a roadmap for CSOs, helps to find quick answers to your questions regarding the establishment of an CSO in Estonia.

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Consulting portal MTÜ abi, a roadmap for CSOs, helps to find quick answers to your questions regarding the establishment of an CSO in Estonia.

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In ENG, RU, ET

The portal is meant for all CSOs, the people who run them, and all those interested in the civil society. Apartment associations are counselled and serviced by the Estonian Union of Co-operative Housing Associations.

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Consulting portal MTÜ abi, a roadmap for CSOs, helps to find quick answers to your questions regarding the establishment of an CSO and guides you through the complex world of funding opportunities.
Use the left-hand menu to navigate the webpage. The menu has been based on an organisation's life cycle - from the activities preceding its establishment to ending its activity. On the right-hand side, you will find the calendar of terms and events (in Estonian language) and a news/notifications section, where we occasionally publish information of state-wide interest.

If you do not find an answer to your question, feel free to use the Need help? button to send your question without leaving your computer or look up our English-speaking consultants and directly contact any one of them.

The portal is meant for all CSOs, the people who run them, and all those interested in the civil society. Apartment associations are counselled and serviced by the Estonian Union of Co-operative Housing Associations.
Looking for additional information Estonia? Maybe one of the following links gives you a helping hand.
The administrator of the MTÜ abi portal

The entity responsible for the administration and content of the MTÜ abi portal is the National Foundation of Civil Society. The content of the portal has been created in cooperation with the CSO consultants working at county development centres.

Questions related to the portal or its content are addressed by Kristo Tõnissoo, tel. +372 5301 3652, e-mail kristo@kysk.ee.

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Consulting portal MTÜ abi, a roadmap for CSOs, helps to find quick answers to your questions regarding the establishment of an CSO and guides you through the complex world of funding opportunities. Use the left-hand menu to navigate the webpage.

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Comparative information on regulation of registration, operation and access to resources by CSOs in selected European countries: Czech Republic, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland, Russia, Slovakia, Sweden and Ukraine.

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Comparative information on regulation of registration, operation and access to resources by CSOs in selected European countries: Czech Republic, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland, Russia, Slovakia, Sweden and Ukraine.

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The Handbook is also available in Belarusian and  Russian.

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Handbook on Civil Society Organisations Registration and Operation

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Comparative information on regulation of registration, operation and access to resources by CSOs in selected European countries: Czech Republic, Estonia, Lithuania, Poland, Russia, Slovakia, Sweden and Ukraine.

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Is Georgia Abandoning its Decades-Long, Pro-Western Foreign Policy and Turning to Russia? By Levan Kakhishvili

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Is Georgia Abandoning its Decades-Long, Pro-Western Foreign Policy and Turning to Russia? By Levan Kakhishvili

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Reinitiating the foreign agents’ law, the Georgian Dream government triggered a political crisis tearing the country between Russia and Europe, and authoritarianism and democracy. Critique of external partners, fierce protests against civil society, and the fears of undecided voters, however, remain unaddressed as the decisive 2024 elections approach.

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Australian Institute of International Affairs

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Reinitiating the foreign agents' law, the Georgian Dream government triggered a political crisis tearing the country between Russia and Europe, and authoritarianism and democracy. Critique of external partners, fierce protests against civil society, and the fears of undecided voters , however, remain unaddressed as the decisive 2024 elections approach.
Is Georgia abandoning its decades-long, pro-Western foreign policy and turning to Russia? This question sounds rather surreal for most Georgians, but the recent events demonstrate that the country is at a crossroads. One path is authoritarian, leading to stronger relations and integration with Russia, and the other is a path toward democracy and the European Union (EU). This situation is a result of the government of Georgia reintroducing the so-called "Russian law"-a law on Transparency of Foreign Influence. A similar bill labelling civil society organisations and media who receive at least 20 percent of their income from a "foreign power" as "agents of foreign influence" was initiated a year ago. However, after large-scale demonstrations it was withdrawn. In March this year, the bill returned with a single change: the word "agent" was replaced with an essentially equally derogatory term, "bearer of the interests of a foreign power."

Foreign powers include any foreign government, a physical person who is a foreign citizen, a legal entity or other types of organisations that are established under foreign legislation; in other words, outside Georgia. The law allows the government to conduct "monitoring" of such organisations based on a decision of the Ministry of Justice or an anonymous tip once every six months. Under monitoring, the government can access any information apart from state secrets including the personal data of physical persons, such as sexual life, medical data, political views, and religious or ethnic identity connected to the organisation.

The law has been severely criticized and massive demonstrations have taken place, some of which were unprecedented not only because of their scale but also because of the lack of established politicians managing and leading the protests. Demonstrations that have been continuing almost daily since March have been self-organised by the activists as there is little trust towards political parties and their leaders among the population, especially the young generation. Yet, the parliament has passed the law with three hearings and is now poised to overcome the presidential veto, risking further radicalisation of the activists and splitting the society with affective polarisation.
International reactions
The law is clearly aimed at discrediting critics of the government and limiting their rights and freedoms. Therefore, it undermines basic principles of democracy and will likely strengthen the current government's grip on power. Undermining democracy, in its turn, puts Georgia's EU integration prospects at risk. With this move, the government of Georgia and the ruling party- Georgian Dream (GD)-have met unprecedented criticism from Georgia's European and American partners, even facing sanctions from the US government. EU officials have declared repeatedly that the law is incompatible with EU legislation and not only will prevent the opening of accession negotiations with Georgia, but also may trigger a reconsideration of Georgia's visa-free regime and the candidate status of Georgia.

As a result, Georgia will find itself in a situation where isolation from Western partners will push the country towards Russia by leaving Tbilisi alone with Moscow. It must be noted that Russian officials have expressed their full support for this law and, considering that the Georgian version is modelled on the Russian law and has similar goals, it has been labelled a "Russian law." Furthermore, given the trajectory of the similar law in Russia, it is likely that the Georgian version will become a foundation for the further breach of human rights and freedoms. The more the Georgian government moves towards authoritarianism the more it risks isolation from Western partners and the closer its interests will align with those of Vladimir Putin's regime. Therefore, it should be expected that authoritarian governments with similar interests of keeping power will increasingly support each other.
The GD rhetoric: Playing with voters' fears
The adoption of the law is especially problematic in the context of the upcoming parliamentary elections in October 2024. The honorary chairman and the shadow ruler of Georgia, billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, stated on 29 April at a government-organised rally that it was his idea to re-initiate the law, noting that demonstrations will eventually peter out. By the time the parliamentary elections take place, there will be little momentum for protests, guaranteeing GD a victory. Accordingly, this law is not about transparency, as the GD politicians want people to believe, but about maintaining power. The Russia-EU dimension in this case is not the primary nexus of conflict but a mere manifestation of a deeper division. The law is not about foreign policy ideals. Instead, it is about how political life should be organised in Georgia: whether Georgia should be a democracy or an autocracy.

The next elections in Georgia will be held with a proportional vote system as the single-mandate districts were abolished following the elections of the 2020. In proportional systems, voters all over the country choose their preferred political party, which has already submitted a closed list of candidates to the election administration. The parliamentary mandates are then distributed proportionally among those parties that overcome the electoral threshold. Voters can choose a representative of their own district from a pool of candidates, and the system is winner-take-all. Such systems emphasise the importance of individual politicians and their characteristics as well as the social capital they possess, which in a semi-democratic context can turn into clan-like networks. Traditionally, the single-mandate districts were the stronghold of ruling parties in Georgia, giving the incumbent regimes an unfair advantage. The GD, under these changes, felt threatened prior to the elections and subsequently turned to the new law to silence the critics. Although they risk the radicalisation of a significant part of the electorate, the increased affective polarisation is likely to equally mobilise their own supporters through fear-mongering rhetoric.

Furthermore, GD, with this law and the accompanying narrative, has created a new image of the enemy that seems to be rather effective among its own supporters and even among undecided voters. The rhetoric has three main pillars. Firstly, the government claims that the "network of foreign agents," for instance the civil society, is funded with "black money" and is attempting a revolution in Georgia; with similarities to the Ukrainian Euromaidan in 2013 proffered. The alleged goal of this revolution is to drag Georgia into a war with Russia. Secondly, GD claims that these "foreign agents" are mere puppets of external donors who flood Georgia with money. Although the government has not directly blamed the donors, such as the EU and USAID, they are implied as they represent the largest funding organisations in Georgia. Finally, the incumbent claims that there is a "Global War party," which by some MPs has been likened to "Free Masons," exerting influence over and manipulating EU and US officials. This Global War Party, GD alleges, wants to start a war between Georgia and Russia. The background of all these three pillars is, of course, the main opposition party United National Movement, who held power between 2004 and 2012.

The cornerstone of these pillars is a fear of war and a rather flexible image of an enemy. Given that no reasonable person wishes for war, it has proved easy for GD to create a f aceless and intangible entity, which, should GD lose power, surely bring war to Georgia. Although some voters may not fully believe the rhetoric, they are aware of the West-Russia conflict and are genuinely scared of the possibility of war. Many Georgians retain strong memories of the Cold War and, even if they may not think that a new government will start a war, they are certainly afraid that Russia may seek to punish the Georgians for trying to escape the Kremlin's influence. Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine stands as a testament to this fear. Therefore, the victims of GD's rhetoric are those whose feelings and good intentions are being manipulated with half-truths by what the government is telling them.

With conspiracy theories and surreal rhetoric, as well as political repression, threats, and brute force against opponents, GD aims to strengthen its grip on power. This makes the 2024 parliamentary elections almost a referendum for the Georgian people to make their choice on whether they want a democratic and European Georgia or whether they can tolerate Russian-style authoritarianism in their country. The next five months will be decisive, and many anxiously await what the outcome will be, even despite the unfair and unfree field of political competition .
Dr Levan Kakhishvili is a Postdoctoral Researcher at the European Politics Research Group at ETH Zurich, Switzerland. He wrote his doctoral dissertation about party competition in Georgia at the University of Bamberg, Germany and was educated at the University of Oxford and Tbilisi State University. This article is published under a Creative Commons License and may be republished with attribution.

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Is Georgia Abandoning its Decades-Long, Pro-Western Foreign Policy and Turning to Russia? - Australian Institute of International Affairs

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Reinitiating the foreign agents' law, the Georgian Dream government triggered a political crisis tearing the country between Russia and Europe, and authoritarianism and democracy. Critique of external partners, fierce protests against civil society, and the fears of undecided voters, however, remain unaddressed as the decisive 2024 elections approach.

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Georgia in Turmoil: Interview with the socialist movement “Khma”

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Georgia in Turmoil: Interview with the socialist movement “Khma”

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“Khma” (voice in Georgian) is a socialist collective from Georgia, formed in 2021, with the aim to push class-related issues into the public discourse and to organize people around them. In the past 3 years Khma has been campaigning in Georgia to expose the pharmaceutical ‘mafia’, to research fraudulent pension loan schemes from banks, to fight forced evictions and to demand universal free meals at public schools. Throughout this period, Khma actively supported various workers’ movements, such as the strikes of Chiatura miners or Sairme workers.

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"Khma" (voice in Georgian) is a socialist collective from Georgia, formed in 2021, with the aim to push class-related issues into the public discourse and to organize people around them. In the past 3 years Khma has been campaigning in Georgia to expose the pharmaceutical 'mafia', to research fraudulent pension loan schemes from banks, to fight forced evictions and to demand universal free meals at public schools. Throughout this period, Khma actively supported various workers' movements, such as the strikes of Chiatura miners or Sairme workers. ISp spoke with Giorgi Kartvelishvili, a member of the Khma movement
Giorgi, recently there have been a lot of news about the mobilisations in Georgia against the "foreign agents law". Can you tell us what is your approach towards this law? What exactly does it represent and what is behind this controversy?

"Foreign agents law" (officially "the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence"), re-initiated by the ruling party the Georgian Dream (GD) after the failed attempt in March 2023, requires non-commercial non-state organizations as well as independent media who receive 20% or more of their income from foreign sources to register in a special state registry of "organizations under the influence of foreign powers". Legislation draws similarities to the laws that are operating in Russia and Belarus, and the one that was recently adopted in Kyrgyzstan. Moreover, the law gives rights to the Ministry of Justice to monitor and request any kind of information, including personal data, on the basis of the "decision of a relevant authorized person in the Ministry of Justice" or "written application submitted to the Ministry of Justice"- in other words, denunciation.

The law is often compared to the Russian legislation on foreign agents adopted in 2012, despite the fact that the law in Russia is much more oppressive and overearching as a result a of series of amendments during the past 12 years, e.g. since 2021 it applies to both individuals and organizations, and it is not about funding any more, but much more vague and ambiguous "foreign influence". The general fear is that in our case, the same direction is already set if the law gets adopted, although the initial draft is already very problematic and dangerous.
In short, this law threatens not only those big western liberal NGOs operating in Georgia (as conservatives, and unfortunately many leftists often claim), but any kind of action and critique against the policies of the GD party, including grassroots movements, free media organizations or independent labour unions. The primary underlying goal is to maintain and strengthen the monopoly control over the state. The current authoritarian turn is the manifestation of such project.

It seems that this law has triggered a big response from the Western camp (the US and EU). The Georgian prime minister has even said that he received covert death threats from an EU commissioner, while US officials have made strong statements. How do the developments fit in the battle for domination between the US and China-Russia?

The ongoing confrontation between the GD party and their western counterparts in the US and EU is quite evident. The fact that Georgia (and the entire South Caucasus region) is within the geopolitical interests of major powers is also important in analyzing the situation. Georgia lies on the shortest land trade route between EU and China i.e. the Middle Corridor, which is currently under development. Moreover, there are important energy projects under construction that will pass through Georgia and which is quite crucial for Europe's energy security. The GD party knows this very well and relies on it while pursuing an aggressive foreign policy. On the other hand, to me it is not yet fully clear whether the GD is ready to fully abandon the EU/NATO integration agenda, although there are signs of it.

Can you tell us a bit more about the protests? What social layers take part in them? What is their organizational form, if any? What is the general feeling that prevails?

Protests have been going on for two months already and their composition is quite diverse. The movement is not centrally organized, especially after its beginning period. Different social groups take part in the protest at different places: university and high school students, members of the academia, civil society groups, public school teachers, artist communities, various middle- and low-income urban workers, such as couriers or other workers in the "gig economy", etc.

The general feeling is that something very dangerous is looming on the horizon. This feeling is constantly aggravated by the GD leaders' rhetoric, official propaganda and all the measures to weaken the protests - threats, lies, intimidation and physical violence.

What is the approach of the Khma movement towards these protests? What are your proposals on how to move forward?

I our view, the protest has to expand in its content and absorb progressive, class-based demands. "Yes to Europe, no to Russia" is a catchy and popular slogan, but the movement has to also decide and define what does it exactly mean. Georgia is an extremely unequal country as a result of decades of hard neoliberal reforms. Therefore, we can easily imagine Georgia, as a part of Europe, where the living and working conditions of the majority of its population is not improved. We think, merging class and national interests is the only way to move forward.

How do you deal with the pro-western trend within the protest movement?

You are completely right that there is a strong general pro-western sentiment among the protesters. It is also true that this pro-western stance in post-soviet countries often goes into a naive direction of idealization. We think, we should give precise definition of "Europe" beyond the idealization. There are in fact many definitions and dimensions of "Europe". On a contemporary political and ideological level, that also includes neoliberal or populist right-wing Europe. However, most importantly, we see value in the European legacy of centuries of working-class struggle with all its achievements. I think, that's what's worth focusing on when we talk about Europe here, not only within these protests, but in the future as well.

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Georgia in Turmoil: Interview with the socialist movement "Khma" - Internationalist Standpoint

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"Khma" (voice in Georgian) is a socialist collective from Georgia, formed in 2021, with the aim to push class-related issues into the public discourse and to organize people around them. In the past 3 years Khma has been campaigning in Georgia to expose the pharmaceutical 'mafia', to research fraudulent pension loan schemes from banks, to [...]

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The Holistic Security Protocol for Human Rights Defenders

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The Holistic Security Protocol for Human Rights Defenders

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The Holistic Security Protocol for Human Rights Defenders (the Defender’s Protocol) helps us advance our physical safety, digital security, and wellbeing and resilience. By following the Protocol, we enhance our individual and collective security, and can reduce the burden of attacks, harassment, and censorship on us and our communities.

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The Holistic Security Protocol for Human Rights Defenders

The Holistic Security Protocol for Human Rights Defenders (the Defender's Protocol) helps us advance our physical safety, digital security, and wellbeing and resilience. By following the Protocol, we enhance our individual and collective security, and can reduce the burden of attacks, harassment, and censorship on us and our communities.
The Defender's Protocol was created by Open Briefing and made possible thanks to the support of the National Endowment for Democracy, Ford Foundation, and Oak Foundation.

The Defender's Protocol is based on Open Briefing's experiences working with at-risk defenders all over the world; however, there will be important local differences that cannot be reflected in universal guidance, and you should adapt the Protocol to suit your situation, work, and profile.

1. Seek to better understand and manage the risks that you face:

2. Prepare your family and co-workers so that they are better able to cope should the worst happen:

1. Ensure that any computer or mobile device that you use:

2. Ensure that any online service that you use:

Disclaimer: To the fullest extent permitted by law, Open Briefing will not be liable for any loss, damage or inconvenience arising as a consequence of any use or misuse of this resource.

‌Copyright © Open Briefing Ltd, 2020-22. Some rights reserved. Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International Licence.

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The Protocol | EN | English | The Defender's Protocol

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The Holistic Security Protocol for Human Rights Defenders

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Создание общественной организации в Армении (по-русски)

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Создание общественной организации в Армении (по-русски)

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The Protection Ecosystem Map helps both those at risk and other organisations in the ecosystem navigate the protection mechanisms, security grants, and other support that may be available.

Users can navigate the map in full screen or browse or search the database. Users can also filter the results by the type of support, the thematic focus, and/or the regional focus in order to narrow down their search further. Any column in the database can be sorted alphabetically. Users can save their results as a custom URL or export them as a CSV file.

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The Holistic Security Toolkit from Open Briefing is a curated library of essential resources for specific communities of at-risk civic actors.

The third-party resources can be filtered by one or more of the following variables:

Language:

English

Spanish

Community:

Women human rights defenders

LGBT+ activists

Environmental defenders

Freelance journalists

Protest leaders

Aid workers

Domain:

Safety and security

Digital security

Wellbeing and resilience

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Are you an organisation needing a security framework? Take a look at Frontline Policies
Are you an individual needing security and wellbeing advice? Take a look at the Defender’s Protocol

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Единый протокол безопасности для активистов-правозащитников

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Единый протокол безопасности для активистов-правозащитников

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Единый протокол безопасности для активистов-правозащитников (Протокол активиста-защитника) помогает нам повысить нашу физическую и цифровую безопасность, а также поддерживать хорошее самочувствие и устойчивость. Следуя Протоколу, мы можем повысить уровень индивидуальной и коллективной безопасности и снизить риск нападений, преследований и цензуры, направленных на нас и наши сообщества.

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Единый протокол безопасности для активистов-правозащитников

Единый протокол безопасности для активистов-правозащитников (Протокол активиста-защитника) помогает нам повысить нашу физическую и цифровую безопасность, а также поддерживать хорошее самочувствие и устойчивость. Следуя Протоколу, мы можем повысить уровень индивидуальной и коллективной безопасности и снизить риск нападений, преследований и цензуры, направленных на нас и наши сообщества.
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Протокол | RU | русский | The Defender's Protocol

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Единый протокол безопасности для активистов-правозащитников

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ECOM Statement. On Adoption of Oppressive Legislation in Georgia

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ECOM Statement. On Adoption of Oppressive Legislation in Georgia

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ECOM reminds that the “foreign influence” bill is not the only troubling legislative initiative in Georgia. In April 2024, a draft constitutional law “On Protecting Family Values and Minors” was also tabled, which would ban any public gathering, product, or educational program that “popularize” same-sex marriage and adoption, and gender transitioning, among others. We are deeply concerned that the Georgian authorities may proceed fast with the adoption of this draft law regardless of any criticism in the same manner as they did currently.

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ECOM Statement. On Adoption of Oppressive Legislation in Georgia

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On 14 May 2024, the Georgian parliament, despite ongoing mass protests inside the country and numerous calls from the international community,…

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We, academics around the world, stand in full solidarity with our Georgian colleagues fighting against the Russian-style "foreign agents" law.

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We, academics around the world, stand in full solidarity with our Georgian colleagues fighting against the Russian-style "foreign agents" law.

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The purpose of this document is to provide information to the public regarding the several repressive mechanisms enshrined in Russian Law.

The issues covered in the document are not exhaustive and/or do not represent a list of all the major challenges.

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News | Rule of Law, Human Rights and Freedom of Media | Open Governance and Anti-Corruption 20 May 2024

The purpose of this document is to provide information to the public regarding the several repressive mechanisms enshrined in Russian Law. The issues covered in the document are not exhaustive and/or do not represent a list of all the major challenges.

1. To whom may the various requirements and obligations of Russian Law be applied?

The primary targets of the law are non-entrepreneurial non-commercial legal entities and (Internet) media outlets. However, the obligations and repressive measures enshrined in the law might be applied to other natural and legal persons (companies/institutions); (for instance see Article 4(4), Article 6(1), Article 8(3), Article 9(4)). Simply said, various aspects of law affect the entire society.

2. When does the legal possibility of carrying out repressive measures provided for by the law arise?

Article 10 of the law establishes transitional provisions, which retroactively extend the obligation to register and require non-governmental or media organizations to register as an implementing organization of foreign power interests within 3 months from the full enactment of the law. Out of these three months, 2 months will be given to the Ministry of Justice to carry out material, technical, and legal work, including creating a portal where information will be published on entities considered to be implementing organizations of foreign power interests, and 1 month will be given to relevant organizations to submit an application.

In 3 months after the entry into force of the law, the Ministry of Justice of Georgia will have a full material and formal legal possibility to carry out repressive measures.

3. What will be the requirements for target organizations after the enactment of the law?

The target organizations are required to submit an application for registration as an implementing organization of foreign power interests and to submit a statement, which is also a financial declaration.

3.1. Obligation to submit an application

If the law is finally adopted at the end of May, in July the Ministry of Justice completes the preparation of the legal and material basis for the implementation of the law. The organization is required between 1-31 August to submit an application acknowledging that it is an implementing organization of foreign power interests.

3.2. Obligation to submit an application/declaration

Within 2 working days after submission of the application (3(1)) in written, material form, the person will be provided with technical access to the electronic portal, where it is required to submit the information requested by the Minister of Justice within 10 working days; An exhaustive list of this information is not specified by the law, but this information should include financial information.

4. What is monitoring and when can it be initiated?

According to the 1st paragraph of Article 8 of the Law, to identify the implementing organization of foreign power interests or verify compliance with any of the requirements of this law, the authorized official by the Ministry of Justice of Georgia has the right to carry out monitoring - an appropriate examination and study of the issue at any time. Monitoring can be started both at the Ministry's initiative and at a third party's request.

4.1 What can serve as a basis for the start of monitoring?

1. the decision of the authorized official of the Ministry of Justice of Georgia;

or

2. A written statement submitted to the Ministry of Justice of Georgia, which contains appropriate information related to a specific organization implementing foreign power interests.

The law does not define what is meant by appropriate information. Accordingly, an application submitted by any person, without indicating any justification/source of information, can be the basis for starting monitoring.

The same subject can be monitored only once in 6 months. However, the monitoring started against one organization can affect any other organization or natural and legal person, by establishing the obligation to provide information.

4.2. For what purpose can monitoring be initiated?

According to the first paragraph of Article 8 of the Law, monitoring can be carried out:

1. 1. to identify the organization carrying out the interests of a foreign power;

or

2. 2. To verify compliance with any legal requirement.

The law does not specify which requirements can be examined through monitoring. Therefore, taking into account the existing broad reference, the verification of the fulfillment of any requirement stipulated by the law can become the basis for the initiation of monitoring. At the same time, monitoring may also be carried out in those organizations that will have registered as an implementing organization of foreign power interests.

4.3. What does the initiation of monitoring cause and what is the Ministry of Justice empowered to do?

In order to carry out monitoring, the authorized official of the Ministry of Justice of Georgia has the right, in accordance with the law, to seek the necessary information, including the personal data provided for in subsection "b" of Article 3 of the Law of Georgia "On Personal Data Protection" (special category data), other personal data and confidential information ( except for state secrets as prescribed by Georgian legislation) containing information, for example, tax, banking, commercial information. According to the Law of Georgia "On Personal Data Protection", special categories of data include a wide list of sensitive data, including data related to an individual's state of health, sex life, the status of an accused, convicted, or acquitted person or a victim in criminal proceedings, conviction, criminal record, diversion, recognition as a victim of trafficking in human beings or of a crime under the Law of Georgia on the Elimination of Violence against Women and/or Domestic Violence, and the Protection and Support of Victims of Such Violence, detention, and enforcement of his/her sentence, or his/her biometric and genetic data, which are processed for the purpose of unique identification of a natural person.

4.4. To whom can the Ministry of Justice request immediate submission of information?

Based on paragraph 3 of Article 8 of the Law, all those persons, bodies, organizations, and entities, to whom the official authorized by the Ministry of Justice of Georgia requests to submit information (see section 4.3. of this document), are obliged to present the information in their possession immediately.

Upon the request of the Ministry of Justice, the obligation to provide information can be imposed on any natural and legal person, including those who are not employed in the organization that is being monitored (see section 5.2 of this document). International funds operating in Georgia, representatives of international organizations, or persons employed by them may be subject to the request for immediate submission of information by the Ministry of Justice.

4.5. What happens if the monitoring reveals the fulfillment of the criteria stipulated by the law for being considered as an implementing organization of foreign power interests?

If the monitoring reveals that the targeted organization fulfills the criteria of an implementing organization of foreign power interests established by the law and it will be considered that it has avoided registration:

1. Based on a request of an authorized official of the Ministry of Justice of Georgia, the Agency shall register the entity as an implementing organization of foreign power interests;

2. The entity is obliged to fill out and submit the application, within 10 working days, to the Agency;

3. Compulsory registration of the entity by the Agency does not exempt the relevant subject from the responsibility to pay the fine;

4. If the organization does not fill out and submit the application within 10 working days, it will be charged an additional fine.

Information on fines is available in Section 6 of this document.

5. What repressive mechanism can be used against people (individuals) and/or organizations that do not receive funding from abroad?

According to the law, only those organizations, whose more than 20% of gross revenue (of total noncommercial revenue in relation to media) received in a calendar year comes from a foreign power, are subject to registration. However, this does not mean that the repressive mechanisms provided by the law do not apply to persons who do not receive funding from abroad. From this point of view, two main repressive mechanisms can be distinguished, which can be used against all individuals and legal entities.

5.1. The ability to monitor all organizations that may meet the formal criteria for being considered as implementing organization of foreign power interests

According to the law, the target subjects are non-commercial legal entities, broadcasters, mass information print media, and Internet outlets disseminating mass information, and the main criterion for considering them as an implementing organization of foreign power interests is 20% of the gross revenue (in the case of the media, of the total non-commercial revenue) received during the calendar year from abroad.

As mentioned above, one of the purposes of monitoring is to identify an implementing organization of foreign power interests, and for this purpose, any target entity can be monitored, regardless of the origin of the funding it receives. Accordingly, entities that do not receive funding from foreign sources at all may be subject to both monitoring and the consequences that accompany this process.

5.2. Imposing an obligation on any person to provide information

According to the law, all persons, bodies, organizations, and entities requested by the authorized official of the Ministry of Justice to provide the information in their possession must present it immediately. The authorized official of the Ministry of Justice has the power to request information, including for the purposes of monitoring. The legal provision defining the authority to carry out monitoring will come into effect on the 60th day after the publication of the law.

According to the provision of the law, within the framework of the monitoring started against this or that target entity, the Ministry of Justice is authorized to impose the obligation to provide information to any person, including natural persons. The law does not provide for any restrictions in this regard. Among the persons who may be required to submit information may be employees of the organization, beneficiaries of the target organization, employees of other partner organizations, donor organizations/funds/representations, etc.

6. Fines: What fines can be imposed on organizations and individuals for violating their obligations under the law?

6.1. Fines for target organizations

If, as a result of monitoring, the Ministry of Justice identifies a person who, despite the prerequisites provided by the law, fails to submit to the Agency with an "application", it will be fined 25,000 GEL (paragraph 1 of Article 9).

The fined organization will be entered into the register compulsorily and it will be required (to submit an application to the Agency within 10 days), the application also constitutes a financial declaration.

Note: based on monitoring, compulsory registration in the register does not exempt the relevant entity from the obligation to pay a fine of 25,000 GEL.

If the organization does not submit an application after the compulsory registration in the register, it will be charged an additional fine of 10,000 GEL; (paragraph 5 of Article 8 and paragraph 2 of Article 9);

After being fined 10,000 GEL, commission of an act in the following months (e.g. failure to submit an application) will result in a monthly fine of 20,000 GEL; (paragraph 3 of Article 9).

6.2. Fines for natural persons and legal entities who are required to provide information within the scope of the monitoring

According to Article 8(3) of the Law, All persons, bodies, organizations, and entities requested by the authorized official to provide the information (special category data, other personal data, and confidential information) in their possession must present it immediately.

A fine of 5,000 GEL is established for failure to provide the information requested by an authorized official of the Ministry of Justice of Georgia in accordance with the law.

Considering the fact that the law enshrines the obligation to immediately provide the requested information to all those persons, bodies, organizations, and entities to which the authorized official by the Ministry of Justice of Georgia requests information, a fine of 5,000 GEL can be imposed to natural persons and it is not limited only to persons employed in the organization.

7. Appealing, Right to a Fair Trial, and Other Issues

7.1. Will the repressive decisions be stopped by appealing them in court?

Decisions made by the Ministry of Justice, be it the initiation of monitoring, requests for information, imposing fines, or any other repressive measures, will not be stopped by a court appeal. The Ministry will be able to implement these measures without any impediment.

According to Article 9(8) of the Law, the appeal of a legal act issued on the basis of this law and/or on the basis of a subordinate normative act provided for by this law does not stop its operation.

7.2. Can organizations that register on their own initiative be fined?

Even in the case of registration and submission of the application, there is a risk of being requested to submit information and imposing a fine (for example, in case of finding a fault in the submitted application, in case of failure to correct the fault, in case of failure to submit the requested information). At the same time, in order to verify the correctness and/or completeness of the submitted declaration, the Ministry of Justice is authorized to initiate monitoring.

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News | Rule of Law, Human Rights and Freedom of Media | Open Governance and Anti-Corruption 20 May 2024 The purpose of this document is to provide information to the public regarding the several repressive mechanisms enshrined in Russian Law. The issues covered in the document are not exhaustive and/or do not represent a list of all the major challenges.

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𝐍𝐨𝐭 𝐆𝐞𝐨𝐫𝐠𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐝𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐦: 𝐖𝐡𝐲 𝐓𝐛𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐢 𝐢𝐬 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐰𝐡𝐞𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐞 𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐬𝐩𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐩𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐧𝐠𝐞𝐬.

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𝐍𝐨𝐭 𝐆𝐞𝐨𝐫𝐠𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐝𝐫𝐞𝐚𝐦: 𝐖𝐡𝐲 𝐓𝐛𝐢𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐢 𝐢𝐬 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐰𝐡𝐞𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫 𝐭𝐡𝐞𝐫𝐞 𝐚𝐫𝐞 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐬𝐩𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐩𝐨𝐥𝐢𝐭𝐢𝐜𝐚𝐥 𝐜𝐡𝐚𝐧𝐠𝐞𝐬.

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However, the Georgian protests have no leaders, neither among politicians nor the public. According to Dekanoidze, such a horizontal protest has its advantages, as the authorities could easily discredit a particular protest leader. And, according to the oppositionist, it is important to keep the protest in this form.

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Situation in Georgia

This April, the Georgian parliament took up consideration of the law on foreign agents. This is not the first attempt by the ruling Georgian Dream party, founded by pro-Russian billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, to push through this law, but this time it managed to bring the document to a conclusion.

The story of this scandalous law goes back to last year's spring. Back then, after the document was approved in the first reading, protests broke out in Georgia, which were immediately dispersed by security forces. President Salome Zurabishvili sided with the protesters, promising to veto the law if the parliament finally approved it.

After two tense days on the streets of Tbilisi, the Georgian parliament backtracked and rejected the law in the second reading after the Georgian Dream withdrew it. But already this spring, the Georgian authorities returned to the scandalous law, quickly passing the document in two readings, which again sparked mass protests.

The Georgian parliament also had a heated debate on the law. Voting in the second and third readings was accompanied by fights between parliamentarians. But in the end, this did not prevent the final approval.

Foreign agents law

Critics of the Georgian law on foreign agents call it Russian. And for good reason. Although its authors claimed that it was based on the American law FARA (which was approved in 1938 to counter Nazi propaganda in the United States), the document is similar to its Russian version.
Protests in Georgia over the scandalous law on foreign agents (Photo: Getty Images)
Thus, the law on foreign agents stipulates that non-governmental organizations and media outlets with foreign funding of more than 20% of their annual income must register and obtain the status of agent of foreign influence. The vast majority of Georgian media and non-governmental organizations that work primarily with Western funds will fall under this brush.

So-called foreign agents will have to fill out public financial declarations and will face a fine of 25,000 GEL (more than $9,000) for evading the law.

Moreover, the Georgian Ministry of Justice will be able to monitor media and organizations at any time to identify so-called foreign agents and obtain various information, including personal data.

The Georgian Dream claimed that the law was needed for transparency and accountability, and accused NGOs of preparing a revolution, but critics believe that the document will serve as a tool for pressure and repression of dissidents.

According to Georgian oppositionist Khatia Dekonoidze, the law is backed by the founder of the Georgian Dream, Ivanishvili, who wants to deprive independent media and NGOs of influence ahead of the parliamentary elections.

"But the most important thing for you to understand is that the government in Georgia does not decide anything, it is Ivanishvili and his proteges who decide everything. And the most important thing is that we get to the elections, democratic elections without this law. Because if this law is passed, it means that Ivanishvili wants to eliminate all civil society, all NGOs," she says in a blitz interview with RBC-Ukraine.

EU and US reaction to situation in Georgia and Russia's interest

In the West, the Georgian authorities' desire to pass a law on foreign agents was met with sharp criticism. Even after the first reading, the head of European diplomacy, Josep Borrell, and the European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Oliver Varghese, issued a joint statement warning Tbilisi of the problems on the way to the EU that could arise after the approval of this document.

"This is a very disturbing development, and the final adoption of the law will harm Georgia's progress towards the EU. The law will limit the capacity of civil society and the media, may restrict freedom of expression, and unfairly stigmatize organizations that benefit Georgian citizens," Borrel and Varghese emphasize.
The West does not support the Georgian law on foreign agents (Photo: Getty Images)
The idea of the Georgian Dream was also criticized in the European Parliament. MEPs supported a resolution calling for not starting negotiations on Georgia's accession to the EU if the law is approved. There were even proposals among MEPs to revoke Georgia's status as a candidate for EU membership.

Reacting to the criticism, the head of the Georgian Dream party, Irakli Garibashvili, says that the Georgian government is ready to repeal or revise the scandalous law if Brussels invites Georgia to join the EU.

"If we are told that tomorrow we will become a member of the European Union, it will be very easy to cancel, revise, rework, or adopt a new law," says the head of the Georgian Dream, emphasizing that Georgia's European integration process stopped last year due to the EU's unwillingness to expand.

NATO also criticizes the law, calling it a step backward on Georgia's path to Euro-Atlantic integration. The NATO Secretary General's Special Representative for the Caucasus and Central Asia, Javier Colomina, emphasizes that ensuring media freedom is an important condition for NATO membership.

The situation with this law has significantly impacted Tbilisi's relations with Washington. In early May, the American ambassador to Georgia, Robin Dunnigan, said that the Georgian Prime Minister had refused an official invitation to fly to Washington. In an official statement, the Georgian Ministry of Foreign Affairs explained Kobakhidze's refusal because Washington allegedly demanded that the Georgian parliament temporarily suspend consideration of the law on foreign agents.

"Conducting a visit with reservations does not correspond to the spirit of partnership, which should be based on mutual respect and mutual trust, and a detailed explanation was provided to the US Ambassador," the Foreign Ministry said.

And this week, the founder of the Georgian Dream, Ivanishvili, refused to meet with US Assistant Secretary of State James O'Brien, who arrived in Tbilisi. This is not the first time Ivanishvili has refused to meet with European and American politicians and diplomats. These refusals are explained by blackmail and de facto sanctions of the party of global war.

This refers to Ivanishvili's $2 billion in assets that the Swiss bank Credit Suisse froze after Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The reason for the freezing of Ivanishvili's assets was suspicions that they might be linked to Russia. Therefore, Ivanishvili's main condition for the meetings is to unblock this money. In his turn, O'Brien, after the final adoption of the bill, threatened to suspend financial assistance to Georgia and impose personal sanctions.
The leadership of the Georgian Dream ignores meetings with Western politicians and diplomats (Photo: Getty Images)
According to Georgian political scientist Gela Vasadze, Ivanishvili harbors a grudge against the West, and the Russians have twisted him with fabrications that the West is also preparing a change of power in Georgia. And this may have something to do with the Georgian authorities' insistence on approving the scandalous law.

"Ivanishvili is sure that there is a conspiracy against him, that he is going to be overthrown. He is not going to put it in reverse, but some bargaining is possible. But this is purely a tactical bargaining: let's accept it, and then we'll talk. But in general, the real point is to return the 2 billion and not try to overthrow him. These are the specific messages that have been voiced to the West," Vasadze explains in a commentary to RBC-Ukraine.

At the same time, according to the political scientist, if the West refuses to accept his terms, Ivanishvili is threatening to change his foreign policy course. This, according to Vasadze, will not mean hanging Russian flags but will affect, for example, Georgia's trade ties with the West and the East.

"A change of course is, for example, the construction of the Chinese port of Anaklia or a railroad. This is a change of course. A change of course is a quiet boycott of the development of east-west corridors and support for north-south corridors. It's very simple, really," the political scientist tells the agency.

Oppositionist Dekonoidze is sure that Russians are Ivanishvili's strategic advisors in this situation, and she does not rule out the involvement of Russian agents who have arrived in Georgia. Vasadze also admits that Russia is interested in the fact that Georgia may change its external vector, as Moscow has lost its influence in the region due to the war against Ukraine.

"And not only in the region. You see, in the west, everything is blocked. Russia is under a logistical blockade, its value for China is rapidly declining, and with the return of the South Caucasus, it is regaining Chinese transit. So it's not about the region, the price is much higher. For Russia, this is the price of survival. Because if they are cut off in the South Caucasus as well, then Russia's prospects will be very, very doubtful," the political scientist adds.

Can protests in Georgia lead to change of government

The protests that erupted in April over the law on foreign agents are still going on in Georgia. This weekend, according to the Visioner fact-checking project, Tbilisi hosted the largest anti-government protest in Georgian history. At least 200,000 people took to the streets of Tbilisi on Saturday evening, and the total number of protesters throughout the day was approaching 300,000, which is about 10% of Georgia's population.
The largest protest in Georgian history took place in Tbilisi (Photo: Getty Images)
"I think the protests will continue, they are growing. Today all the institutes and universities have joined the protest, students came out in Batumi, Kutaisi, and other cities. And this is very important news because students have never protested so massively before," Dekanoidze says in an interview with RBC-Ukraine.

However, the Georgian protests have no leaders, neither among politicians nor the public. According to Dekanoidze, such a horizontal protest has its advantages, as the authorities could easily discredit a particular protest leader. And, according to the oppositionist, it is important to keep the protest in this form.

Today, there is no revolutionary sentiment among Georgians, and the protests are more of a peaceful action. Despite the crackdown on protests by security forces, which are often accompanied by water cannons, tear gas, and rubber bullets, Georgian protesters are not moving towards violent confrontation and the overthrow of the Georgian Dream government.

However, as Vasadze notes in an interview with RBC-Ukraine, the revolutionary scenario is always present in countries with underdeveloped democratic trends, and Georgia is no exception. But the political scientist refused to make any predictions, although he notes that the revolutionary scenario would be a full merit of the ruling party.

"Our protests are peaceful. Therefore, all responsibility lies with the government," Dekanoidze says in an interview with RBC-Ukraine.

The parliamentary elections in October will likely decide whether the government will change in Georgia. The situation with the law on foreign agents has undoubtedly shaken the position of the Georgian Dream ruling party, Dekanoidze and Vasadze believe.

According to the political scientist, previously about 70% of Georgian voters were inert and did not support either the government or the opposition, but this year most of them are ready to go to the polls. And if the elections were held today, according to Vasadze, they would vote for any opposition.

"For someone from the opposition. It doesn't matter who. And I call all the talks about the need for the opposition to unite wrong honey. I believe that there is no need for the opposition to unite. The opposition should go to the polls as separate partisan groups and bring their voters," he says.

Yesterday, Georgians again protested in the center of Tbilisi and are likely to continue to do so, as the story of the law on foreign agents is not yet over. President Zurabishvili promised to reject the scandalous document after the third reading, but the parliament has a constitutional mechanism to override the veto.

This story may drag on throughout June and be accompanied by protests. Although the protesters do not have a clear plan and the Georgian opposition lacks unity, the protest potential among Georgians is quite high.

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Not Georgian dream: Why Tbilisi is protesting and whether there are prospects of political changes

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Despite massive protests in Tbilisi, the Georgian parliament finally approved the controversial law on foreign agents. The document, which is a copy of the Russian law, threatens to restrict the rights and freedoms of Georgian media and non-governmental o

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Live Blog: ‘Yes to Europe, No to Russian Law’ – Rallies Against Foreign Agents Bill

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Live Blog: ‘Yes to Europe, No to Russian Law’ – Rallies Against Foreign Agents Bill

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Since the reintroduction of the draft law on Foreign Agents, the streets of Tbilisi have been taken over by continuous mass rallies under the slogan “Yes to Europe, No to Russian Law”, some of which have spontaneous, without the organizers announcing the rallies beforehand.

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Since the reintroduction of the draft law on Foreign Agents, the streets of Tbilisi have been taken over by continuous mass rallies under the slogan "Yes to Europe, No to Russian Law", some of which have spontaneous, without the organizers announcing the rallies beforehand.

Large numbers of young people - schoolchildren, students, young adults - have been gathering and blocking Rustaveli Avenue (where the Georgian parliament is located) for several days in a row. The young Georgians have continued to rally every day, even taking a solemn oath to defend Georgia's European choice.

On April 3, the parliamentary majority leader of the ruling Georgian Dream party, Mamuka Mdinaradze, announced the reintroduction of the draft law on foreign agents, which was dropped last year after the massive rallies on March 7-9. According to Mdinaradze, the content of the bill remains the same, the only change is in the title: the word "agent" in it has been removed and the title has been replaced with "Organization Pursuing the Interests of a Foreign Power". The decision has drawn sharp criticism from the civil society and opposition within the country and from Georgia's international partners. The bill has already been passed in the first hearing.

What began as protests solely against the Foreign Agents Law has now taken on a wider dimension, with demonstrators also protesting against recent amendments to the Tax Code and a Russian FSB-linked conference held at the Tbilisi Palace Hotel.
Live Blog (All times are local):
Sunday, June 2

At 21:00, a rally-concert with the participation of well-known Georgian bands and singers began at the Republic Square. The concert, in defiance of the law on foreign agents and of the campaign of intimidation and terror against citizens, is also a solidarity event aimed at collecting donations for the support of the persons detained at the rallies and those on trial, and to cover the costs of the fines imposed on them.

Friday, May 31

The protesters are back in the streets even as the Foreign Agents law has been adopted by the Parliament. After gathering in front of the Parliament they protesters marched to the Bridge of Peace and hung flags of Georgia, EU and Ukraine, as well as huge banner saying: "Go on strike, Georgia!"

Tuesday, May 28

The rally against the foreign agents law ended after midnight.

Around 11:30 a.m., the demonstrators arrived at the Georgian Dream headquarters and staged a sit-in. As usual, the area was heavily guarded by police.

Around 23:00, the demonstrators marched to the presidential residence, the Orbeliani Palace.

Opposition MPs joined the protest and address the people. MP Tamar Kordzaia called on President Salome Zurabishvili to join the demonstration. MP Khatia Dekanoidze publicly read the names of 84 MPs who voted in favor of the foreign agents law.

19:00: As the parliamentary majority overrode the Presidential veto and finally passed the Foreign Agents Law, thousands of demonstrators are gathered near the Parliament building. Rustaveli Avenue is blocked. Heavy police are mobilized. The MIA issued a statement calling on demonstrators "to enable members of Parliament and employees of Parliament administration leave building without interruption" and said that "any violation of the law will be immediately prevented by the police."

At around 11:00 in the morning, people started to gather at the central entrance of the Parliament of Georgia as the ruling Georgian Dream prepares to override the Presidential veto on the Foreign Agents Law in today's plenary session. Larger rally near the Parliament is scheduled at 17:00 today.

Sunday, May 26

20:00, protesters against the Foreign Agents Law march from Tbilisi's Kostava Street to Vake Park, repeating the route of the first Independence Day march on May 26, 1919, one year after Georgia declared independence.

Georgian emigrants in Berlin held a protest against the law, which was attended by a Member of the German Bundestag, Michael Roth. He addressed the gathered demonstrators, telling them that "Georgia is Europe and Tbilisi is the capital of Europe.

On the Independence Day of Georgia demonstrators against the Agent's Law and Russian rule are marching around the country in protest. The march started first in Zugdidi, where people marched around the city center and the territory where the government representatives were holding the Independence Day celebrations.

Saturday, May 25

18:00: Protesters including university teachers are marching on the Chavchavadze avenue against the Foreign Agents Law. They are expected to arrive at the Heroes' Square at 19:00.

In the morning, some of the students gathered in protest at the second building of Tbilisi State University, where Prime Minister Kobakhidze was scheduled to deliver a lecture. According to media reports, he entered the building, but not through the main entrance. The Prime Minister had to leave the building with the police support, and a physical confrontation ensued between the student protesters and the alleged supporters of Georgian Dream.

Friday, May 24

The demonstrators reach the building of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Despite the rainy weather, the streets are overcrowded, tens of hundreds people have gathered to demand the Foreign Agents law to be dropped.

20:00, the March for Freedom begins.

18:00, Teachers against the Foreign Agents Law begin their march from Dedaena Park to Freedom Square, where they will join demonstrators who plan to march to the Ministry of Interior in Ortachala. The March for Freedom symbolically ends in front of the Ministry of Interior as a sign of protest against police brutality during previous rallies and Court decisions to fine significant number of protesters for violating the Administrative Offenses Code.

Tuesday, May 21

12:30 Students of Tbilisi State Conservatoire, Shota Rustaveli Theatre and Film Georgia State University, Tbilisi State Academy of Arts march from Rustaveli metro station to the Ministry of Culture in protest against the law on foreign agents.

Monday, May 20

Protesters are back on Rustaveli Avenue, many of them newly graduated high school students celebrating the last school bell and protesting against the Foreign Agents Law at the same time. According to tradition, they are wearing white shirts on which their classmates have written their wishes, but this time the shirts also feature protest slogans and European and Georgian symbols.

Several smaller demonstrations were organized by students representing various universities and school graduates at different locations all converging at Rustaveli avenue. The protesters plan further small demonstrations throughout the week, a bigger demonstration planned for 24 May.

Sunday, May 19

Protesters gathered in the evening of May 19 on the Europe' square. They then walked to the Peace Bridge and hung EU and Georgian flags from the bridge.

Saturday, May 18

By 20:50 Rustaveli avenue is blocked again. The protesters unfolded large EU and Georgian flags.

After a one-day break, the protests against the Foreign Agents Law resumed. On May 17, the Day of Family Purity, the protests were suspended for a day and resumed the next day. At 17:00, the protesters began to gather at the Georgia Expo complex on Tsereteli Avenue and plan to march to Aghmashenebeli Avenue, towards Saarbrucken Square, to unite with student groups. Meanwhile a group of protesting doctors gather at another location- April 9 Garden to join the demonstrators in front of Parliament later on.

Thursday, May 16

People have gathered near the Parliament on Rustaveli Avenue again to protest against the adopted law on foreign agents. Rustaveli avenue has been blocked again.

Today "Mothers March" against the law on foreign agents was held in Tbilisi. Similar march was held in Batumi as well.

The MIA reported the arrest of two participants in the May 14 rally - 19-year-old O.O. and 23-year-old S.M. The MIA states: "...in the vicinity of the building of the Legislative Body, during the ongoing protest, S.M. and O.O., together with other persons, deliberately damaged the iron protective dam located at the entrance to the Parliament, using both physical force and an iron object". The case is being investigated under the second part of Article 187, "G", which provides for 6 years' imprisonment.

Students have started gathering on Heroes Square from early hours of the day. The police is already mobilized on the territory.

Wednesday, May 15

By the end of the night, the part of the protesters blocked the Heroes Square.

At midnight, the protestors marched to the Georgian Dream headquarters. Heavy police are mobilized on the ground.

At the same time, a massive rally is taking place in Batumi, with thousands of protestors blocking the central entrance and exit roads of the city.

By 23:00, the Latvian Foreign Minister Baiba Braže also joined the protest.

By 22:00, the foreign ministers of Lithuania, Estonia and Iceland, who are visiting Georgia, arrived at Rustaveli Avenue and addressed the crowd, expressing their solidarity with the demonstrators. After their speeches, the Ode to Joy and the Georgian anthem were played.

People are gathering in the Parliament's vicinity against #ForeignAgentsLaw. By 17:00, Rustaveli avenue had been blocked.

On May 15, the Ministry of Internal Affairs reported the detention of 41-year-old G.O., who participated in the May 13 rally. The MIA states that the detainee "physically attacked the employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs during the protest rally held near the Parliament. In particular, during the rally, the detainee hit the policemen with his elbow and fist and injured his face". The case is being investigated under Article 353 prima of the Criminal Code, which carries a 7-year prison sentence.

Tuesday, May 14

A number of protesters were reportedly arrested on Heroes Square.

By 11:00 pm the central Heroes square and both river banks of the Mtkvari river got blocked by the protesters.

At about 21:00 the heads of the foreign committees of European legislatures, who are visiting Tbilisi, addressed the crowd on Rustaveli Avenue and expressed their solidarity with the protesters. Ode to Joy and Georgian anthem were played after their speeches.

In the evening, people marched in the streets of Batumi as well, blocking the Rustaveli street there.

By 19:00 the police and special forces retreated as more and more protesters started arriving on Rustaveli avenue.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs said at approximately 19:45 arrested 13 people in accordance with Articles 166 and 173 of the Code of Administrative Offenses for disobedience to the lawful demands of the police and petty hooliganism.

Several detentions have been reported, but there has been no word yet on their fate. One of the detainees was David Katsarava, the leader of the anti-occupation movement Power is in Unity which regularly patrols the occupation line and reports on the situation on the ground. Katsarava was standing peacefully on Rustaveli Avenue when, as the footage shows, he was grabbed by the special forces and severely beaten, especially on the head. He is now in the hospital, and the footage broadcast by television stations shows severe bruising on his face.

Public Defender of Georgia reacted to the MIA's statement. The Ombudsman believes there is no reason to disband the rally as a whole after individual measures were takes against the individual rally participants who, according to the statement, violated the rules of peaceful assembly and the requirements of the law. "Accordingly, the Public Defender calls on the Ministry of Internal Affairs not to use special measures against the peaceful participants of the rally and to ensure they can enjoy the right of assembly guaranteed by the Constitution." The Ombudsman's Office continues to monitor the situation.

At 17:11 the MIA made a statement claiming that the rally in the Parliament's vicinity "went beyond the norms established by the law on peaceful assembly and demonstration and continued in a violent manner," damaging the iron barrier at the legislative body. The MIA confirmed using "special means provided by the legislation."

At 17:00 the situation around the parliament became tense, special security forces came out of the parliament, arrested the demonstrators and took them to the parliament yard. Allegedly, the notorious Zviad Kharazishvili unit, known for its brutality, is taking part in the arrests. According to Formula TV, Lazare Grigoriadis is among those arrested. The special forces mobilized on Freedom Square started moving toward the Parliament building. The pre-recorded warnings have been turned on warning citizens to disperse of the "legally determined measures will taken" for maintenance of pubic order.

It is announced that the red level of security will be activated in the Parliament building from 17:00 on May 14 for an indefinite period. No one will be allowed to enter the Parliament of Georgia, except for the persons identified by the Head of the Parliamentary Staff.

By 16:00, Parliament adopts "foreign agents law" in its third and final reading.

Another citizen was detained while writing "This country is ours" ["ეს ქვეყანა ჩვენია" in Georgian] in red spray paint on the Parliament building. He was dragged inside the Parliament premises.

Around 15:00, one protester was reportedly detained during the standoff between police and protesters on Chichinadze Street.

Around 13:00, tensions rise in Parliament's plenary hall as majority and opposition MPs face off over foreign agent law.

By 12:00 the Rustaveli avenue is blocked again. The plenary session in Parliament has started.

As the GD majority is preparing to pass the Foreign Agents Law in its third and final reading in the plenary session scheduled for 12:00 today, the protesters have been gathering near the Parliament since 10:00. Police is mobilized near the Parliament building, water cannons are awaiting are the Freedom Square nearby.

Monday, May 13

Peaceful protests continue in front of the Parliament, joined by students and people with special needs. Tomorrow, students plan to march from various points in Tbilisi to Rustaveli Avenue from 10 to 11 am. The Parliament will begin a plenary session at 12 noon to vote on the foreign agents law in the third and final reading.

By 20:30 after marching from various locations student groups from different Tbilisi universities gathered in front of the parliament building and joined the protesters already there. Rustaveli Avenue was blocked throughout the day after the May 12-13 night vigil and dispersal with sporadic extreme police violence.

Students of Zugdidi State University in Samegrelo region also joined the country-wide academic boycott and held a rally today decrying foreign agents' law and police violence.

As more students join the protests, daily rallies against the foreign agents law are getting larger in Kutaisi (Imereti), and Batumi (Adjara), two Georgian cities. Large-scale marches and demonstrations were held today in both cities.

Students of Caucasus University marched to the President's Administration, where the President of Georgia decided to meet them. After the meeting, the students plan to join others in front of the Parliament.

The students from almost all of the universities located in Tbilisi decided to start a march to the Parliament.

The students of the Batumi State Maritime Academy marched from the early hours of the morning against the law on foreign agents. Reportedly, the administration of the university refused to let some of the students, who were already in class, join the protest.

Sunday-Monday, May 12-13

The Legal Committee of the Parliament said it voted in the third and final hearing for the adoption of the Foreign Agents Law. The deliberations did not take place. The vote was held in 55 seconds. Most opposition MPs were delayed outside the Parliament building by the police and the Georgian Dream MPs were not present in full, either.

Another case of police brutality was recorded and disseminated by the media. The police arrested a number of people at 09:05 am, although the situation remained calm and the demonstration was held peacefully.

At 08:39 a.m., the Public Defender of Georgia issued a statement noting that the police had allegedly used improper treatment of citizens. "The Public Defender once again calls on the Ministry of Internal Affairs to act within the framework of the legislation and once again states that the use of force must be necessary and proportionate, must be aimed at carrying out a specific legal measure, and in no case should it turn into targeted violence/retaliation against the citizen. Furthermore, the Public Defender calls on the Special Investigation Service to respond immediately to the given facts; to complete the ongoing investigations in the shortest possible time so as not to create a sense of impunity that will encourage individual police officers to commit further illegal acts".

08:35 a.m., the police tried to detain another person, a boy peacefully protesting. Reportedly, some people have been detained, however the demonstrators didn't let the police take the boy they chased after. The police has been using spray foam to continue dispersing the rally. MPs have already arrived at the Parliament, which has been accompanied by the demonstrators chants calling the MPs "slaves" and "Russians".

From 07:50 a.m. the Georgian Dream MPs started to arrive at the Parliament. The Committee meeting starts at 9 a.m.

06:52 a.m. Riot police have begun arresting peaceful demonstrators. A physical confrontation has started between the demonstrators and the riot police, with the policemen beating some of the demonstrators. The policemen severely beat one of the detainees and did not stop beating him even after he was arrested. According to Civil.ge journalist on site, the riot police has started using pepper spray.

Current situation near the Parliament building, time: 06:45 a.m. The demonstrators have been forcibly dispersed from Chichinadze and Chitadze Streets, all entrances are completely free. According to reports, the police are opening the welded iron gates of the Parliament.

The Georgian Young Lawyers Association (GYLA) issued a statement noting that at this moment the police are standing near the entrances to the Parliament, not the peaceful demonstrators, "therefore there is not even a factual basis for the use of force announced by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. We call on the Ministry of Interior not to use illegal force and to allow peaceful demonstrators their constitutional right to continue their protest."

As down arrives, heavy police forces are mobilized on Liberty Square. At 6:00 a.m., police began warning peaceful demonstrators to leave the area and clear the entrances to Parliament, giving them 5 minutes. Notably, the entrances are not blocked by the peaceful protesters.

Reports emerge of signal disruptions, including internet, at the rally site, posing significant challenges for media coverage.

At 05:37 Ministry of Interior issued a statement saying that the protesters are located on the streets surrounding the Parliament, including near the entrances of the Parliament on Zhvania, Chitadze and Chichinadze streets. MIA said that protesters had declared that they won't let the MPs to conduct the Legal Issues Committee session on the morning of May 13, and called on the rally participants to clear the entrances of the legislative body, "to allow the MPs and staff of the office to enter the parliament building and exercise their parliamentary powers." Otherwise, "the police will act within the scope of the powers stipulated by the law and ensure that the entrances to the parliament are cleared by police forces," the MIA said.

05:23 The police and water cannons started moving from the Freedom square towards the Parliament building.

05:15 Heavy mobilization of police and special forces on Chitadze and Ingorokva streets, near the Parliament. The streets are blocked. The rest of the special forces are mobilized on Freedom square in the vicinity of the Parliament building.

At 5:00 am the protesters started to move from Rustaveli Avenue to the central and side entrances of the Parliament.

4:40 in Tbilisi: A large number of riot police is mobilizing on the Freedom Square, which is a few minutes away from the action at the Parliament where the protesters are enjoying the techno music at the moment.

4:30 in Tbilisi. The website of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Georgia has been taken down by the international hacktivist movement Anonymous. Earlier the Anonymous had threatened the Georgian government with the "tough night."

After the traditional playing of the Georgian and EU anthems, speakers began addressing the crowd at 00:15 AM on May 13th. Simultaneously, volunteers are distributing food and essential supplies, such as blankets, in a show of solidarity.

By approximately 22:00 Rustaveli Avenue was blocked, with more and more people arriving in the vicinity of Parliament building.

21:00 According to TV Pirveli, Georgian Special Forces officers welded the iron gates of the Parliament building.

In protest against the third hearing on the Foreign Agents Law in the legal committee of the Parliament scheduled for May 13, Georgian citizens have announced their decision to spend the night of May 12-13 on Rustaveli Avenue, in front of the Parliament building, to show the MPs first thing in the morning that the people are determined to protest the adoption of the law. Two hours before the start of the protests, the Minister of Internal Affairs, Vakhtang Gomelauri, held a briefing in which he stated that, according to the information received by the MIA, the protests in the following two days will be "violent and illegal" and reminded that, according to Part 2 of Article 222 of the Criminal Code of Georgia, the group blockade of an establishment of special importance, which prevents or is likely to prevent the normal operation of this establishment, is punishable by imprisonment for up to 4 years.

Saturday, May 11

Protests organized by Georgian diaspora also took place in New York, Berlin, Strasbourg.

By 21:00 huge mass of protesters joined forces from all four locations, marching on both river banks and gathering at Europe Square, while more and more people are joining.

By approximately 19:30 Rustaveli ave. got blocked.

A mass rally against is taking place today Tbilisi. At 19:00 protesters started marching long distances from four locations (Republic Square, Marjanishvili Metro, 300 Aragveli Metro, Tsereteli Avenue) planning to gather at Europe Square, while also marking Europe Week. A protest rally is also taking place in Batumi, western Georgia.

Friday, May 10

The rally against the foreign agents bill was held in Batumi, Kutaisi and Gori. In Batumi, the rally started at 19:00 on Era Square.

Wednesday, May 8

The protesters also organized a little performance bringing in effigies of ruling party leaders, including PM Kobakhidze, Tbilisi Mayor Kaladze, and MP Mdinaradze.

When on a bridge protesters covered hammer & sickle symbolics with NATO and EU flag stickers.

On the 24th day of the protests against the "Russian law" protesters gathered on Rustaveli avenue, and started to march towards Galaktioni bridge, with Rustaveil avenue half-blocked. Earlier in the day, the protest rallies were held in Gori, eastern Georgia and Kutaisi, western Georgia.

Tuesday, May 7

The organizers of the rally urged the opposition parties to put aside their political interests and unite. One of the founders of Dafioni (which is one of the organizers of the rally) Zviad Tsetskhladze voiced an appeal to political parties: "Everyone who took upon a responsibility should unite, you have an obligation to unite!" He stressed that this is important for the future of the country, saying: "Give up your particular political interests, because if you don't succeed, you will lose your future and your political parties will cease to exist in this country. So, let us Georgians be able to unite at least in a critical moment."

While gathered near the Georgian Dream central office the rally participants addressed the law-enforcement officers mobilized there, informing them of launching an initiative to financially support people working in the public sector "so that they are no longer dependent on the state" and promising: "Soon you won't have to obey orders against your will." The demonstrators announced that this concerns not only the policemen, but also people working in other government institutions, and promised to help them with finding a job in case of dismissal from their job." Soon you won't have to obey orders against your will just to bring bread to your families, we know it's hard, but we're working hard. This does not only apply to the police, but also to people working in other public services. We have contacts with various companies, and in case of dismissal it will soon be possible to pay their compensation," said one of the organizers of the action.

The demonstrators gathered near the GD headquarters observed a minute of silence for the heroes of Shindisi and the heroes who died for the unity of Georgia.

The protests in Tbilisi are back to their usual intensity after the Easter holidays. Rallies continue with youth-led marches from Rustaveli Avenue, which has been blocked again. At around 21:00, protesters are marching towards the Georgian Dream headquarters. A larger rally is planned for May 11.

A protest rally and march against the foreign agents law was held today in Telavi, in the eastern Georgian region of Kakheti. People from other Georgian cities are expected to take to the streets in the coming days as well.

Monday, May 6

At 20:00 on Easter Monday, when Georgians commemorate the deceased, a group of protesters against the foreign agents law gathered at Tbilisi's Heroes' Square memorial to honor the memory of those who gave their lives fighting for a united Georgia. In Georgia, May 6 is also St. George's Day. St. George is considered the patron saint of Georgia, and many see him as embodying the nation's struggles.

Saturday, May 4

Rallies against the Foreign Agents' law were held by Georgians in several European cities: Paris, Frankfurt, Stuttgart, Barcelona, Bilbao.

As Tbilisi protests meet Easter celebrations, by midnight Georgians gather at the Kashveti Church on Rustaveli Avenue to attend the Easter vigil. Protesters brought and swapped red eggs and Easter cakes as part of the tradition. Orthodox Easter is one of the most important religious holidays in the country, and many Georgians head to the countryside to spend time with their families. But this year, the protesters who stayed in Tbilisi decided to celebrate the holiday together. The protesters' decision to mark Easter on Rustaveli Avenue comes amid continued attempts by the ruling party and pro-government media to paint law opponents as unbelievers and anti-church. Kashveti Church, located across the street from the parliament building, has witnessed Georgia's worst upheavals and greatest breakthroughs. Now it finds itself again at the center of the country's current trials and tribulations.

At around 23:00, protesters again blocked Rustaveli Avenue as rallies against the foreign agents law continue despite the Orthodox Easter holidays.

Protests also continue in Kutaisi, western Georgian Imereti region, where locals again marched in the evening against the foreign agents law.

In the evening hours, locals in Zugdidi, western Georgia, marched against the "Russian law."

Friday, May 3

At 23:00, the Ministry of Interior issued a statement saying that the MIA had information that "certain political forces and organizers of actions were planning to organise the so-called "performance", whereby, the ministry said, they wanted to "stage alleged violent actions by law enforcement officers". The plan, according to the Ministry, was to wear the uniforms of representatives of various units of the Ministry of the Interior and to spread information as if the police had joined the demonstrators. The Ministry noted that this alleged plan was prompted by the failure to convince police forces to join the protest. The MIA called on representatives of political parties, the organizers of the rally "and persons with similar intentions to refrain from such provocations and to respect the professional activities of law enforcement officers".

After protesting at the GD head quarters part of the demonstrators returned to the Parliament building, another part gathered with lit candles by the Kashueti Church on Rustaveli avenue, across from the Parliament building.

At 21:00, the demonstrators started marching towards the Georgian Dream headquarters. The protesters plan to end the march at the Kashueti Church on Rustaveli Avenue, a symbolic Good Friday destination.

At 20:30 protesters blocked off the central Rustaveli avenue.

A rally is also taking place in Kutaisi, in western Georgia, with participants planning to march later in the evening. A rally also also took place in Batumi.

Shorty after 20:00 one of the rally participants has been reportedly detained for "insulting a policeman." Vazha Siradze, chief of Tbilisi patrol police, when asked, at the spot, by local journalists about the evidence that the detainee had actually done anything illegal, said that he was not a court to conduct a trial and added: "You should take the policemen at their word".

At 18:30, the protest rally, this time under the slogan "Hear True Georgian Voices", resumed in front of the Paragraph Hotel on Freedom Square (owned, incidentally by Cartu Bank belonging to Bidzina Ivanishvili), where an Asian Development Bank conference is taking place.

Thursday, May 2

Reportedly 23 people were detained following protest rallies on May 2.

At around 21:00, the police began to disperse the citizens in Heroes Square using force and pepper spray, according to reports. The crowd then began to march from Rustaveli Avenue to Heroes' Square in support of their fellow citizens. As the number of people increased significantly, Heroes' Square was soon blocked again.

One of the organizers of the demonstration on Heros' Square has been arrested around 19:30.

The demonstrators who gathered at Heros' Square were able to completely shut down the intersection. The people gathered there called on the drivers of the cars to come out and join them, which part of the drivers did.

At 19:00, part of the demonstrators started to gather on Rustaveli avenue in front of the Parliament.

The protests resumed at 18:00 with demonstrators gathering at Heros' Square, one of the most important intersections in the city, connecting the main highways of Tbilisi:

Reportedly, at early morning hours, at around 5 a.m., the police arrested two demonstrators after verbal confrontations, when one demonstrator "verbally insulted policemen" by trelling them that they "sold themselves for 1500 GEL".

At 02:09, international hackers team named "Anonymous" confirmed that it had taken down the websites of Georgian Dream and PosTV, pro-Government channel. The team's statement reads: "To the puppet government of Georgia, controlled by Russia: Despite our warning, you have decided to disregard our request to stop the police brutality against the protesters and have persisted in continuing to abuse, harass, and harm them. For your inhumane actions against your own citizens, we will continue to deface and take every web-based asset of your government offline. This is not a threat; it is a promise. Until justice prevails, hacking and protesting will replace it. The cause of security and democracy will justify the assault on your virtual infrastructure. Don't forget: Georgia is not Russia, and it will never be."

Protest against the Foreign Agents Bill continues with the police cracking down on the protesters. As of 01:30, 8 civilians had been hospitalized with one of them already discharged from hospital, according to the Emergency Situations Coordination and Urgent Assistance Center of Georgia. The injured exhibit a range of injuries, encompassing wounds to the face, head, and various body regions, alongside intoxication and respiratory complications. According to the same information, dozens of citizens, including one law enforcer, have been provided with medical assistance. 20 ambulance crews remain on the ground.

At 00:48 am Georgian Young Lawyers' Association said that "unlawful use of special means" has been observed near the Parliament of Georgia. GYLA notes that tear gas and rubber bullets were used indiscriminately. Peaceful protestors are targeted. The watchdog said there have been violations of human rights and dignity and call on Interior Ministry to halt these actions and on special forces "to refuse illegal orders."

Wednesday, May 1

Shortly after the midnight Parliament of Georgia issued a statement saying that due to the attack on the Parliament building, which poses a threat to the lives and health of the people in the building, the red level of security was activated from 23:00 on May 1. According to the relevant decree, under the red level of security, all persons are obliged to leave the Parliament building, except for those determined by the Speaker of the Parliament in accordance with the nature of the threat and the need to prevent it.

At around midnight the Interior Ministry issued a statement saying it used special measures - water cannons, pepper spray and tear gas against the protesters who tried to break in the Parliament yard. Interior Ministry denied using the rubber bullets against the demonstrators, which is contradicted by numerous video testimonies. MIA called on protesters "to stop violent and illegal actions and protest in a peaceful manner, otherwise the police will be forced to use special means established by law and stop the rally."

A large protest rally took place in Batumi, in western Georgia.

A fire broke out on Chitadze Street, where one of the entrances to the Parliament building is located. It seems that the wooden boards that covered the works on the side street were set on fire. The riot police is putting the fire out with water cannons.

Reportedly, the participants of the rally, opposition Girchi - More Freedom party member Tsotne Koberidze and Mtavari TV operator Zuka Chkhvirkia are injured from the rubber bullets shot by the riot police.

At 22:39, the Public Defender of Georgia issued a statement saying that the office is monitoring the ongoing protest near the Parliament. The statement notes that the protesters shouldn't exceed the constitutionally protected right to peaceful protest and reminds the MIA that it can take appropriate and proportionate measures to disperse the rally only if it becomes violent or unconstitutional.

At 22:35, Ursula von Der Leyen, President of the European Commission issued a statement - "I am following the situation in Georgia with great concern and condemn the violence on the streets of Tbilisi. The Georgian people want a European future for their country. Georgia is at a crossroads. It should stay the course on the road to Europe."

MIA released another statement saying: "After the units of the Ministry of Internal Affairs left the territory around the Parliament, the participants of the rally became aggressive and tried to damage the iron doors of the entrance to the legislative body. In order to restore law and order, the employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs used special means provided by the law - pepper spray and water cannons".

At around 22:10 riot police began spraying pepper spray, tear gas and water cannons at demonstrators who were trying to break into the Parliament building by breaking down the heavily sealed metal doors of the Parliament. Rubber bullets were reportedly used to disperse the rally, injuring a 16-year-old boy and two cameramen, including one from Formula TV.

Parallel rallies are held by Georgian emigrants in front of the Georgian Consulate in Israel, in New York, London and near the Georgian Embassy in Brussels.

The MIA issued another statement at 21:30, reporting that "the representatives of various units of the Ministry of Interior, after ensuring the safe exit of the MPs and employees of the Parliament, completely left the area surrounding the Parliament. The demonstrators have the opportunity to hold a rally at a place of their choice".

The bill was passed in the second reading around 20:00, an hour before the end of the plenary session, as the MPs from the parliamentary majority refrained from making speeches and only Anri Okhanashvili, MP from the GD, made a final speech. More and more people are gathering around the Parliament.

The MIA issued a statement calling on citizens to "express their protests in the forms established by law and not to paralyze the streets." It also urges protesters not to make calls that "could become a precondition for violent acts." The statement emphasizes that "any illegal act will be met with an appropriate lawful response.

Citizens began to gather around the Parliament at 17:00. Riot police were soon mobilized in the side streets and behind the Parliament building. Rustaveli Avenue has been blocked.

An increasing number of residents are generously offering accommodation in Tbilisi and covering of the transportation expenses for citizens from regions who are joining the protests in the capital.

As for 13:00, the Parliament of Georgia has resumed the second hearing of the Foreign Agents Law, with the tensions continuing to run high in the legislation following the brutal police crackdown on the demonstration. People from all across the country are rushing to capital Tbilisi to protest on the Rustaveli avenue this evening.

Tuesday, April 30

After the GD organized so-called counter rally, which mobilized people from Georgian provinces who were bussed to Tbilisi, which announced repressions against the "collective" UNM and opponents, and was infused with anti-Western messages, the anti-foreign agents law protest rally resumed with new impetus at 19:00 local time. Massive mobilization of law enforcers is observed near the Parliament building. By approximately 21:00 the police closed the streets on the left and right-hand side of the Parliament. The demonstrators tried to block the entrance of the Parliament building to prevent the GD MPs from leaving.

At around this time the Interior Ministry issued statement saying that "the law enforcement officers are mobilized to ensure the safety of all citizens." The statement also said that "Employees of various departments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in order to ensure the safe exit of the deputies and employees of the Parliament from the building and to avoid artificial escalation of the events, are at the entrances of the legislative body and call upon the gathered people to leave the entrances and exits of the Parliament building." The MIA warned that "any violation of the law will be dealt with in accordance with the law."

Part of demonstrators went to the Government Administration building.

The situation became tense at around 21:45 by the back entrance of the Parliament with riot police using pepper spray without prior warning.

Riot police brutality continued, with dozens of demonstrators injured, many cornered and beaten by law enforcement. According to a Civil.ge correspondent on the scene, the riot police used pepper spray and tear gas on the demonstrators. There is reportedly shortage of ambulances at the site. At 22:20, the Ministry of Interior issued another statement, noting that despite calls for the demonstrators to leave the premises, they didn't do so, and "in order to restore law and order, the Ministry of Interior used legally established special means". The MIA reiterated calls "to political leaders, organizers and participants of the rally not to exceed the norms of assembly and demonstration established by law."

The riot police without in black, without visibly identifiable police badges were lashing out from the ranks of the riot police trying to snatch individual protesters and cracked down on protesters several times throughout the evening, using water cannons, pepper spray and tear gas. This was followed by the riot police carrying out a special operation on Rustaveli Avenue, forcing the protesters off the avenue.

Closer to midnight MIA issued another statement saying that "the protest of the participants of the rally on Rustaveli Avenue...went beyond the scope established by the law on freedom of expression and peaceful assembly and took on a violent character." MIA said that "despite numerous appeals by the police, they do not comply with the legal demands of the law enforcement officers" and "confront the law enforcement officers verbally and physically, and also throw various objects in their direction."
Thus the MIA said, it is starting to "implement the measure stipulated by the law in order to restore public order."

Despite the special forces detachment's brutal attempts to break up the protest, using every means at their disposal, including pepper spray, tear gas, water cannons and rubber bullets, people continue to remain on Rustaveli Avenue, and even more are gathering there. At around 1 a.m., the riot police resumed their efforts to disperse the protest, again using gas and water cannons.

At 12:42, President Salome Zurabishvili issued a statement calling on the MIA to immediately stop breaking up the peaceful protests with "disproportionate use of force, violence against young people who come with bare hands". The President appealed to the Public Defender to respond immediately to the ongoing violence and demand an end to "all unfounded and inappropriate actions of the special forces."

Human Rights watchdogs Transparency International-Georgia and Georgian Young Lawyers Association issued separate statements saying that the law enforcers used disproportionate force against the protesters and calling on relevant authorities to investigate.

The Ombudsman of Georgia released a statement assessing the use of force against the demonstrators by the law-enforcers as disproportionate and calling on the investigative bodies "o conduct an effective investigation into the facts of the use of disproportionate force.

The rally continued into the late morning hours. The riot police left the scene before the demonstrators at around 5 a.m. The MIA held a briefing at 10 a.m. on May 1, announcing that 63 peaceful demonstrators had been detained yesterday and that 6 police officers had allegedly been injured. Among those detained is a U.S. citizen Ted Jonas, a lawyer working for Anaklia Development Consortium LLC. He was also severely beaten by the police. The leader of the main opposition UNM party, Levan Khabeishvili, was severely beaten and injured by police. He had to be taken to hospital.

Monday, April 29

Several dozen demonstrators gathered at the back entrance of the Parliament building in the morning to protest against the Agent Law as the Legal Issues Committee began its second hearing on the controversial law.

Sunday, April 28

Thousands of citizens gathered in Tbilisi's Republic Square from 19:00 for a mass rally organized by over 100 civil society and media organizations. National and European anthems were played. Speakers addressed the crowd. Around 21:00, the demonstrators began marching toward Rustaveli Avenue, once again blocking the way. Soon the avenue was filled with tens of thousands of demonstrators, an unprecedented number of protesters so far in the last two weeks.

The massive rally comes ahead of the ruling majority's upcoming vote on the controversial law in its second reading next week, alongside a counter-rally organized by the GD scheduled for tomorrow.

Speakers delivered the statement of the rally organizers, calling on the government not to schedule the plenary session for the second reading of the law tomorrow, as many expect. They emphasized that if the government proceeds with scheduling the second reading tomorrow, they have a plan and special locations to mobilize people against it.

Around midnight, as more and more people mobilized in front of the Parliament, where a special stage had been prepared for the GD rally, there were demands to allow some youth to enter the stage and raise EU and Georgian flags, and the situation between the demonstrators and the police escalated. The Georgian MIA issued a statement calling on the activists "not to damage the inventory and equipment of the stage set up on Rustaveli Avenue in front of the legislature" Tear gas was reportedly used.

Riot police has been deployed at the Parliament. The MIA issued another statement saying that "the protest took a violent turn" with "demonstrators physically and verbally confronting law enforcement" and "attempting to break through the police cordon. The MIA mentioned that the police used "special means" to restore order. The riot police is now calling the remaining protesters to clear off.

Police used pepper spray during the standoff.

At midnight, the Tbilisi municipality office issued a statement saying that on 22 April, the Georgian Dream party had sent a letter to the Tbilisi municipality regarding the public rally planned for 29 April on Rustaveli Avenue. The statement noted that "due to the size of the gathering, the organizers planned to start preparations three days earlier and asked for various measures required by law to be taken."

The statement said that "the gathering of the rally participants, who are now in the vicinity of the parliament, is unauthorized" and called on the participants "to refrain from provocations and give the organizers of the event planned for April 29 the opportunity to carry out their work".

The Georgian Young Lawyers' Association (GYLA) called on the MIA not to use special means against peaceful demonstrators and not to use riot police, stressing that there is no legal basis for a violent dispersal of the demonstration. "Publicly released footage shows that special forces are positioned at three exits of the demonstration area (from Chitadze, Chichinadze, and Liberty Square onto Rustaveli Avenue)" the statement reads noting that "they are equipped with special gas masks." GYLA says this raises concerns "that the Ministry of Interior Affairs plans to use active special means, including tear gas. The footage also shows water cannon trucks. "We urge the Ministry of Interior Affairs not to use active special means against peaceful demonstrators and not to use them in their usual unlawful practice, such as at close range, targeting vital organs, and using multiple active special means simultaneously," GYLA statement read.

Alexi (Buka) Petriashvili, former State Minister for European and Euro-Atlantic Integration (in 2012-2014 in the GD government) was detained by police, MIA has confirmed to news outlet Publika. He's been detained on administrative charges, under the Art. 166 (petty hooliganism) and Art. 173 (resisting the police).

The Public Defender made a statement shortly after midnight emphasizing that interference with the freedom of assembly is permissible only if the action takes a violent and/or illegal nature, "in which case the termination of the assembly by the authorities should be used as a last resort and the use of force within the mentioned framework should meet the strict test of necessity and proportionality." The Ombudsman's statement said that "as of April 29, 00:30 there is no prerequisite for stopping the assembly and the rally is peaceful, therefore the Public Defender appeals to the Ministry of Internal Affairs not to use force against the peaceful participants of the assembly" and allow protesters to enjoy their rights guaranteed by the constitution.

Thursday, April 25

The protests against the Foreign Agents Law started at 19:00. The demonstrators marched from the Parliament to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Government Administration. The protests ended at Rustaveli Avenue, where the demonstrators again blocked the street, but after the police demanded to move away from the street, they continued their protests in front of the Parliament.

Wednesday, April 24

22:00-Protests against the Foreign Agents bill continues for the tenth day in a row. Protesters again block Rustaveli Avenue, defying police warnings earlier in the day. Claiming that the number of people at the rallies was "significantly decreasing" and citing Georgian laws, police warned of a "legal response." Protesters are marching towards the Europe square.

Later, Lazare Grigoriadis, who had been released from prison earlier in the day after a Presidential pardon, joined those demonstrators who were back at the Parliament on Rustaveli Avenue.

Tuesday, April 23

Popular protests against the reintroduced Foreign Agents Law continued for the ninth day in a row. aT 19:00 citizens of all generations gathered in front of the Georgian Parliament and marched to the EU Delegation office. On their way, the demonstrators came across with ruling GD's spin-off People's Power MP Davit Kacharava and confronted him about the bill.

To be updated... Also Read:

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Live Blog: 'Yes to Europe, No to Russian Law' - Rallies Against Foreign Agents Bill

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Since the reintroduction of the draft law on Foreign Agents, the streets of Tbilisi have been taken over by continuous mass rallies under the slogan "Yes to Europe, No to Russian Law", some of which have spontaneous, without the organizers announcing the rallies beforehand. Large numbers of young people - schoolchildren, students, young adults - ...

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RUSSIAN LAW MUST BE WITHDRAWN UNCONDITIONALLY

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RUSSIAN LAW MUST BE WITHDRAWN UNCONDITIONALLY

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The will of the Georgian people is unwavering. Our ship is headed for Europe. We repeat once again - the government must withdraw this law unconditionally.

Yes to Europe!

No to the Russian law!

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Russian Law must be withdrawn unconditionally

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On May 14th, the majority members of the Parliament of Georgia acted against the national interests of the Georgian people and the constitution by passing the Russian Law in the third reading. This attempt to establish Putin's rules in Georgia is a betrayal of all our ancestors and compatriots who fought and are fighting for more than two hundred years against the Russification of Georgia.

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EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) - GEORGIA - URGENT OPINION ON THE LAW  ON TRANSPARENCY OF FOREIGN INFLUENCE issued on 21 May 2024 pursuant to Article 14a of the  Venice Commission’s Revised Rules of Procedure 

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EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) - GEORGIA - URGENT OPINION ON THE LAW  ON TRANSPARENCY OF FOREIGN INFLUENCE issued on 21 May 2024 pursuant to Article 14a of the  Venice Commission’s Revised Rules of Procedure 

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The Venice Commission has analysed the compatibility of the Law with the applicable international and European standards, based on principles developed in its numerous previous opinions on a similar matter. It concludes that the restrictions set by the Law to the rights to freedom of expression, freedom of association and privacy are incompatible with the strict test set out in Articles 8(2), 10(2), and 11(2) of the ECHR and Article 17(2), 19(2) and 22(2) of the ICCPR as they do not meet the requirements of legality, legitimacy, necessity in a democratic society and proportionality, as well as with the principle of non-discrimination set out in Article 14 of the ECHR.

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WECF (WOMEN ENGAGE FOR A COMMON FUTURE) International stands in solidarity with the protesters in Georgia – including our brave colleagues and partner organisations.

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WECF (WOMEN ENGAGE FOR A COMMON FUTURE) International stands in solidarity with the protesters in Georgia – including our brave colleagues and partner organisations.

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“We are extremely concerned about the future of the Georgian people who cherish freedom, our vibrant civil society partners, and our branch office as this draconian law comes into effect.” Says Sascha Gabizon, Executive Director of WECF International.

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PRESS RELEASE
15 May 2024, Utrecht

WECF International stands in solidarity with the protesters in Georgia - including our brave colleagues and partner organisations.

Yesterday, the Georgian Government adopted the "Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence," a disturbing parallel to the Russian Law on Foreign Agents. We are profoundly alarmed by this development.

"We have seen firsthand the devastating impact of such laws, having witnessed the severe crackdown on Russian civil society. We have provided refuge and support to our ecofeminist partners from Russia, who fled to Georgia after facing life-threatening dangers in their homeland." Says Anna Samwel, Director of WECF Georgia

"We are extremely concerned about the future of the Georgian people who cherish freedom, our vibrant civil society partners, and our branch office as this draconian law comes into effect." Says Sascha Gabizon, Executive Director of WECF International.

The law mandates civil society organizations and "free media organisations" to register as "organisations pursuing the interests of a foreign power," exposing them to severe repression. The government has already begun a campaign of intimidation, assaulting activists and deploying violence against peaceful protesters. This law poses a significant threat to European integration and democracy in Georgia.

Ana Muradashvili from WECF Georgia is participating in the ongoing demonstrations, and shares "This is not a fight of civil organisations. This is Georgia's fight for the protection of European values and human rights. We stand at the demonstrations to protect rights of all, including women, queer people, ethnic minorities, people with disabilities, migrants, youth, elderly. A fight for all and with all."

WECF International stays committed to supporting the Georgian people on their path to a sustainable, equitable, just and democratic future.

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PRESS RELEASE: We strongly condemn the adoption of the Georgian "Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence" - WECF

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PRESS RELEASE 15 May 2024, Utrecht WECF International stands in solidarity with the protesters in Georgia - including our brave ...

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International Reactions to Final Adoption of Foreign Agents Law

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International Reactions to Final Adoption of Foreign Agents Law

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Civil.ge has compiled some of the international reactions

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Georgia's ruling party adopted the controversial foreign agents' law in its third and final reading by 84 votes against 30 on May 14, amid widespread local protests and despite fierce opposition from the West.

Civil.ge has compiled some of the international reactions:

, President of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, CoE, May 15, 2024: "I share the deep concern expressed by the Secretary General of the Council of Europe regarding the draft law on 'transparency of foreign influence', adopted by the Georgian Parliament in third reading, and its impact on democracy and respect for human rights in Georgia. A free and dynamic civil society is an essential component of democracy at all levels. The Congress will continue its work in Georgia to strengthen local democracy and human rights."

U.S. Helsinki Commission: "Georgia's parliament finally rammed through the Russian-style foreign agent bill, in violent defiance of the will of the people and in sharp renunciation of its long-professed Euro-Atlantic path. It is a dark time for Georgia's democracy and European aspirations. Yet, the spirit of Georgian freedom is irrepressible. The United States continues to stand with the Georgian people, who show incredible courage and dedication to the cause of democracy and a Euro-Atlantic future."

Samantha Power, USAID Administrator: "We strongly condemn today's vote in the Georgian Parliament in favor of the "foreign influence" legislation, which undermines Georgia's vibrant civil society and independent media, and will ultimately make it harder for them to continue delivering needed services for the Georgian people. We are deeply concerned about the effects of such legislation on organizations who are doing critical work on the ground to strengthen democratic governance and drive economic growth...The United States calls upon all parties to refrain from any escalatory or violent actions, and for the Government of Georgia to refocus its efforts on initiatives that will respond to the most pressing needs of the Georgian people."

Jan Lipavský, Czech Foreign Minister: "The adoption of a Russian-style law on "foreign agents" will damage Georgian civil society and therefore Georgia's democracy and rule of law. The Georgian government has begun to move away from EU membership by its own choice with this move and a series of statements by ruling party officials. We condemn the government's use of violence against demonstrators."

Javier Colomina, NATO Secretary General's Special Representative for the Caucasus and Central Asia: "Recently approved Georgian legislation on so-called "foreign agents" is a step in the wrong direction and takes Georgia further away from its Euro-Atlantic integration, a key goal for Georgians that NATO supports. We urge Georgia to change course and to respect the right to peaceful protest."

Farah Dakhlallah, NATO Spokesperson: "The Georgian government's decision to pass legislation on so-called "foreign agents" is a step in the wrong direction and takes Georgia 🇬🇪 further away from European and Euro-Atlantic integration. We urge Georgia to change course and to respect the right to peaceful protest."

Edgars Rinkēvičs, President of Latvia:"The Foreign Agents' Law" adopted by Georgian parliament is incompatible with EU norms and values. The visit of Latvia's, Estonia's, Iceland's, Lithuania's Foreign Ministers to Tbilisi is a good opportunity for frank discussion. Meanwhile, I urge Georgian authorities to respect right of peaceful assembly and protest.

Roberta Metsola, European Parliament President: Tbilisi, we hear you! We see you! Georgians on the streets are dreaming of Europe. Proudly waving the European flag. They want a European future. They expect European values and standards. The European Parliament stands with the people of Georgia."

Senator Jim Risch, Ranking Member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: "Today, by passing a law that would greatly damage civil society, the government of Georgia made clear it isn't interested in a European future. This is a massive slap in the face to the 80% of Georgians who want EU membership."

Norwegian MFA: "The adoption of the 'foreign agents' law', despite widespread protest and concern, undermines Georgia's democracy, jeopardises its European integration path and will harm relations with longtime friends and partners. To restore trust and progress, the law should be revoked.

Polish MFA: "We express deep disappointment with the adoption by the Parliament of Georgia of the law "on the transparency of foreign influence", which distances Georgia from the European Union. We call on the authorities to stop repressing NGOs and independent media."

Lars Løkke Rasmussen, Danish Foreign Minister: "The Georgian 'foreign agent law' is against European values. It has now been adopted against advice from Georgia's true partners. We support the people's call for democracy and strongly appeal to the Georgian government to withdraw the law and uphold commitment to EU path."

Annalena Baerbock, German Foreign Minister: "Europe's freedom union is built on the rule of law. This is precisely why people in Tiflis [Tbilisi] are taking to the streets. It is up to Georgian government to seize the historic opportunity offered by Europe instead of introducing laws that run counter to Europe's values."

Nusrat Ghani, UK Minister for Europe: "The scenes in Georgia are shocking - and as friends of Georgia we call for calm and restraint on all sides. Today the Georgian Parliament again voted in support of the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence. Like our partners, the UK strongly opposes the introduction of this legislation. This draft law and the accompanying orchestrated intimidation of protestors are not in line with the democratic values of a NATO aspirant country and fundamentally risk derailing Georgia's Euro-Atlantic aspirations. As I said to the Georgian Ambassador when we spoke earlier today, we are watching with deep concern. I now urge the Government of Georgia to change course and withdraw this legislation."

Grant Shapps, UK Defence Secretary said on May 14, before the imminent adoption: "This is Russian interference in Georgia. Just in the same way as we have seen Russia, more aggressively of course, going to Ukraine. Putin cannot help but meddle sometimes militarily, sometimes through using influence, in other countries which is not good for this world, not good for freedom or democracy. And so, we do condemn this influence, and we very much encourage people to resist that influence from Russia. I think they should, because Putin has demonstrated, not least in Georgia, that he's not good for the world, and good for his neighbors."

Robin Wagener, Coordinator for South Caucasus, Moldova and Central Asia, German MFA: "The adoption of the law is a fundamental mistake and directed against Georgia's path toward the European Union. The Georgian government not only broke their promise made last year to not adopt the law, but they totally ignored the will of the vast majority of the Georgian People who wish to see their country as an EU member state. The adoption of the law will stop Georgia's integration into the European Union. The accession talks will not be opened if the law comes into force. It's obvious that the law runs counter to core European values and practices. Creating an environment where civil society organisations can act freely and ensuring media freedom is at the core of all democracies. It is also crucial for a successful EU accession process. We are deeply disappointed by the current authoritarian and anti-EU course of the Georgian government. It forces us to rethink our strong political and financial support for Georgia within the bilateral and European cooperations. Even targeted restrictive measures should be discussed on the European level. The energy and the courage of the protests against the law are deeply impressive. It shows the strong commitment of the Georgian people to the European path. Any violence or continued intimidation against the protesters is completely unacceptable. I call upon the government to respect the will of the people and to withdraw the law once and for all."

Theodoros Rousopoulos, Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly (PACE) President: According to PACE, President Rousopoulos "strongly condemned the attacks on civil society activists, media representatives and members of the opposition, as well as the use of disproportionate force by the police against peaceful demonstrators who oppose the controversial law on transparency of foreign influence, that was adopted today by the Georgian Parliament in an unnecessarily hasty fashion. "These attacks, as well as the reports of disproportionate use of force by the police, should be fully and transparently investigated by the authorities and appropriate action should be undertaken to protect the safety of protesters, civil society activists, journalists and members of parliament, irrespective of their opinion on this law", emphasised President Rousopoulos. Noting that the opinion of the Venice Commission on the law on transparency of foreign influence that President Rousopoulos requested will already be available early next week, the PACE President urged the Georgian legislators to fully take into account the recommendations of the Venice Commission before this law is enacted."

UN in Georgia: "UN Georgia regrets the adoption of the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence that poses threats to freedoms of expression and association and risks impeding the work of civil society and media as core pillars of Georgian democracy. This Law may disrupt critical social services rendered by civil society among other risks. We call for an impartial investigation of incidents of violence and intimidation during and after the protests. We remain committed to continue working with partners to build an inclusive and just Georgia."

Miriam Lexmann, MEP: "Very sad to see Ivanishvili's interests being out before that of Georgia. A sad day for Georgian democracy." She addressed the EU Commission President Ursula Von Der Leyen, and High Representative Josep Borrell that "it's time for the EU to send a clear message to the oligarch and stand with the Georgian people."

Anna Fotyga, MEP: "Very bad news coming today from Georgia. Instigated by the oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, Georgian elites decided to impose the Russian-style Foreign Agents Law on Georgian society, clearly acting against the will of majority of Georgians. The Parliament of Georgia passing this bill is to undermine the pro-Western and Euro-Atlantic direction of Georgia. We still support the Georgian people. We wish you all the best in your path to Western structures. Keep your courage and stay hopeful to achieve your noble goals."
More to follow...

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International Reactions to Final Adoption of Foreign Agents Law

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Georgia's ruling party adopted the controversial foreign agents' law in its third and final reading by 84 votes against 30 on May 14, amid widespread local protests and despite fierce opposition from the West. Civil.ge has compiled some of the international reactions: Marc Cools, President of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, CoE, May ...

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Statement by High Representative Josep Borrell with the European Commission on the adoption of the “transparency of foreign influence” law in Georgia*

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Statement by High Representative Josep Borrell with the European Commission on the adoption of the “transparency of foreign influence” law in Georgia*

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The EU stands with the Georgian people and their choice in favour of democracy and of Georgia's European future. The intimidation, threats and physical assaults on civil society representatives, political leaders and journalists, as well as their families is unacceptable. We call on the Georgian authorities to investigate these documented acts.

The EU stands ready to continue supporting Georgians working towards a European future.

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European Commission - European Commission

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It took EU 24 hours before urging Georgia to withdraw foreign influence transparency law

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It took EU 24 hours before urging Georgia to withdraw foreign influence transparency law

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Despite repeated warnings about the "negative consequences" of final approval of the pro-Russian draft in Parliament and the immediate stance taken by EU Parliament President Roberta Metsola, the statement by EU High Representative Josep Borrell was held back by internal divisions within the Twenty-Seven countries.

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EU condemnation of Georgia over pro-Russian law after 24 hours

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Divisions among the twenty-seven countries held back statement against approval of foreign influence transparency law in Georgia

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Georgia: UN experts condemn adoption of Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence

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Georgia: UN experts condemn adoption of Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence

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“We are seriously concerned at the speed of deliberations in Parliament, which appear to have taken place without inclusive, transparent and genuine consultations with civil society, society at large and opposition parties,” said Mary Lawlor, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders.

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This board is a living, breathing space where you can find useful resources, solidarity statements, accessible crisis response funds, analysis pieces etc. to organize against the Agent of Foreign Influence' Law in Georgia. 

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This board is a living, breathing space where you can find useful resources, solidarity statements, accessible crisis response funds, analysis pieces etc. to organize against the Agent of Foreign Influence' Law in Georgia. 

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This board serves as a compilation of resources created by Dalan Fund and Women’s Fund in Georgia. We aim to:

spread information about the Agent of Foreign Influence law in Georgia and its potential impact on human rights in Georgia, as well as in the region at large;

mobilize and build solidarity among and with civil society, media, and people at large in Georgia, regionally and internationally;

resist the Russian political agenda, and prepare and respond to the emerging crises due to the Russian influence on regional politics.

If you have any questions and/or comments, or if you would like to share any additional resource that you find helpful to mobilize against the law on ´Agents of Foreign Influence´ in Georgia, please contact us at 𝐢𝐧𝐟𝐨@𝐝𝐚𝐥𝐚𝐧.𝐟𝐮𝐧𝐝

Photo credit: Vakho Kareli l Artwork: Anuka Tsanava

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Philea statement of concern about “Transparency of Foreign Influence” law in Georgia.

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Philea statement of concern about “Transparency of Foreign Influence” law in Georgia.

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Georgia's foreign agents' law - a surprise that wasn't: a call for solidarity

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Georgia's foreign agents' law - a surprise that wasn't: a call for solidarity

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A joint solidarity statement by Dalan Fund, Women’s Fund in Georgia and Taso Foundation.

We call for attention and solidarity from the international funding community. We call on funders to trust the expertise of local and regional funds and organizations in Georgia and CEECCNA regions, and to step up your support by providing rapid, large, and highly flexible funds to these actors for their short-, medium- and long-term strategies co-created with local activists and communities.

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In March 2024, Georgian Dream, the ruling party, introduced the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence, which the parliament passed with the third and final hearing with 84 votes in favor on May 14, 2024 . In February 2023 , the same bill was withdrawn due to public outrage for what it meant to Georgian sovereignty, democracy, and freedom. Similar to the Russian 'foreign agents' legislation, the law obligates non-governmental organizations and independent media outlets to register as "agents of foreign influence" if they receive funding from sources abroad, or from what the bill frames as a "foreign power".

In addition to this, the ruling party is proposing a constitutional amendment to anti-LGBT propaganda , has already canceled gender quotas in the parliament in April 2024, announced intended restrictions on abortion, and amended the tax law allowing so-called offshore money to be laundered in Georgia. This authoritarian turn of the government compromises Georgia´s democratic course, sovereignty, and freedom.

The following statement and call for action outline the context in which the law was adopted and its national and regional implications. It aims to draw attention to the urgency of international action and solidarity given the short window of opportunity for the law to be withdrawn.
The Foreign Agent´s Law and its Consequences
As outlined in our statement last year, any Georgian-language media, broadcaster, and any non-governmental organization (NGO) registered in Georgia will be directly affected by the law if over 20% of their annual income comes from overseas. Such media and NGOs will be forced to register on a 'Foreign Influence Agents Registry' and disclose foreign funding. If they fail or resist doing so, they will risk being fined up to 25,000 Georgian Lari (US $9,400) which is not a one-time measure but rather will be followed by a series of fines until the organization registers or goes bankrupt.

Considering that local sources of funding are limited, state funding to civil societies is practically non-existent, and foreign funding is the major source of income, the law cuts off an important lifeline from grassroots and service providers and collapses achievements made, and will further deepen existing social inequalities.

It is critical to note that the impact of the law is wider than a single country issue as it would directly affect not only Georgian civil society and media but also the activists and organizations from Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central and North Asia that had sought what seemed like a safe refuge in Georgia. Due to the regressive regimes (e.g. Azerbaijan, Belarus, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan) and the ongoing war in Ukraine, activists in exile and fiscally relocated organizations will be directly affected as well.

The Georgian parliament adopted the law amid the largest mass demonstrations in the country´s latest history. If the law is not withdrawn, not only will it compromise democracy in Georgia, but will create a safe pass for other countries in the region to enact similar restrictions, and will further deepen the rise of authoritarian regimes in Eastern Europe, Caucasus, Central, and North Asia.

Nearly daily, the government of Georgia is orchestrating riot police attacks with tear gas and rubber bullets, beating and detaining peaceful protesters. Before the final hearing, the police had already started raiding activists' homes, spreading posters targeting and insulting activists, and intimidating demonstrators, including teenagers, via personal phone calls.
People's Resistance Against the Law
Since 2023, the Georgian civil society´s campaign exposed striking similarities between the draft law with the foreign agents' law in Russia adopted in 2012 and the recently adopted law in Kyrgyzstan (April 2024). Having raised public awareness and having built a shared political analysis, hundreds of thousands have been demonstrating to oppose Georgia's pro-Russian political course.

Since the law readings were reintroduced this year, demonstrations have been organized consistently, with the largest march of 300,000 people on March 12th. Currently, country-wide demonstrations and strikes are organized, with demonstrators preparing for riot police attacks. There is a strong shared understanding that the law must be withdrawn immediately as its adoption will breach Georgia´s sovereignty, freedom of speech, and assembly, and will lead to a harsh decline in democracy expressed in brutal human rights violations, unlawful arrests, and total closure of the civic space.

Timeline and Urgency: What Next
As the law passed its third and last hearing on May 14th, there is approximately one month of window of opportunity before the law is in legal power. This is the most critical time for organizing, resistance, and international pressure to withdraw the law. Even though the President of Georgia, Salome Zourabichvili, intends to veto the law, the governing party has sufficient numbers in the parliament to overrule her veto. Even with the veto, we expect the law to come into full force on June 14th.
What is Needed and How to Support
To counter and resist the law, organizers use various tactics to address emergency and longer-term needs. As funders, now is the time to show solidarity with local movements.

This list outlines the need for emergency funding, holistic security, and collective care of Georgian and regional activists at the current moment in time and will shift based on various scenarios of how the ongoing situation will unfold:

Direct action: food and safety gear, such as tear gas masks and first aid kits, are needed to sustain the ongoing resistance;

Physical and Digital security: civil society and media representatives face attacks, home raids, and intimidation. Raids of offices are expected too for which secure hardware and software are needed;

Legal support for those detained, as well as those who are considering relocating and those exploring legal alternatives and avenues for response and survival;

Psycho-social support for protesters and activists as they are under tremendous pressure physically and emotionally;

Administrative costs: the 'Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence' will obligate civil society and media groups who refuse to register as 'foreign agents' to pay administrative fines.

Given that mid- and long-term strategies will be developed based on how various scenarios unfold, we strongly believe that sustainable core and flexible funding will play a foundational role in strengthening people´s power and the win for Georgia and for the entire CEECCNA (Central and Eastern Europe, Caucasus, Central and North Asia) regions.

If you would like to stay updated about key resources and updates, please visit a list curated by Dalan Fund, created in collaboration with the Women´s Fund in Georgia. You will find security guidelines, a list of crisis response funders for civil society and media, as well as statements we put forward.

Taking into consideration the experience of other countries such as Belarus, Azerbaijan, Hungary, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan as well as the Russian Federation, where similar legislation has already been adopted, the law on foreign agents has rapidly transformed into an instrument to shrink space for civil society and increase state control, alongside persecution and harassment of social justice activists. Furthermore, it has been used as a mechanism to systemically silence and enable mass shut-downs of independent media outlets that openly critique the state and make public coverage about corruption, unlawful prosecutions, and human rights violations.

Given this context, we call for attention and solidarity from the international funding community. We call on funders to trust the expertise of local and regional funds and organizations in Georgia and CEECCNA regions, and to step up your support by providing rapid, large, and highly flexible funds to these actors for their short-, medium- and long-term strategies co-created with local activists and communities.

Established in 2023, is a multi-regional fund resourcing intersectional social justice movements in Central and Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central and North Asia (CEECCNA). DF transforms how CEECCNA regions are resourced, fostering resilience and the collective power of intersectional social justice organizers and movements in and for the regions.

Women's Fund in Georgia (WFG - founded in 2005) is a local grantmaking organization supporting women's rights groups/organizations and individual activists for social changes with financial resources, capacity building, and promoting the culture of feminist philanthropy. Over 18 years, WFG has awarded around 1,000 grants nationwide and organized over 200 local and international fundraising events. WFG's target groups are mostly groups of underprivileged women, who live in rural areas, women with disabilities, LBTQ+ persons, young women and girls, etc. WFG is an activist fund and not only supports the women's movement but is also a part of it.

Taso Foundation is a national women's fund in Georgia, that has been operating since 2007. From 1998-2006, it functioned as the Women's Program of the Open Society Georgia Foundation. TF main mission, as part of the feminist movement, is dedicated to supporting the feminist movement in Georgia for social justice and peace. Through social mobilization, grant-giving, supporting grassroots initiatives, sharing feminist knowledge between academia and grassroots and vice versa, advocacy, and collaboration efforts, we aim to break barriers and foster opportunities for inclusive community engagement, believing in solidarity, intersectionality, and collective action to drive positive change. This involves dismantling inequality and nurturing a society where social justice and peace prevail to all.

In March 2024, Georgian Dream, the ruling party, introduced the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence, which the parliament passed with the third and final hearing with 84 votes in favor on May 14, 2024 . In February 2023 , the same bill was withdrawn due to public outrage for what it meant to Georgian sovereignty, democracy, and freedom. Similar to the Russian 'foreign agents' legislation, the law obligates non-governmental organizations and independent media outlets to register as "agents of foreign influence" if they receive funding from sources abroad, or from what the bill frames as a "foreign power".

In addition to this, the ruling party is proposing a constitutional amendment to anti-LGBT propaganda , has already canceled gender quotas in the parliament in April 2024, announced intended restrictions on abortion, and amended the tax law allowing so-called offshore money to be laundered in Georgia. This authoritarian turn of the government compromises Georgia´s democratic course, sovereignty, and freedom.

The following statement and call for action outline the context in which the law was adopted and its national and regional implications. It aims to draw attention to the urgency of international action and solidarity given the short window of opportunity for the law to be withdrawn.
The Foreign Agent´s Law and its Consequences
As outlined in our statement last year, any Georgian-language media, broadcaster, and any non-governmental organization (NGO) registered in Georgia will be directly affected by the law if over 20% of their annual income comes from overseas. Such media and NGOs will be forced to register on a 'Foreign Influence Agents Registry' and disclose foreign funding. If they fail or resist doing so, they will risk being fined up to 25,000 Georgian Lari (US $9,400) which is not a one-time measure but rather will be followed by a series of fines until the organization registers or goes bankrupt.

Considering that local sources of funding are limited, state funding to civil societies is practically non-existent, and foreign funding is the major source of income, the law cuts off an important lifeline from grassroots and service providers and collapses achievements made, and will further deepen existing social inequalities.

It is critical to note that the impact of the law is wider than a single country issue as it would directly affect not only Georgian civil society and media but also the activists and organizations from Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central and North Asia that had sought what seemed like a safe refuge in Georgia. Due to the regressive regimes (e.g. Azerbaijan, Belarus, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan) and the ongoing war in Ukraine, activists in exile and fiscally relocated organizations will be directly affected as well.

The Georgian parliament adopted the law amid the largest mass demonstrations in the country´s latest history. If the law is not withdrawn, not only will it compromise democracy in Georgia, but will create a safe pass for other countries in the region to enact similar restrictions, and will further deepen the rise of authoritarian regimes in Eastern Europe, Caucasus, Central, and North Asia.

Nearly daily, the government of Georgia is orchestrating riot police attacks with tear gas and rubber bullets, beating and detaining peaceful protesters. Before the final hearing, the police had already started raiding activists' homes, spreading posters targeting and insulting activists, and intimidating demonstrators, including teenagers, via personal phone calls.
People's Resistance Against the Law
Since 2023, the Georgian civil society´s campaign exposed striking similarities between the draft law with the foreign agents' law in Russia adopted in 2012 and the recently adopted law in Kyrgyzstan (April 2024). Having raised public awareness and having built a shared political analysis, hundreds of thousands have been demonstrating to oppose Georgia's pro-Russian political course.

Since the law readings were reintroduced this year, demonstrations have been organized consistently, with the largest march of 300,000 people on March 12th. Currently, country-wide demonstrations and strikes are organized, with demonstrators preparing for riot police attacks. There is a strong shared understanding that the law must be withdrawn immediately as its adoption will breach Georgia´s sovereignty, freedom of speech, and assembly, and will lead to a harsh decline in democracy expressed in brutal human rights violations, unlawful arrests, and total closure of the civic space.

Timeline and Urgency: What Next
As the law passed its third and last hearing on May 14th, there is approximately one month of window of opportunity before the law is in legal power. This is the most critical time for organizing, resistance, and international pressure to withdraw the law. Even though the President of Georgia, Salome Zourabichvili, intends to veto the law, the governing party has sufficient numbers in the parliament to overrule her veto. Even with the veto, we expect the law to come into full force on June 14th.
What is Needed and How to Support
To counter and resist the law, organizers use various tactics to address emergency and longer-term needs. As funders, now is the time to show solidarity with local movements.

This list outlines the need for emergency funding, holistic security, and collective care of Georgian and regional activists at the current moment in time and will shift based on various scenarios of how the ongoing situation will unfold:

Direct action: food and safety gear, such as tear gas masks and first aid kits, are needed to sustain the ongoing resistance;

Physical and Digital security: civil society and media representatives face attacks, home raids, and intimidation. Raids of offices are expected too for which secure hardware and software are needed;

Legal support for those detained, as well as those who are considering relocating and those exploring legal alternatives and avenues for response and survival;

Psycho-social support for protesters and activists as they are under tremendous pressure physically and emotionally;

Administrative costs: the 'Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence' will obligate civil society and media groups who refuse to register as 'foreign agents' to pay administrative fines.

Given that mid- and long-term strategies will be developed based on how various scenarios unfold, we strongly believe that sustainable core and flexible funding will play a foundational role in strengthening people´s power and the win for Georgia and for the entire CEECCNA (Central and Eastern Europe, Caucasus, Central and North Asia) regions.

If you would like to stay updated about key resources and updates, please visit a list curated by Dalan Fund, created in collaboration with the Women´s Fund in Georgia. You will find security guidelines, a list of crisis response funders for civil society and media, as well as statements we put forward.

Taking into consideration the experience of other countries such as Belarus, Azerbaijan, Hungary, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan as well as the Russian Federation, where similar legislation has already been adopted, the law on foreign agents has rapidly transformed into an instrument to shrink space for civil society and increase state control, alongside persecution and harassment of social justice activists. Furthermore, it has been used as a mechanism to systemically silence and enable mass shut-downs of independent media outlets that openly critique the state and make public coverage about corruption, unlawful prosecutions, and human rights violations.

Given this context, we call for attention and solidarity from the international funding community. We call on funders to trust the expertise of local and regional funds and organizations in Georgia and CEECCNA regions, and to step up your support by providing rapid, large, and highly flexible funds to these actors for their short-, medium- and long-term strategies co-created with local activists and communities.

Established in 2023, is a multi-regional fund resourcing intersectional social justice movements in Central and Eastern Europe, Caucasus, and Central and North Asia (CEECCNA). DF transforms how CEECCNA regions are resourced, fostering resilience and the collective power of intersectional social justice organizers and movements in and for the regions.

Women's Fund in Georgia (WFG - founded in 2005) is a local grantmaking organization supporting women's rights groups/organizations and individual activists for social changes with financial resources, capacity building, and promoting the culture of feminist philanthropy. Over 18 years, WFG has awarded around 1,000 grants nationwide and organized over 200 local and international fundraising events. WFG's target groups are mostly groups of underprivileged women, who live in rural areas, women with disabilities, LBTQ+ persons, young women and girls, etc. WFG is an activist fund and not only supports the women's movement but is also a part of it.

Taso Foundation is a national women's fund in Georgia, that has been operating since 2007. From 1998-2006, it functioned as the Women's Program of the Open Society Georgia Foundation. TF main mission, as part of the feminist movement, is dedicated to supporting the feminist movement in Georgia for social justice and peace. Through social mobilization, grant-giving, supporting grassroots initiatives, sharing feminist knowledge between academia and grassroots and vice versa, advocacy, and collaboration efforts, we aim to break barriers and foster opportunities for inclusive community engagement, believing in solidarity, intersectionality, and collective action to drive positive change. This involves dismantling inequality and nurturing a society where social justice and peace prevail to all.

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Georgia´s foreign agents' law - a surprise that wasn´t: a call for solidarity - Dalan Fund

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Similar to the Russian 'foreign agents' legislation, the law obligates non-governmental organizations and independent media outlets to register as "agents of foreign influence" if they receive funding from sources abroad, or from what the bill frames as a "foreign power".

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A curated list of rapid response mechanisms providing timely support for activists, civil society organizations, and small, informal civil society groups’ response to attacks, sudden emergencies, crises, or advocacy opportunities and to avoid and mitigate threats.

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Resources for Human Rights Defenders

Human Rights First maintains a list of resources for human rights defenders who are facing security threats because of their work. This compilation includes information about emergency funds, fellowships, human rights awards, training opportunities, and guidelines for embassies and missions on the protection of human rights defenders.

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The Helpline provides 24/7, real-time, direct technical assistance and advice to civil society groups and activists, media organizations, journalists and bloggers, and human rights defenders who are targeted for online attacks and privacy threats because of their work.

Location: Global

Community of focus: human rights defenders, journalists, activists

Time-sensitivity: rapid

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WHAT IS THE DIGITAL SECURITY HELPLINE?

Access Now's Digital Security Helpline works with individuals and organizations around the world to keep them safe online. If you're at risk, we can help you improve your digital security practices to keep out of harm's way. If you're already under attack, we provide rapid-response emergency assistance.

Our 24/7 services are available with support in nine languages: English, Spanish, French, German, Portuguese, Russian, Tagalog, Arabic, and Italian. We respond to all requests within two hours.

HOW CAN WE HELP YOU?

We are a free-of-charge resource for civil society around the world. We offer real-time, direct technical assistance and advice to civil society groups & activists, media organizations, journalists & bloggers, and human rights defenders.

The Helpline will walk you or your organization through assessing the risks you face in your work, and
together we'll prioritize your digital security needs. We'll help you resolve existing problems, teach
you some of the most important best practices, and help you get into a secure mindset for the future.

If you are targeted based on your work or activism, we can help you protect your communications, secure your online accounts, and keep your sensitive information safe.

Has your news site been blocked or taken offline? Need help communicating securely with editors and sources? We can help.

Whether you need to protect your communications with your partners, securely store evidence or other sensitive data, or stay safe when you travel, we're here to assist you.

24/7, real-time, direct technical assistance and advice

No matter what digital security challenges you face, we offer a range of services and resources to help you be safe online:

Access Now's Digital Security Clinic brings the Helpline to you.

Our technologists run clinics at conferences and events around the world, where attendees can raise questions and get immediate help.

HOW TO CONTACT US?

We commit to using the best practices in the field when we collect, store, and use
sensitive information. For more information about how we protect your personal
data, and our Helpline Terms of Service, please read our Data Usage Policy.

WHERE IS THE HELPLINE?

COMMUNITY & RESOURCES

Access Now's Digital Security Helpline is a member of the Civil Society Computer Emergency Response Team (CiviCERT), an accredited CERT focused on improving the incident response capabilities of civil society groups and individuals around the world.

CiviCERT is an initiative of Rapid Response Network (RaReNet), a network of non-governmental organizations, internet content and service providers, and individuals who contribute their time and resources to globally improve the security awareness of civil society groups.

As part of Access Now's work and in collaboration with the broader community, we create and contribute to guides and materials to help communities, organizations, and individuals improve their digital security. These guides target a spectrum of users, from non-technical users to website administrators. Please find some guides below:

A resource for emergency situations, such as when your social media account is compromised, your website is attacked, or your computer is infected

Helpline PGP Email Encryption Guides (Windows | Mac | Linux)

Guides for setting up encrypted email

Helping you prepare for travels to high-risk countries

Tips and resources for exploring open source intelligence on oneself to prevent online doxing

The procedures and documentation we create to aid our work on the Helpline

Partner organizations have produced a number of guides and resources that we find valuable in our work, and you may too. They include:

From Frontline Defenders and the Tactical Technology Collective

From the Electronic Frontier Foundation

From Security First

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Our Helpline provides 24/7 free of charge technical support for journalists, activists, and human rights defenders

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Rory Peck Trust: Financial Assistance Programs

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Rory Peck Trust: Financial Assistance Programs

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The Trust operates two financial assistance programs for freelance journalists: Crisis Fund and Therapy Fund. The Crisis Fund provides grants to journalists in need of urgent financial assistance, to enable them to continue their valuable work. In response to the psychological pressures that journalists are exposed to, the Therapy Fund covers the cost of treatment for those who would benefit from professional psychological support.

Location: Global

Community of focus: freelance journalist who does not have a regular salary or retainer;

Time-sensitivity: rapid (1-3 weeks)

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As a result of their work, many freelance journalists have been injured, threatened, imprisoned, detained, forced into exile, or even killed.

The Trust offers much-needed financial support to help freelancers get back on their feet and continue their crucial work.

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Financial Assistance | The Rory Peck Trust

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The Trust offers much-needed financial support to help freelancers get back on their feet and continue their crucial work.

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Chair Cardin Leads Trans-Atlantic Foreign Affairs Committee Chairs in Joint Statement on Georgian Parliament’s Passage of Russian-Style ‘Foreign Agent’ Law

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Chair Cardin Leads Trans-Atlantic Foreign Affairs Committee Chairs in Joint Statement on Georgian Parliament’s Passage of Russian-Style ‘Foreign Agent’ Law

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Chair Cardin Leads Trans-Atlantic Foreign Affairs Committee Chairs in Joint Statement on Georgian Parliament’s Passage of Russian-Style ‘Foreign Agent’ Law | United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations

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Today, U.S. Senator Ben Cardin (D-Md.), Chair of the Senate Foreign Relations…

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On February 20, 2023, a draft law on “Agents of Foreign Influence” was submitted to the Georgian parliament. It raises serious concerns about the state of freedom, democracy, and social justice in the country, and compromises hard-won progress in the field of human rights.

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Call for solidarity with civil society and independent media in Georgia — Dalan Fund

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On February 20 2023, a draft law on “Agents of Foreign Influence” was submitted to the Georgian parliament. It raises serious concerns about the state of freedom, democracy, and social justice in the country, and compromises hard-won progress in the field of human rights.

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Digital Defenders Partnership: Incident Emergency Fund (IEF)

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Digital Defenders Partnership: Incident Emergency Fund (IEF)

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Rapid response mechanism for human rights defenders, journalists, activists and organisations facing digital threats and attacks. The IEF provides up to €10,000 and can be used to cover costs which will directly reduce the risk or impact of a digital attack. The funding covers activities for a maximum of four months, and we aim to respond to requests within two weeks.

Location: Global

Community of focus: human rights defenders, journalists, activists working in the area of women’s rights, LGBTQI+ rights, independent media, environmental and land rights, indigenous people’s rights, democracy and government transparency, human rights

Time-sensitivity: rapid (first response expected in two weeks)

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Our rapid response mechanism for human rights defenders, journalists, activists and organisations facing digital threats and attacks.

The IEF provides up to €10,000 and can be used to cover costs which will directly reduce the risk or impact of a digital attack. The funding covers activities for a maximum of four months, and we aim to respond to requests within two weeks.

What does the IEF cover?

Replacement of hardware or software which has been taken, lost or stolen.

Purchase of more secure hard- and/or software and costs related to installation of the new systems.

Technical or non-technical activities to respond to urgent issues such as internet blockages.

Measures to improve physical security (related to information management and digital security).

Measures to address the psychological and psychosocial impacts of digital threats and risks.

1. Take the eligibility test

Find out if the Emergency Fund is for you.
TAKE THE TEST!

2. Create an account

Activate the applicants' account on the application system. You can edit the application if it was submitted as a draft.

3. Submit your proposal

You cannot edit a final application submission.

4. Response and screening

A Project Officer (PO) will be appointed to follow up your submission. First response may take up to 14 days (2 weeks). Project Officers will screen if the application meets DDP's IEF mandate. Applications that do not fall under DDP's mandate will be rejected and/or referred to our partners and network.

5. Review and due diligence

Project Officers will review the application on quality and due diligence criteria. The applicant may need to provide extra information and edit the application, in case there are questions about the proposed activities or budget.

6. Determination

In case the application does not meet quality or due diligence criteria, it will be rejected. In case the application meets all criteria and all information has been provided, the application will be discussed within the DDP team, after which a final determination follows.

7. Approval

A successful applicant will get a notification of approval.

We are able to process applications submitted in English, Spanish, French and Portuguese. If you would like to submit your application in another language, please contact us with your language request, and we can explore a secure solution.

Eligibility test

This test will guide you to know if the Incident Emergency Fund is what you need.

Frequent Asked Questions

What does this fund cover?

Replacement of hardware or software which has been taken, lost or stolen. Purchase of more secure hard- and/or software and costs related to installation of the new systems. Technical or non-technical activities to respond to urgent issues such as internet blockages. Replacement of hardware or software which has been taken, lost or stolen. Purchase of more secure hard- and/or software and costs related to installation of the new systems. Technical or non-technical activities to respond to urgent issues such as internet blockages.

Who can apply?

DDP target groups are women, feminist and LGTBQIA+ organisations; land and environmental rights defenders; and journalists and other actors who make information available to the public. However, each regional team defines the target groups for each call. Check the call for your region.

How long does the evaluation of IEF applications take?

We try to respond within two weeks from the moment the proposal is submitted. However, this period might be longer depending on the amount of proposals received, our internal referencing processes, etc.

Does our organisation need to be legally constituted to apply?

Not necessarily. We conduct our own internal referencing processes for vetting.

Can we get in touch to discuss our proposal?

Yes. If you have any doubts, write us with your questions to team@digitaldefenders.org

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Our rapid response mechanism for human rights defenders, journalists, activists and organisations facing digital threats and attacks. The IEF provides up to €10,000 and can be used to cover costs which will directly reduce the risk or impact of a digital attack.

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Free Press Unlimited: Reporters Response Emergency Fund

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Free Press Unlimited: Reporters Response Emergency Fund

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Reporters Respond is an emergency response fund that provides direct assistance, legal support, and safety advice to journalists and media outlets in distress, enabling them to resume their work as quickly as possible.

This fund can support journalists and media organisations worldwide who are confronted with (online) harassment, intimidation, legal proceedings, or violence because of their work.

Contact Information: reportersrespond@freepressunlimited.org

Location: Global

Community of focus: Journalists

Time-sensitivity: Rapid Response

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Please select your preferred language on the right hand side | Elija su idioma de preferencia en el menú en el lado derecho | Veuillez sélectionner votre langue préférée sur le côté droit | للغة العربية: يمكنك استخدام نموذج اللغة الإنجليزية أو مراسلتنا عبر البريد الإلكتروني.

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With this form you can apply for the Reporters Respond emergency fund. Any personal data you provide will be treated in accordance with the 2018 General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). For more information, please read our privacy statement. If you have any questions, please contact us.

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International Federation of Journalists 

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International Federation of Journalists 

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The IFJ’s Safety Fund is a lifeline for journalists facing violence, persecution and threat or needing medical treatment. It is a shining example of journalist to journalist solidarity, providing immediate relief to those in danger and need around the world.

The Safety Fund offers financial assistance in a range of emergency cases such as threats, violence and threats thereof, prosecution, settlement in exile and illness.

Location: Global

Community of focus: Journalists

Time-sensitivity: Rapid Respone

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The IFJ's Safety Fund is a lifeline for journalists facing violence, persecution and threat or needing medical treatment. It is a shining example of journalist to journalist solidarity, providing immediate relief to those in danger and need around the world.

The Safety Fund offers financial assistance in a range of emergency cases such as threats, violence and threats thereof, prosecution, settlement in exile and illness.

The IFJ Safety Fund can only continue to assist journalists with YOUR ongoing support.
To donate, please make a bank transfer to the IFJ Safety Fund Account or click HERE

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The IFJ's Safety Fund is a lifeline for journalists facing violence, persecution and threat or needing medical treatment. It is a shining example of journalist to journalist solidarity, providing immediate relief to those in danger and need around the world.

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The Assistance Desk of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) provides financial and administrative assistance to professional journalists and citizen-journalists who have been the victims of reprisals because of their reporting.

Contact Information: assistance@rsf.org assistance2@rsf.org

Location: Global

Community of focus: Journalists

Time-sensitivity: Medium Response

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Helping professional and citizen-journalists who have been the victims of reprisals

In cooperation with other NGOs that support journalists and defend human rights, RSF helps:

the victims of violence connected with their reporting to obtain appropriate medical care

wrongfully prosecuted journalists to pay their legal fees

threatened journalists to find a safe refuge

journalists to resolve their most urgent needs if they decide to flee abroad because of threats and persecution

families of journalists to cope with the consequences of the reprisals to which their loved-ones have been exposed.

When the results of its research allows, RSF may also support applications for international protection or asylum submitted by professional journalists and citizen-journalists who have fled their country. RSF tries to document their history and the problems to which they have been exposed and passes on the results of its research to the entities responsible for considering their applications. RSF points out that it plays no decision-making role in this process.

Because of the large number of requests, RSF is not in a position to respond favourably to all the legitimate applications it receives.

How to apply to RSF for support

Requests by individuals, NGOs or media outlets for assistance should be sent to:

Reporters Without Borders

Assistance Desk

CS 90247

75083 Paris Cedex 02

France

assistance(a)rsf.org (+33 1 4483 6056): for NGO and media outlet requests for assistance

assistance2(a)rsf.org (+33 1 4483 8466): for individual requests for assistance

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The Assistance Desk of Reporters Without Borders (RSF) provides financial and administrative assistance to professional journalists and citizen-journalists who have been the victims of reprisals because of their reporting.

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Analysis | Could a Belarus-style Crackdown Occur in Georgia?

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Analysis | Could a Belarus-style Crackdown Occur in Georgia?

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Not long ago, any comparison of the Georgian regime’s trajectory with that of Belarus was alien to expert thinking and public imagination. However, the current state of affairs in Georgia is so dire and is deteriorating so fast, that this course of events remains imaginable and rationally possible. All authoritarian regimes were, at some point, unfathomable before their consolidation. The art of authoritarian regime-making lies in realizing what was previously deemed unthinkable. As historian Timothy Snyder wrote, those who can defeat the regime shall remain calm upon the arrival of the unthinkable, because they can anticipate its happening.

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The authoritarian turn of the government led by the Georgian Dream turn caught many observers by surprise. The regime, facing a spontaneous mass protest, remains defiant and is rapidly descending towards autocracy. With the exhaustion of its plebiscitary legitimacy, GD's increasing readiness to encourage and employ violent repression rings alarm bells. Comparisons with Belarus are both made and dismissed with competing vigor. This piece attempts to respond to this debate with the help of the explanatory theories of authoritarianism and comparative perspectives on authoritarian regimes.
Davit Zedelashvili is a fellow at Research Institute Gnomon Wise

Not long ago, any comparison of the Georgian regime's trajectory with that of Belarus was alien to expert thinking and public imagination. However, the current state of affairs in Georgia is so dire and is deteriorating so fast, that this course of events remains imaginable and rationally possible. All authoritarian regimes were, at some point, unfathomable before their consolidation. The art of authoritarian regime-making lies in realizing what was previously deemed unthinkable. As historian Timothy Snyder wrote, those who can defeat the regime shall remain calm upon the arrival of the unthinkable, because they can anticipate its happening.

Crumbling Democratic Façade: A surprise that wasn't

Democracies, even imperfect ones with qualifying adjectives, decay slowly and then break down suddenly. The unraveling of Georgia's freshly minted illiberal democracy took many insiders and outsiders by surprise, and while the swerves and turns on that road have been apparent to internal observers, the decisive descent towards a consolidated authoritarian regime and isolation from the West appeared as a sudden U-turn.

Some find the behavior of the Georgian Dream (GD) regime and its leader, oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili perplexing and irrational. However, the rational framework they refer to only assumes a system that
András Sajó called a plebiscitarian leader democracy. In such a system, the leaders even if not democratic in the liberal sense, have at least to pretend that they take the critical preferences of the electorate seriously and act to deliver on them.

Such a framework applied to the Georgian political regime until recently, but that façade crumbled irreversibly after the regime reintroduced the Russian-styled "foreign agent" legislation and a Russian-styled constitutional amendment on "the protection of family values."

It is likely that Ivanishvili always held deeply anti-Western views and believed in wild conspiracies hatched in Russian propaganda factories. But he and his party had to camouflage as pro-Western and reluctantly follow the path of Georgia's European integration - because this was a firm choice of the majority of Georgians.

This is no longer relevant. Ivanishvili and key figures of his party and government (which increasingly became one) communicated a manifest intention to peel off the remnants of a crumbling facade. Ivanishvili's anti-Western manifesto of April 29 foreshadowed the rapid consolidation of a substantively anti-western authoritarian regime.

That manifesto defined all political opponents and civil society as hostile foreign agents and contained the direct announcement of repressions against them, a clear indication of his use of authoritarian methods to maintain power. Once the decision is taken to abandon the pretense of requiring popular legitimacy, there is nothing irrational in the choice of mass violent repression as the primary tool to achieve the objective.

There is nothing unusual situation, it has been tried before in Georgia's neighborhood. Ivanishvili is keenly aware of the quandary - how to pull the "Yanukovich maneuver" and avoid Yanukovic's political fate?

Lucan Way, an acclaimed scholar of authoritarianism, has a theory that those states that regained sovereignty after the Soviet collapse and did not immediately revert to authoritarian rule could be understood as examples of authoritarian weakness. Ivanishvili seems to believe he has overcome this weakness: Yanukovich was weak, but he is not.

Spiraling violent crackdown of youth-led spontaneous protests against the Russian law, the regime's determination to pass this law at all costs, and the escalation of the rhetoric on the use of mass repression all point to another role model for Ivanishvili - Belarusian dictator, Alexandar Lukashenka. He projects authoritarian strength instead of weakness. After losing all plebiscitarian legitimacy, he clings to power after having clamped down on revolt with an iron fist. But could that work in Georgia?

The Limits of Comparison

Sadly, Georgia and Belarus should no longer appear as unlikely comparators. Still, comparative analysis is susceptible to context. Broad generalizations usually sound less convincing. Comparing the possible path of violent mass repression that the GD regime may take to the similar path taken by Lukashenko in 2020-2021 comes with many caveats. Nonetheless, this comparison retains explanatory and analytical power.

Authoritarian consolidation and assuring the regime's survival through violent mass repression need several institutional, political, and social conditions to succeed. Analyzing these dimensions, Georgia and Belarus exhibit some striking similarities, yet, also some significant differences.

To start with institutional preconditions, Belarus is a personalist dictatorship. After three decades of brutal rule, Lukashenka consolidated his grip on all public institutions. There are virtually no internal institutional checks on his unbridled rule. While Georgia has been considerably more democratic, its political regime has also been characterized by personalist power. Since coming to power in 2012, Bidzina Ivanishvili has embarked on a path of comprehensive state capture. His control over the political branches of power and the judiciary is now complete. The presidency is the only constitutional institution over which he no longer enjoys full and unconditional control.

The degree of state capture and personalization of power around Ivanishvili has passed the acceptable limits within the definition of hybrid regimes. According to the Freedom House's recent report, "Georgia is on the way to becoming a Semi-Consolidated Authoritarian Regime." Another influential democracy rating project, V Dem, categorized the Georgian case as a "near miss of autocratization" in 2022. That "near miss" may yet become a full-on hit.

Under Ivanishvili, the consolidation and personalization of power have reached a critical point where only a thin line distinguishes it from personalist dictatorship; with mass violent repression and authoritarian elections, that line can be instantly crossed. No institutional restraint remains that could effectively prevent Ivanishvili from crossing this line. Only overwhelming protest mobilization could potentially arrest that inevitable slide by exhausting the regime and leading to its collapse. How did Lukashenka stem that tide?

The Calculus of Violent Mass Repression

Violent repression is a costly enterprise. It has many complex tradeoffs which the regime needs to balance out. That is why modern autocrats consider it a measure of last resort after all available "soft tools" - election manipulation, propaganda, voter bribing, abuse of courts, and the like - have been exhausted. Violent mass repression brings to the forefront two leading authoritarian institutions: the regime's security agencies and the army.

These security agencies are the primary enforcers of violent repression and are indispensable for its survival. At the same time, they pose a significant hazard to the regime's stability: the more powerful they become, the more effectively they can challenge the autocrat's leadership. Autocrats need to make their security agencies both coup-proof and defection-proof.

Ivanishvili has followed Belarus and Russia in implementing these precautions and modeling his security services to these states. His police and internal security services are well-trained, well-paid, and highly loyal to the leader. They know they are shielded from all responsibility while the regime is in place, and the more crimes they commit in repressing citizenry, the higher their stakes in regime collapse-a classic authoritarian model of ensuring loyal security agencies.

When Lukashenka's security official ordered his men to shoot protesters in the face and use lethal force at the leader's command, they complied unconditionally. Ivanishvili's security personnel are likely to do the same. They have never betrayed the leader before and have fewer personal motives to do so in the future. Yet, it remains unclear how pervasive that culture of unconditional personal loyalty is within various branches of police service.

Ivanishvili's security machine is also coup-proof. The repressive apparatus is split into Ministry of Internal Affairs and State Security Service agencies and outsourced to private security firms and various thugs-for-hire groups. None of them enjoys primacy, and they compete for power and spoils, which makes them easy to tame.

Authoritarian repression is also costly because it can trigger massive backlash, including violence and potentially a civil war. Autocrats exploit armies to subdue mass-scale violent resistance unleashed in response to repression. Authoritarian armies are trained for this function. Given this additional function of authoritarian armies, precautions are also needed to ensure the army is coup-proof.

Here, we have to register the first significant difference. Compared to the Belarusian army, the Georgian army's combat experience comes from the 2008 war with Russia and the US/NATO-led counter-terrorist operations. To the publicly available knowledge, the Georgian army is not trained for internal security tasks, making its classic authoritarian use for crowd control and mass protest suppression less likely. Lukashenka, in contrast, widely used army units in protest crackdowns.

Another significant distinction lies in the extent of Russia's intervention. Russia gave decisive help in terms of financing, advice, and personnel to Lukashenka in 2020-2021. It is expected to help Ivanishvili, too, but the scale and modalities of this assistance remain highly uncertain due to Russia's preoccupation with its war of aggression against Ukraine. This uncertainty could factor in the attrition of the regime's security resources by mass protests, downgrading the chances of a successful crackdown.

However, a central distinctive feature of the Georgian context, which prompts a further caveat regarding the chances of a successful Belarus-style crackdown, lies in Georgian civil society's relative infrastructural and organizational capabilities. Protests in Belarus occurred after Lukashenka's three-decades-long brutal rule, where civil society organizations and political opposition were systemically repressed. Many faced legal obstacles to operate, were dissolved, or otherwise made illegal. True, under Georgia's plebiscitarian regime, civil society, media, and opposition had also experienced some targeted repression and harassment; but overall, they remained free to operate, institutionalized, and relatively organized.

Belarus and Georgia are similar regarding regime-engineered scarcity of internal funding of civil society. In Belarus's state-dominated economy and Georgia's patronal economy, internal funding for civil causes is effectively cut. The situation is still different regarding external funding. Belarus has long shut down foreign funding. It has remained open in Georgia until now, providing a lifeline to Georgian civil society groups. This is why the foreign agent legislation is designed to make Georgia more like Belarus.

Another relevant factor is the absence of prior violent mass repression in Georgia. Lukashenko's use of repression usually went beyond the targeted and calculated hits and assumed systemic proportions. As a result, by 2020, Belarus' society had already undergone massive authoritarian engineering and had been considerably atomized and demobilized.

The Georgian regime, in contrast, succeeded in social cooptation and transformed large portions of the population into its wholly or partially dependent clients. But large segments of society remain highly capable of mass protest mobilization, as recent days and weeks have shown.

Nonetheless, if the massive violent repression, including mass torture, imprisonment, and use of lethal force, is suddenly unleashed, it would create a shock that could help the GD regime to subdue the protest and achieve its autocratization objectives.

So, could it happen here?

Belarus-style crackdown remains within the horizon of the possibility. The key risk factors are the security forces outside public oversight and control, with personal and financial loyalty to the leaders, and the help that may come from a greater autocratic power-Russia.

Yet, the crackdown is not inevitable, and nor is its success guaranteed. The sustained scale of protest mobilization may overwhelm Ivanishvili's security forces, to the extent that the available Russian assistance may not compensate. Some police services, and especially the Army, may refuse to partake in such repression.

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Analysis | Could a Belarus-style Crackdown Occur in Georgia?

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The authoritarian turn of the government led by the Georgian Dream turn caught many observers by surprise. The regime, facing a spontaneous mass protest, remains defiant and is rapidly descending towards autocracy. With the exhaustion of its plebiscitary legitimacy, GD's increasing readiness to encourage and employ violent repression rings alarm bells.

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Why Is Georgia Again Trying to Push Through an Unpopular Foreign Agent Law?

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Why Is Georgia Again Trying to Push Through an Unpopular Foreign Agent Law?

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It is hard to believe the government’s official version: that the purpose of the law is to increase transparency in public life. All similar initiatives in the post-Soviet space—first in Russia, and then in Kyrgyzstan—have only had a detrimental impact on rights and freedoms. But there is an important difference between those countries and Georgia. Russia and Kyrgyzstan were not aspiring to join the EU when they adopted the repressive laws, while Georgia has now written its EU aspirations into its constitution.

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For several weeks now, there have been non-stop protests in Tbilisi over the government's latest attempt to pass a highly controversial law enabling it to designate organizations receiving funding from abroad as "foreign agents." The third and final parliamentary reading of the bill, which closely resembles an earlier Russian law, is scheduled for mid-May. Despite the growing protests and elections scheduled for the fall, the Georgian Dream ruling party has no intention of backing down, apparently confident it has nothing to lose.

Indeed, in December last year, Georgian Dream was polling at 36 percent, far ahead of its closest rivals at about 21 percent. The government was riding high on its foreign policy achievements, having managed to simultaneously obtain EU candidate status and improve relations with Russia, which recognized Georgia as a non-hostile country. To top it all off, Georgia's economy was boosted by an influx of Russians moving there following the outbreak of the full-scale war with Ukraine.

All of this appears to have buoyed Georgian Dream's confidence to the extent that it decided to seize the moment to further strengthen its power by pushing through the law on foreign agents. The party is so confident that it has not even tried to make the bill more acceptable to its opponents, but has simply reintroduced it in more or less its original form.

Georgian Dream is counting on any outrage prompted by the law's adoption to have subsided by the time elections are held in October. It also expects that the European Football Championship in June, for which the Georgian national team qualified for the first time ever, will further help to smooth over the fallout.

As for the EU, which has condemned the draft law, Georgian Dream is counting on the fact that Brussels has no time for Tbilisi right now, and in any case is unlikely to strip Georgia of its EU candidate status so soon after granting it last December. The party also expects the outcome of June elections to the European Parliament to be to its advantage, since it has no allies left in the current convocation, having fallen out with the Party of European Socialists last year over homophobic statements made by the Georgian prime minister.

Ultimately, therefore, there is nothing to stop Georgian Dream from getting the law passed now, thereby giving it a new weapon to fight opposition parties and Western-funded NGOs, and then keeping that weapon on standby until after the elections while continuing to negotiate with the EU as if nothing had happened. After all, it is one thing to pass a law, and quite another to enforce it.

Georgian Dream previously tried to get the law passed back in the spring of 2023, before eventually withdrawing it due to mass protests. But since then, two important changes have taken place: the granting of EU candidate status, and the return yet again to the political arena ofGeorgian Dream's founder, the oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili. He has been vocal in his support for the bill, which he insists will help Georgia to protect its sovereignty and avoid getting drawn into a conflict with Russia.

Another key role in the bill saga is played by the new prime minister, Irakli Kobakhidze, whom Ivanishvili appointed at the start of this year. It's hard to name a more divisive Georgian politician than Kobakhidze. He's highly ambitious, and has never been afraid to get his hands dirty in the fight against his opponents. If Ivanishvili was seeking to strengthen Georgian Dream's grip on power, then Kobakhidze is surely the foot soldier he needs to make that happen.

Last year, in his post as chairman of Georgian Dream, Kobakhidze zealously supported the law on foreign agents. Now, having been appointed prime minister, he is determined to show that he can finish what he started. He even turned down an invitation to visit Washington because a condition of the trip from the Americans was that consideration of the new law be suspended.

The problem is that all of Georgian Dream's recent successes-the foreign policy achievements and economic boom-owed more to favorable external circumstances than to careful strategic decision-making. The failure to pass the bill last year showed that the party is capable of making serious mistakes. It may well have miscalculated this time around, too.

Opposition to the law is growing, including from quarters such as individual Georgian clergy members and the country's president, Salome Zourabichvili. The protests are already bigger and more violent than last year, as evidenced by the number of participants hospitalized and detained. Their current size is likely nothing compared to what will happen if Georgian Dream manages to get the law passed.

Finally, there is one issue that unites both opponents and supporters of the government, and that is joining the EU. Accordingly, Brussels' resistance to the new law could still create serious problems for the ruling party.

On May 1, the director general of the European Commission for Enlargement, Hert Jan Koopman, visited Tbilisi, where he said the new law was unacceptable and would create serious obstacles for Georgia's path to EU accession. That may not be enough to stop it: Georgian Dream has shown before that if left to its own devices, it rapidly drifts away from the path of democracy. The party may have withdrawn the law last year under pressure from Brussels, but as soon as Georgia received its EU candidate status, it returned the bill to parliament unchanged.

It is hard to believe the government's official version: that the purpose of the law is to increase transparency in public life. All similar initiatives in the post-Soviet space-first in Russia, and then in Kyrgyzstan-have only had a detrimental impact on rights and freedoms. But there is an important difference between those countries and Georgia. Russia and Kyrgyzstan were not aspiring to join the EU when they adopted the repressive laws, while Georgia has now written its EU aspirations into its constitution.

Georgian Dream, which until recently looked certain to win another victory in this year's elections, now risks repeating last year's mistake. And this time, the stakes are higher, which means the outcome may be more dramatic. The party faces a difficult choice. Withdrawing the law again will bring even greater humiliation than a year ago. But not withdrawing it means risking the country's European future-and with it, Georgian Dream's own grip on power.

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Why Is Georgia Again Trying to Push Through an Unpopular Foreign Agent Law?

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Georgian Dream, which until recently looked certain to win another victory in this year's elections, now risks repeating last year's mistake-only this time, the stakes are higher.

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Bidzina Ivanishvili Backs Anti-Western Policies, Threatens Repressions

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Bidzina Ivanishvili Backs Anti-Western Policies, Threatens Repressions

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Bidzina Ivanishvili, founder and honorary chairman of the Georgian Dream party, addressed the supporters who were bussed to Tbilisi by the government, especially for this occasion. Ivanishvili publicly assumed the party’s policies, which run counter to the advice of the United States and the European Union. He specifically assumed responsibility for the Russia-styled “foreign agents law” and the legislation targeting the queer community.

In a long speech, he also strongly endorsed the conspiracy theory that presents the “global party of war” as a force poised to subdue Georgia’s identity and sovereignty and announced repressions against the opponents, “the collective United National Movement” that are to follow the victory in October 2024 elections.

In the article, they provide a brief account of Ivanishvili’s speech as it was recorded by Civil.ge alongside the live broadcast. The full text provided by Georgian Dream follows.

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Bidzina Ivanishvili, founder and honorary chairman of the Georgian Dream party, addressed the supporters who were bussed to Tbilisi by the government, especially for this occasion. Ivanishvili publicly assumed the party's policies, which run counter to the advice of the United States and the European Union. He specifically assumed responsibility for the Russia-styled "foreign agents law" and the legislation targeting the queer community. In a long speech, he also strongly endorsed the conspiracy theory that presents the "global party of war" as a force poised to subdue Georgia's identity and sovereignty and announced repressions against the opponents, "the collective United National Movement" that are to follow the victory in October 2024 elections.

Below, we provide a brief account of Ivanishvili's speech as it was recorded by Civil.ge alongside the live broadcast. The full text provided by Georgian Dream follows.
Key points of Ivanishvili's speech:
Georgia should be governed by people who are elected by Georgians. From 2004-2012, we were governed by a foreign-appointed revolutionary committee. They came to power as a result of an NGO-led revolution.

The bloody regime that was established showed us the price of this mistake. Some think the reason was Mikheil Saakashvili's sadism and lack of patriotism. In fact, all of this was ordered by their patrons from abroad. Those very politicians who endorsed those policies now portray Saakashvili and his cronies as innocent. The recent resolution of the European Parliament is one example.

When we ended UNM's bloody regime, I thought my mission was done. But it was not enough: We still have to fight for our independence and sovereignty. I personally continue that struggle to fully restore our nation's sovereignty.

The important decisions in this world are taken by the global party of war. It is this global force that first forced the confrontation of Georgia with Russia and then put Ukraine in even worse peril. NGOs and radical opposition are acting on their behalf. The laws that we are proposing are there to expose those dark linkages.

NGOs are pseudo-elite nurtured by a foreign country and has several key characteristics. They have no homeland; they do not love their country or their people because they do not really consider them to be their own. On the contrary, such people are embarrassed by their country and its people.

Some ask why we took back the law on foreign agents last year. This was because a large proportion of society was misled, and we also had to ensure stability. But now, people are no longer fooled and support our Georgian law on transparency. We are also ready to surmount the difficulties without sacrificing stability.

Some ask why we did not wait for a while with NGO and LGBT law, perhaps after the elections - but who would have left us in peace if we did not pass this law? NGOs had already tried to launch the revolution twice in the past years; now they were calling for vetting in courts and changes in election law; these were all intentions of the global party of war to engineer a revolution.

By tabling the laws now, we are forcing them to expend the energy which they were planning to use during the elections. Now, they are spending it uselessly in the streets. The "agentura" will be weakened, it will be exhausted. So the timing for LGBT and NGO laws was ideal. We are not going to lose anything by passing these laws, but deserve the anger from the global party of war, which we are inconveniencing anyway.

I know many of our supporters were dissatisfied that we did not punish the United National Movement enough. Even though many of their leaders spent time in prison and their leader [Saakashvili] is still in prison, it is true that we did not pass the UNM in a tribunal as such, did not condemn it as a treasonous, criminal entity that it is. Why did not we do it? Because we were under tremendous pressure. In fact, UNM was appointed the opposition [in 2012] just like they were appointed as government [in 2003] by the global party of war.

The Georgian people should decide the country's fate. After the [victory in] elections, we will issue a strict political and legal condemnation to the collective UNM [meaning NGOs and political opponents]; it will get the due punishment it deserves. They will pay for all the crimes against the Georgian people.

I promise that having overcome these difficulties, with sovereignty and dignity intact, in 2030, Georgia will join the EU.

Our dream is unified, independent, sovereign, and strengthened Georgia, the Dream we will make true together.
Full Text of Bidzina Ivanishvili's Speech
Greetings, dear friends!

I greet the honorable children of our freedom-loving nation! I would like to wish you all a blessed Palm Sunday, and happy Easter in advance!

Georgia restored its state independence 33 years ago. However, Merab Kostava, one of the leaders of the national movement, warned us: "Remember, you will witness the time when Georgia is free! But know that if you stop fighting for freedom even at that time, in an independent country, then neither you nor your country will remain free." This counsel by Merab Kostava should be kept in mind at every step.

Georgia should be governed by the authorities elected by the Georgian people! In 2004-2012, we went through difficult years, when the country was ruled not by a government elected by the people, but by an externally appointed revolutionary committee, a foreign agency. Let me remind you that these people - Saakashvili, Bokeria, Merabishvili, Adeishvili, Gvaramia, Kezerashvili, and others - were appointed as the leaders of the authorities of Georgia after the revolution organized by NGOs.

The rule of people appointed from outside in an undemocratic manner clearly demonstrated how severe the inevitable consequences of the loss of freedom, independence, and sovereignty can be. The bloody regime filled prisons to overflowing, tortured prisoners, cost hundreds of innocent people their lives, robbed thousands of businessmen, rigged a number of elections, seized the media, and lost 20 percent of Georgia's territories.

Many people think that the main reason for these crimes was the inhumane, sadistic, and unpatriotic nature of Saakashvili and his accomplices. In reality, however, everything they did was ordered and directed by their masters from outside. It was for this reason that the foreign politicians who declare Saakashvili, Gvaramia, and Kezerashvili as innocent lambs and demand the punishment of the incumbent authorities today greenlit all of the regime's unseemly behavior at the time.

Today, these foreigners are motivated by the desire to bring back the inhumane and sadistic dictatorship of the same people to Georgia, which we will not allow at any cost. When we talk about greenlighting, we should also remember that the regime's sadism enjoyed the full support of the NGOs.

I would like to recall the words of the Indian leader, Jawaharlal Nehru, with a slight amendment: "There is no greater enemy of one's own country than a pseudo-elite nurtured by a foreign country." A pseudo-elite nurtured by a foreign country has several key characteristics. They have no homeland; they do not love their country or their people because they do not really consider them to be their own. On the contrary, such people are embarrassed by their country and its people. Such people are like the bat from Akaki [Tsereteli]'s poem, who ultimately fails to become foreign and loses what made him Georgian in the process as well.

Such people are easy to control from the outside because they are devoid of all principles. This is the face of today's radical opposition, and this was the face of these people when they were in power.

In 2012, when we dispatched the bloody regime of politicians with no homeland who were appointed from outside, I thought that I had completed my mission in full. We returned electoral rights to the Georgian people, released 15,000 prisoners from prison, completely eradicated the torture and inhumane treatment of prisoners, ended the National Movement's media monopoly, freed up businesses, and brought the country long-term peace and enhanced security.

I will reiterate - I thought that I had completed my mission in full in 2012. However, as it turned out, these achievements were not enough. We must still fight for freedom and sovereignty in order to follow Ilia Chavchavadze's counsel, whereby "we must belong to ourselves." Therefore, as a matter of principle and dedication, I personally will continue to fight for the full restoration of the sovereignty of Georgia, our motherland. In recent years, Georgia has endured the hardest struggle to avoid war and maintain peace.

Despite the promise made at the Bucharest Summit in 2008, Georgia and Ukraine were not allowed to join NATO and were left outside. All such decisions are made by the Global War Party, which has a decisive influence on NATO and the European Union and which only sees Georgia and Ukraine as cannon fodder.

They first had Georgia enter into a confrontation with Russia in 2008, and in 2014 and 2022, they put Ukraine in an even more difficult situation. The main reason for the Global War Party's aggression towards Georgia is that it failed to turn Georgia into a second front despite great efforts, which it could have achieved very easily with the agents' return to power.

The public often asks, why is it that those abroad fight against the transparency of the NGOs with such fervor? The representatives of our team answer this question in the right manner, but they still shy away from telling the complete truth.

The complete truth is that the non-transparent funding of NGOs is the main tool with which you can appoint the authorities of Georgia from abroad. The goal is for Georgia to be ruled not by the authorities elected by the people but by the "bats" - modern-day Sergo Orjonikidzes and Gigla Berbichashvilis - appointed from outside. Our duty is not to allow this to happen, it is our duty to the Georgian public figures who sacrificed themselves for the idea of Georgia's freedom.

The funding of NGOs, which they often begrudge us and count as aid, is used almost exclusively to strengthen the agents and bring them to power. Accordingly, these funds have nothing to do with aid, and, on the contrary, their only goal is to deprive Georgia of its state sovereignty.

Today's Georgia is neither Georgia under Shevardnadze nor Ukraine under Yanukovich. Today, Georgia is governed by a strong and unified team of professionals who know the value of one's homeland, its independence, and sovereignty. Therefore, it is impossible for the UNM, who have zero support rating, and NGOs to bring about a change of government in Georgia today.

However, this does not mean that we should lose our vigilance and not ensure the creation of a long-term guarantee for Georgia's sovereignty. The Georgian law "On Transparency of Foreign Influence" serves to strengthen the sovereignty of Georgia.

A question might arise: Why did the team withdraw the law last year, and why are we adopting it this year? There were two main objective reasons for withdrawing the law last year. First, last year, they succeeded in misleading a large part of the public. Therefore, it was our duty to take into account the unease of even those fellow citizens who had been deceived.

Second, we must ensure the political stability of our country, which may have faced difficulties last year had the law not been withdrawn. This year, the situation is radically different. The UNM and its masters could no longer deceive the people, and today, the majority of the public firmly supports the transparency of NGOs. In addition, today we have full resources to pass the law on transparency without harming the stability of the state, and to move the country forward.

Making the right move at the right time is the ultimate art of politics. My political past allows me to claim that as a political leader, I can calculate such moves well.

Another question can also be heard among the public: Would it have been preferable to make the most of the temporary peace and forgo the consideration of the draft laws on LGBT propaganda and NGOs, perhaps even postponing their consideration until after the elections?

In this regard, I would like to tell you unequivocally: let no one have the illusion that they would have let us be for a long time without these draft laws. Let me remind you how fervently they tried to undermine the Central Election Commission and the court all this time.

To this day, they are demanding so-called vetting in the court, that is, the introduction of foreign governance, which will carry out repressions and staff the judicial system with agents. The demands related to the Central Election Commission served a similar purpose, which the Parliament of Georgia rightly did not take into account.

Despite the fact that, according to all independent international studies, the Georgian court is ahead of the courts of many EU member states in terms of justice and effectiveness, despite the fact that they cannot identify a single case that the court decided under the pressure of the political authorities or in a generally unfair manner, the persistent pressure on the authorities to seize the judiciary continues, and it will continue until they lose all hope of success.

When they make demands that they know the authorities will not consider, it is clear that the sole purpose of these demands is to create an artificial inconvenience for the government. Under such conditions, it is clear that the same forces that tried to organize revolutions two and four years ago would definitely attack our country with renewed force in the fall and try once again to return the agents to power.

The energy that they should have gathered for the fall is now being prematurely wasted on the street. Therefore, the initiation of the laws on LGBT propaganda and NGOs served two functions: on the one hand, the legislative regulation of these two issues has no alternative, and on the other, the premature expenditure of accumulated energy will completely drain the power of this, already weakened agency.

Therefore, the time of the initiation of the draft laws has also been chosen perfectly. With these processes, the country and the authorities will lose nothing except for the fact that we will once again upset the Global War Party, which does not lack resentment towards us to begin with because we refused to open a second front.

Many of our fellow citizens are upset because we did not properly punish the United National Movement in 2012. A number of leaders of the regime served long sentences. Manu perpetrators of the regime's criminal objectives were convicted. Currently, Mikheil Saakashvili, the main criminal of the regime, is serving his sentence. Unfortunately, however, the trial of the National Movement as a single criminal and treasonous group has not taken place.

People directly familiar with the circumstances will agree that we did not have the resources to punish the Nationals at the time, and taking steps without the resources would have been counterproductive. I remember well how, in 2012-2013, top Western officials fought tooth and nail to defend the bloody criminals. The National Movement was designated as the radical opposition from outside Georgia, just as it was designated as the government before that.

Radicalism, so-called polarization, and periodic political upheavals, which have cost our country and its economy dearly over the years, were induced from outside in a completely artificial manner. If it had not been for external support, Georgia would have broken the vicious circle of so-called polarization in a short period of time. You all saw the resolution adopted by the European Parliament a few days ago, in which European politicians were once again advocating for the guilty leaders of the National Movement.

In this case, as well, the Global War Party forced the European Parliament to support a completely un-European resolution. All of this had two goals: on the one hand, they once again tried to brazenly interfere in Georgia's affairs, and on the other, they once again showed everyone that the European Parliament had become yet another one of their tools, to be used at their convenience.

By adopting this completely un-European resolution, the extent of the Global War Party's influence over the European Union has once again been demonstrated. The Global War Party has the European Union destroying European values with its own hands, which is its hallmark. They were destroying Georgia in the same manner in 2004-2012, with the help of the Georgians who were in power.

The fate of Georgia should be decided by the Georgian people. Over these years, we have accumulated enough resources to begin to fully consolidate our sovereignty. This is precisely what the law "On Transparency of Foreign Influence" serves. And after the elections, we will have the opportunity to give the collective National Movement the harsh political and legal judgment it deserves for the nine years of bloody rule and 12 years spent in the role of the "ruinous overseer" [in opposition].

After the elections, the National Movement will strictly answer for all the crimes it has committed against the Georgian state and the Georgian people over two decades! Back in 2014, I founded Society 2030. At that time, EU membership seemed a very distant prospect, and I avoided talking about membership publicly because the public might not have appreciated my excessive optimism.

However, even then, I saw that Georgia could join the European Union by 2030. Today, when 2030 is only six years away, Georgia is a clear leader among the candidate countries for membership in the European Union in terms of democracy, human rights, strength of institutions, and the infrequency of corruption.

Georgia's economy is growing at the fastest rate among all candidate countries. I promise you that we will overcome all obstacles, strengthen our sovereignty, maintain peace, strengthen the Georgian economy, and become a member of the European Union in 2030. We are a unique nation with a unique history, traditions, and identity.

It is with these unique national traditions and identity that we should join the common European family because only in such a case can the European Union have real value for Georgia and vice versa. The success of our football players has strengthened our belief that dreams can come true. A 30-year-old dream came true for Georgian fans, and the Georgian national team qualified for the European Championship for the first time in history. I believe that this great success is the first step on the way to realizing the dreams of our country. A free, independent, and sovereign Georgia, a member of the European Union, a united and whole Georgia - this is our Georgian dream, which we will achieve together. Once again, I wish you a happy Easter in advance! I wish you and your families spiritual and physical vigor, happiness, and success! Long live independent, free, sovereign, and united Georgia!

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Bidzina Ivanishvili Backs Anti-Western Policies, Threatens Repressions

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Bidzina Ivanishvili, founder and honorary chairman of the Georgian Dream party, addressed the supporters who were bussed to Tbilisi by the government, especially for this occasion. Ivanishvili publicly assumed the party's policies, which run counter to the advice of the United States and the European Union.

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Georgia is sliding towards autocracy after government moves to force through bill on ‘foreign agents’

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Georgia is sliding towards autocracy after government moves to force through bill on ‘foreign agents’

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The move to restrict NGOs in Georgia is part of a larger trend to weaken democratic forces in autocratizing and autocratic countries. Whether Russia is directing this trend is unknown, but the Kremlin has certainly been a trailblazer in dismantling civil society and undermining NGOs.

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Georgia's ruling party attempted to pass a controversial bill on "foreign agents" in March 2023. The law would have required civil society groups and the media to register as being "under foreign influence" if they receive funding from abroad. This type of funding is a lifeline for most non-governmental organisations (NGOs) on human rights as they often receive scant domestic support.

Being designated a foreign entity or under foreign influence could have serious implications. NGOs that receive foreign funding can incur massive fines, face constant surveillance and be required to disclose all of their finances or risk prison time.

The Georgian government, which is led by the Russian-leaning Georgian Dream Party, was forced to withdraw its bill after mass protests broke out. But now, a little over one year later, the bill has been advanced again and thousands of Georgians have taken to the streets in protest once more.

The move to restrict NGOs in Georgia is part of a larger trend to weaken democratic forces in autocratizing and autocratic countries. Whether Russia is directing this trend is unknown, but the Kremlin has certainly been a trailblazer in dismantling civil society and undermining NGOs.

Russia's president, Vladmir Putin, sees foreign-funded NGOs as one of the biggest threats to his grip on power. NGOs can give a voice to those that are unrepresented and powerless, and are vital to fostering civil society. So Putin has made targeting these organisations a major priority.

Foreign agents law

In 2011, Putin was re-elected as Russia's president in a sham election, triggering opposition protests. The Kremlin subsequently passed a series of laws that became much more restrictive of NGOs. From November 2012, any NGO that received foreign funding and engaged in political activities would have to self-report as a "foreign agent".

This caused several pro-democracy aid agencies to pull out of Russia, including the US Agency for International Development, the International Republican Institute and the National Democratic Institute.

These laws became even tougher in 2014 when the justice ministry was given the power to register groups as foreign agents without their consent. Arbitrary laws of compliance and cumbersome administrative procedures were set up, with groups that failed to obey punished with enormous fines. The laws have forced NGOs into a game of cat and mouse for their own survival instead of working towards their objectives of defending human rights.

Other countries have taken note of Russia's success in shackling NGOs. Under the leadership of Viktor Orban, Hungary passed its first foreign agent law in 2017 - a huge blow for its own democracy. Hungary has more recently passed a new sovereignty protection law, creating an investigative body with sweeping powers to gather information on groups or individuals that receive foreign funding and may try to influence public debate.

Kyrgyzstan has also followed suit. In March 2024, Kyrgyzstan's president signed a "foreign representatives" law that was copied almost entirely from the Russian equivalent. It would apply the designation of "foreign representative" to any NGO that receives foreign funding and engages in vaguely defined "political activity".

Similar foreign agent laws have also emerged in China, India, Cambodia, Uganda and Ethiopia. And their impact has been severe. In Ethiopia, for example, the number of domestic human rights NGOs fell sharply after a law was passed in 2010 limiting how much money they could take from abroad.

Many countries declare these laws as critical to defending national sovereignty. But they are almost entirely used as a pretext to clamp down on political opposition. More than half of the 850 or so entities that are listed as "foreign agents" and "undesirable organisations" in Russia have been added since the invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

Abandoning democracy

The Georgian government's decision to revisit its foreign agents law is reflective of how vast Russia's influence over post-Soviet countries has become.

Georgia's former president and current de facto leader, Bidzina Ivanishvili, has tried to play on people's fears that western-style democracy brings challenges to the traditional family, arguing that the country must rid itself of values alien to Georgia.

NGOs and the media are targeted for supposedly spreading non-Georgian values such as same-sex marriage and other LGBTQ rights.

This is in line with the Kremlin's crackdown on LGBTQ people, particularly since the start of the war in Ukraine. In 2022, a bill was expanded to criminalise any act regarded as an attempt to promote what Russia calls "non-traditional sexual relations".

It's not clear whether Ivanishvili has coinciding interests with Russia or is simply a Russian puppet. But his decision to cosy up with Russia is not popular with the vast majority of Georgians. A survey from 2022 reveals that at least 75% of Georgians seem themselves as pro-western, with only 2% of the population pro-Russian.

Georgians are also becoming increasingly dismayed that the ruling party is abandoning even a minimal commitment to democracy. Elections are no longer free and fair as Georgian Dream uses state resources to dole out patronage to its supporters and intimidate voters.

Georgia's slide towards autocracy poses a threat not just to human rights. It is also a threat to the country's future. The protests over the foreign agents law are driven by broader concerns that Georgia is deepening its ties with Russia. This would ruin Georgia's chances of becoming an EU member state, something that 80% of the population supports.

The spate of attacks on NGOs is a critical tool that authoritarian leaders use to expand their power. Though these laws are passed in defence of sovereignty, they represent a clear assault on democracy. As Russian influence continues to grow, these types of copycat laws are more likely to become the norm.

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Georgia is sliding towards autocracy after government moves to force through bill on 'foreign agents'

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Georgians have taken to the streets to protest a Putin-style 'foreign agents' law.

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‘Foreign Agent’ Laws Spread as EU Dithers to Support Civil Society

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‘Foreign Agent’ Laws Spread as EU Dithers to Support Civil Society

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New Moves by Georgia and Kyrgyzstan on Repressive Legislation.

Opinion by Iskra Kirova,

Advocacy Director, Europe and Central Asia Division

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Georgia's ruling party plans to reintroduce highly controversial Russia-style "foreign agent" legislation aimed at incapacitating civil society and independent media.

If adopted, the laws, which were withdrawn last year in the face of massive protests,  would require foreign-funded nongovernmental organizations and media to register as "agents of foreign influence". That would make them subject to additional scrutiny and sanctions, including administrative penalties up to 25,000 GEL (about 8,600 Euro). Authorities claim the laws promote "transparency", but their statements make it clear the laws will be used to stigmatize and punish critical voices.

Georgia was granted EU candidate status in December 2023 on the understanding it would improve conditions for civil society. This move risks derailing its EU integration even if the EU has until now been willing to move the country forward in the accession process despite limited progress on EU reform priorities.

Georgia's defiance of the EU on its civil society commitments isn't so surprising when seen in the regional context.

The day before Georgia's announcement, Kyrgyzstan's president signed an abusive "foreign representatives" law. Copied almost entirely from the Russian equivalent, the law would apply the stigmatizing designation of "foreign representative" to any nongovernmental organization that receives foreign funding and engages in vaguely defined "political activity". The bill had been widely criticized after its initial submission in November 2022, including in a urgency resolution by the European Parliament.

The EU had ample opportunity to press the authorities to reject this bill. Kyrgyzstan benefits from privileged access to the EU internal market tied to respect for international human rights conventions: conventions this law clearly contravenes. The country is poised to sign an enhanced partnership agreement with the EU that centers democracy and fundamental rights. The EU has been silent on whether these deals would be imperiled by the bill's adoption, despite the fact the European Commission's own assessment highlighted Kyrgyzstan's dire environment for civil society and the country's breach of its obligations.

The latest spate of curbs on civil society comes in the wake of the European Commission's December 2023 legislative proposal for an EU Directive on "transparency of interest representation" that would create a register of organizations which receive foreign funding. European civil society vehemently opposes the proposal because it risks shrinking space for independent organizations at home and diminishing the EU's credibility in opposing such laws abroad. Yet the Commission forged ahead. On the same day the proposal was adopted, Hungary's parliament approved a law that gives a government-controlled body broad powers to target civil society and independent media.

With civil society organizations under threat throughout Europe and Central Asia, we need an EU that in words and actions protects civic space and sets the right standards.

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'Foreign Agent' Laws Spread as EU Dithers to Support Civil Society

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Georgia's ruling party plans to reintroduce highly controversial Russia-style "foreign agent" legislation aimed at incapacitating civil society and independent media.

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Georgia defies EU and backs law targeting ‘foreign agents’

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Georgia defies EU and backs law targeting ‘foreign agents’

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Brussels warns new curbs on civil society flout “European values” as protests grow in Tbilisi.

According to a letter seen by POLITICO, a dozen EU foreign affairs ministers on Friday urged the EU’s top diplomat, Josep Borrell, to “send an unequivocal message to Tbilisi that this legislation is incompatible with Georgia’s progress on its EU path” via an “oral update” on Georgia’s EU accession.

However, no such statement was made, with POLITICO’s Brussels Playbook reporting that Hungary, aided by Slovakia, obstructed an agreement.

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Georgia defies EU and backs law targeting 'foreign agents'

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Brussels warns new curbs on civil society flout "European values" as protests grow in Tbilisi.

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In 2001 Front Line Defenders launched its Protection Grants programme, to provide rapid and practical financial support to human rights defenders at risk. Protection Grants can pay for provisions to improve the security and protection of human rights defenders and their organisations.

Security communication's guide:

https://securityinabox.org/en/guide/secure-communication/

https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/programme/protection-grants

https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/resource-publication/other-funding-organisations

Location: Global

Community of focus: Human Rights Defenders

Time-sensitivity: Rapid Respone

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Protect the privacy of your online communication

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Protect the privacy of your online communication

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The emergency grants programme ensures that human rights defenders can access and implement urgent security measures to protect themselves, their family, and their work. Emergency grants aim to reach every corner of the world, including most difficult countries and remote locations, as well as those within the most vulnerable and targeted groups.

Contact Information: 353 (0) 1 21 00 489

Location: Global

Community of focus: Human Rights Defenders

Time-sensitivity: Rapid Respone

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1. The applicant is a human rights defender working for human rights in accordance with the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders;

2. The applicant is facing risks because of his/her human rights work;

3. The applicant needs urgent support (lack of access to alternative sources of support will be taken into account).

No EU funded grant will exceed 10,000 € The different partner organisations may also apply additional criteria or limits.

The list of types of activities eligible for emergency financial and material support to Human Rights Defenders at risk includes:

1. Physical security;

2. Digital security;

3. Communications;

4. Capacity building in security;

5. Secure transportation;

6. Legal support;

7. Medical support (including psycho-social support and rehabilitation)

8. Humanitarian assistance (including family support);

9. Urgent relocation;

10. Urgent monitoring, reporting and advocacy;

11. Other

We operate two programmes to support individual human rights defenders at risk, and their families when possible, but they are quite different:

The emergency support program is a rapid response mechanism to cover urgent protection measures. Each situation and case are different, and so are the grants we mobilise. An emergency grant may cover for, among other, physical security measures (e.g., safe transportation, alarm systems), legal aid (e.g., lawyer fees), medical costs or family support, but this list is nonexhaustive and you are encouraged to identify the protection needs that work best for your case. The programme can also support urgent relocations - but these are typically for a short-term period, in-country or at the regional level. An emergency grant can be a combination of several of these measures, too.

In contrast, the temporary relocation program facilitates structured, comprehensive relocation for defenders at risk - and their families when needed, in partnership with host institutions. Our programme provides funding and technical support to set up temporary relocation programmes for defenders with a holistic approach, by tackling the personal needs of human rights defenders during the relocation in a comprehensive manner, and with a focus on the sustainability of the post-relocation phase, in order to ensure that an HRD will be able to continue their human rights work.

If you are a human rights defender at risk as a result of your activities, you may be eligible for support. You can find the specific eligibility criteria of the different programs under the following links:

For the emergency grants programme, please find a list of all kinds of eligible costs here. Please note that measures that are not related to physical or psychological security (e.g., university education, office supplies, rent) cannot be covered under the emergency grants program.

For the temporary relocation program, please find a list of all eligible costs here.

You can apply to either programme with downloadable application forms, which you can find by following these links:

Alternative to the application form, you can also apply to our programmes through our secure web forms, which can be found through the following links:

Still unsure on how to apply? Get in touch

Through its different programmes, ProtectDefenders.eu provides support to human rights defenders at risk because of their work related to human rights. Due to a specific mandate and to budgetary constraints, ProtectDefenders.eu cannot, unfortunately, support all human rights defenders in need. However, you may find information about other funding organisations that can provide support to human rights defenders at risk here

Yes. You can use the downloadable application forms, which can be found here

Neither of the programs require a minimum amount per grant.

The Emergency Grants programme can cover for a maximum of 10,000EUR, with the average grant being 3,000 EUR. However, these values are only illustrative: ProtectDefenders.eu will assess the relevance of the measures and their impact on the security situation of the defenders on a case by case basis.

The Temporary Relocation program offers grants of maximum 60,000EUR. In practice, grant averages are much lower and are generally not awarded for 100% of the proposed budget. The proposed budget should be realistic and duly justified.

Yes, you can choose which destination you want to relocate to. We can support in-country relocation, and we tend to prioritise relocation within your region, because they usually are more efficient and facilitate your adaptation. In any case, your choice of place of relocation should be justified.

However, the temporary relocation programme requests co-funding from other sources, and the country of relocation selected will result in different co-funding requirements: In most countries, ProtectDefenders.eu will require a co-funding of at least 5% of the total relocation budget. In contrast, if your relocation takes places in an EU country, Australia, Canada, Iceland, Israel, Japan, New Zealand, Norway, South Korea, Switzerland, United Kingdom or the United States, at least 30% of the total relocation budget shall be provided by a different source.

In case of the emergency grants programme: After you have submitted your request, it will be reviewed by the ProtectDefenders.eu secretariat. If it meets the program's criteria, the case will be forwarded to one of the Consortium members, chosen based on the application's thematic and geographical focus. The consortium members review the application based on their own eligibility and criteria and conduct the verification process.

In case of the temporary relocation programme: the application is assessed and verified by the secretariat based on the eligibility and criteria of the programme.

In order to inquire about the status of your application, please reach out to: eg@protectdefenders.eu for the Emergency Grants program and tr@protectdefenders.eu for the Temporary Relocation program. Please note that the length of the process to assess an application can vary based on several factors. You will be informed of the outcome of your application as soon as a decision has been taken.

If your request has been rejected, you will be informed of this outcome by the ProtectDefenders.eu secretariat.

For the emergency grants programme: If your request has been accepted, you will be informed of this by the ProtectDefenders.eu partner in charge of your application.

For the temporary relocation programme: If your request has been accepted, you will be informed of this by the ProtectDefenders.eu secreatriat.

If you believe that you have been negatively affected by the actions of ProtectDefenders.eu or its representatives, you can submit a complaint through our website and we will review it thoroughly. If you do not have a specific complaint but would like to provide feedback regarding our work, you can also use this channel to communicate your feedback to us.

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Practical support to defenders at risk - ProtectDefenders

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The applicant is a human rights defender working for human rights in accordance with the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders; The applicant is facing risks because of his/her human rights work; The applicant needs urgent support (lack of access to alternative sources of support will be taken into account).

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Dignity for All: LGBTQI+ Assistance Program

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Dignity for All: LGBTQI+ Assistance Program

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The Dignity for All: LGBTQI+ Assistance Program is a consortium of six leading human rights and LGBTQI+ organizations that provides emergency assistance, advocacy funding, and security support to human rights defenders and civil society organizations under threat or attack due to their work for LGBTQI+ rights.

Dignity for All provides small, short-term emergency grants to activists and organizations threatened because of their human rights work. These grants can support: Legal Representation; Prison Visits; Trial Monitoring; Temporary Relocation; Dependent Support; Security; Equipment Replacement; Medical Expenses.

Contact information: info@dignitylgbti.org

https://www.dignitylgbti.org/

Consortium's member organizations to focus on specific regions. https://freedomhouse.org/programs/emergency-assistance-and-thematic-programs
https://www.dignitylgbti.org/rapid-response-financial-assistance

Location: Global

Community of focus: LGBTIQ+

Time-sensitivity: Medium Response

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Dignity for All: LGBTQI+ Assistance Program

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Dignity for All provides small, short-term emergency grants to activists and organizations threatened because of their human rights work. These grants can support:

What constitutes an emergency?

An emergency is an urgent need for assistance arising from threats to an HRD or CSO on the basis of their work on LGBTQI+ human rights. The threat needs to have occurred within the past 3 months. It can be a physical, virtual, or legal threat that is perpetrated by state actors, non-state actors, family, or community members.

WHO IS eligible for support?

Activist/Organization has a track record of human rights work of at least 6 months

Threat is related to human rights work and has occurred in the past 3 months

Independent references can verify threat and applicant's history of human rights activism

Request should not seek funds for core operations costs or programmatic expenses

Organizations can be informal or unregistered, including journalist associations, networks, community-based organizations, student groups, and labor unions

HOW CAN YOU apply for rapid response financial assistance?

To apply, contact info@dignitylgbti.org and let us know how we can contact you securely before sending sensitive information. To apply by PGP/GPG encrypted email (recommended), please use our public key.

Applications are available in Arabic, English, Farsi, French, Kiswahili, Portuguese, Russian, Spanish, and Turkish.

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Rapid Response Financial Assistance - Dignity for All: LGBTQI+ Assistance Program

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Dignity for All provides small, short-term emergency grants to activists and organizations threatened because of their human rights work. These grants can support: An emergency is an urgent need for assistance arising from threats to an HRD or CSO on the basis of their work on LGBTQI+ human rights.

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Urgent Action Fund’s Rapid Response Grants support the resilience of women’s and trans* movements by providing flexible and responsive support to women’s and trans* human rights defenders who face immediate threats and by supporting advocacy when unanticipated opportunities emerge to set new legal or policy precedents.

With Urgent Action Fund-Africa, Urgent Action Fund-Latin America, and Urgent Action Fund-Asia& Pacific. The Consortium leverages new philanthropic resources and develops joint research and advocacy initiatives that benefit women and human rights defenders globally.

https://urgentactionfund.org/what-we-do/rapid-response-grantmaking/

Contact information:

proposals@urgentactionfund.org

urgentact@protonmail.me

Community of focus: Trans people and women

Location: Global with regional members

Time-sensitivity: Rapid Response

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Skip to content

apply for a security grant

Please read the eligibility requirements below.

Security grants can be used to support the safety and security of activists.

The time frame between receiving the grant and reporting back is 3 months.

We accept applications in all languages.

Translation needs may increase the time needed for a decision to be made.

Grant amounts are up to $8,000 USD.

We confirm receipt of applications within 24 hours.

Decisions are made between 1 and 10 business days.

Once a grant is approved, funds can be wired within 24 hours to 10 business days.

eligibility criteria

Women/Trans/Non-binary Led

Women, trans, or non-binary people must be the primary decision makers

Focus on women, trans, and non-binary rights:

Actions proposed must benefit women, trans, and non-binary people

Urgent and Unanticipated:

The specific situation must be unanticipated and time urgent. Actions must be implemented within 3 months of approval of the grant

Networked:

The group must have support from local or international feminist activists or networks

Apply Online

Use our grants portal to create a profile and easily check your application status (our preferred method for receiving applications).

Email Us or Call

Download the application form and submit via email to proposals@urgentactionfund.org.

Security Grant Application: [ EN] [ AR] [ RU]

Send a text or call us to submit your application over the phone. Call us at (415) 496-6365‬.

Are you eligible to apply?

Don't qualify?
Learn about our other grant opportunities.

Chinyere Ezie is a Senior Staff Attorney at the Center for Constitutional Rights, where she advocates for racial justice, gender justice, Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer, and Intersex (LGBTQI+) rights, and challenges governmental abuses of power. Chinyere previously worked at the Southern Poverty Law Center where she brought cases defending the rights of LGBTQI+ Southerners. She also served as a Trial Attorney at the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, where she litigated employment discrimination cases and secured a $5.1 million jury verdict on behalf of workers subjected to unlawful treatment. Chinyere is a William J. Fulbright Scholar, a White House Fellows Program Regional Panelist, and a cum laude graduate of Yale University. She also received a Juris Doctorate from Columbia Law School, where she was an Alexander Hamilton Scholar and served as Editor in Chief of the Journal of Gender and Law. Chinyere serves on the Board of Directors of the Transgender Law Center and the feminist grant-making organization the Urgent Action Fund. She was also a Founding Board Member of the National Trans Bar Association.In 2018, she was named one of the nation's Best LGBTQI+ Lawyers Under 40.

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Skip to content apply for a security grant Please read the eligibility requirements below. Security grants can be used to support the safety and security of activists. The time frame between receiving the grant and reporting back is 3 months. We accept applications in all languages.

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Our rapid response mechanism for human rights defenders, journalists, activists and organisations facing digital threats and attacks.

The IEF provides up to €10,000 and can be used to cover costs which will directly reduce the risk or impact of a digital attack. The funding covers activities for a maximum of four months, and we aim to respond to requests within two weeks.

What does the IEF cover?

Replacement of hardware or software which has been taken, lost or stolen.

Purchase of more secure hard- and/or software and costs related to installation of the new systems.

Technical or non-technical activities to respond to urgent issues such as internet blockages.

Measures to improve physical security (related to information management and digital security).

Measures to address the psychological and psychosocial impacts of digital threats and risks.

1. Take the eligibility test

Find out if the Emergency Fund is for you.
TAKE THE TEST!

2. Create an account

Activate the applicants' account on the application system. You can edit the application if it was submitted as a draft.

3. Submit your proposal

You cannot edit a final application submission.

4. Response and screening

A Project Officer (PO) will be appointed to follow up your submission. First response may take up to 14 days (2 weeks). Project Officers will screen if the application meets DDP's IEF mandate. Applications that do not fall under DDP's mandate will be rejected and/or referred to our partners and network.

5. Review and due diligence

Project Officers will review the application on quality and due diligence criteria. The applicant may need to provide extra information and edit the application, in case there are questions about the proposed activities or budget.

6. Determination

In case the application does not meet quality or due diligence criteria, it will be rejected. In case the application meets all criteria and all information has been provided, the application will be discussed within the DDP team, after which a final determination follows.

7. Approval

A successful applicant will get a notification of approval.

We are able to process applications submitted in English, Spanish, French and Portuguese. If you would like to submit your application in another language, please contact us with your language request, and we can explore a secure solution.

Eligibility test

This test will guide you to know if the Incident Emergency Fund is what you need.

Frequent Asked Questions

What does this fund cover?

Replacement of hardware or software which has been taken, lost or stolen. Purchase of more secure hard- and/or software and costs related to installation of the new systems. Technical or non-technical activities to respond to urgent issues such as internet blockages. Replacement of hardware or software which has been taken, lost or stolen. Purchase of more secure hard- and/or software and costs related to installation of the new systems. Technical or non-technical activities to respond to urgent issues such as internet blockages.

Who can apply?

DDP target groups are women, feminist and LGTBQIA+ organisations; land and environmental rights defenders; and journalists and other actors who make information available to the public. However, each regional team defines the target groups for each call. Check the call for your region.

How long does the evaluation of IEF applications take?

We try to respond within two weeks from the moment the proposal is submitted. However, this period might be longer depending on the amount of proposals received, our internal referencing processes, etc.

Does our organisation need to be legally constituted to apply?

Not necessarily. We conduct our own internal referencing processes for vetting.

Can we get in touch to discuss our proposal?

Yes. If you have any doubts, write us with your questions to team@digitaldefenders.org

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Our rapid response mechanism for human rights defenders, journalists, activists and organisations facing digital threats and attacks. The IEF provides up to €10,000 and can be used to cover costs which will directly reduce the risk or impact of a digital attack.

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Through Freedom House and Front Line Defenders, Lifeline provides small, short-term emergency grants to CSOs threatened because of their human rights work. Lifeline grants can address security, medical expenses, legal representation, prison visits, trial monitoring, temporary relocation, equipment replacement, and other urgently needed expenses.

Contact Information: info@csolifeline.org

Location: Global

Community of focus: Human Rights Defenders

Time-sensitivity: Rapid Respone

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Who is Eligible for Support?

CSOs with at least two or more activists that are threatened as a result of their human rights activities are eligible for assistance. CSOs need not be officially registered, but must be able to document a history of activism. Beyond traditional NGOs, this can include journalist associations, network organizations, community-based organizations, student groups, labor unions, think tanks, and other associations. To qualify for assistance, a CSO must demonstrate that a threat occurred in the past 3 months and provide means to independently verify details of the threat and confirm that the threat is directly related to their human rights work.
Photo Credit: © Andriy Bublyk

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Eligibility Check List ü CSO has a track record of human rights work ü Threat occurred in the last 3 months ü Threat related to human rights work ü CSO is completely non-violent ü Means to independently verify details of the threat and CSO's human rights credentials (one international and one in-country reference) ü CSO confirms they request assistance

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We attempt to offer emergency travel support when possible but we also have a number of other programs that focus on financial aid, applications for government sponsorship, in-country relocation or referrals to others who may be able to help.

Location: Global

Community of focus: LGBTQI+ individuals

Time-sensitivity: Rapid response

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This might feel like a lot of information to gather but you are capable of taking these steps toward a better life. Once we verify your case, we will try to work with you to develop a solution to make your life safer.

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Urgent funding to respond to climate and natural disasters; public health crises; or sudden and drastic increases in political violence.

Historically marginalized communities (women and girls; gender diverse and nonconforming people; racial, religious, and ethnic minorities; young people; sex workers; disabled people; and members of the LGBTQIA+ community).

Contact Information: grantsinfo@globalfundforwomen.org

Location: Global (outside US)

Community of focus: Women, youth, BIPOC, LGBTIQ+

Time-sensitivity: Medium Response

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Crisis Fund | Feminist Crisis Grants for Disaster Response

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Our crisis fund supports partners during health crises, political upheavals, and natural disasters. Learn how we fund feminist crisis response worldwide.

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𝐓𝐡𝐢𝐬 𝐬𝐡𝐨𝐫𝐭 𝐬𝐮𝐦𝐦𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐛𝐚𝐬𝐢𝐜𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐝𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐥 𝐬𝐞𝐜𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐡𝐨𝐰 𝐭𝐨 𝐤𝐞𝐞𝐩 𝐲𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐬𝐞𝐥𝐟 𝐬𝐚𝐟𝐞 𝐨𝐧𝐥𝐢𝐧𝐞. 𝐈𝐭 𝐠𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐬 𝐲𝐨𝐮 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐩𝐨𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐪𝐮𝐢𝐜𝐤𝐥𝐲 𝐬𝐨 𝐲𝐨𝐮 𝐜𝐚𝐧 𝐮𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐡𝐨𝐰 𝐭𝐨 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐲 𝐬𝐚𝐟𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐞𝐭. 𝐅𝐨𝐫 𝐆𝐞𝐨𝐫𝐠𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐞 𝐬𝐞𝐞 𝐩𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐬 𝐛𝐞𝐥𝐨𝐰.

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𝐓𝐡𝐢𝐬 𝐬𝐡𝐨𝐫𝐭 𝐬𝐮𝐦𝐦𝐚𝐫𝐲 𝐜𝐨𝐯𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐛𝐚𝐬𝐢𝐜𝐬 𝐨𝐟 𝐝𝐢𝐠𝐢𝐭𝐚𝐥 𝐬𝐞𝐜𝐮𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐲 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐡𝐨𝐰 𝐭𝐨 𝐤𝐞𝐞𝐩 𝐲𝐨𝐮𝐫𝐬𝐞𝐥𝐟 𝐬𝐚𝐟𝐞 𝐨𝐧𝐥𝐢𝐧𝐞. 𝐈𝐭 𝐠𝐢𝐯𝐞𝐬 𝐲𝐨𝐮 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐦𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐩𝐨𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐬 𝐪𝐮𝐢𝐜𝐤𝐥𝐲 𝐬𝐨 𝐲𝐨𝐮 𝐜𝐚𝐧 𝐮𝐧𝐝𝐞𝐫𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐡𝐨𝐰 𝐭𝐨 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐲 𝐬𝐚𝐟𝐞 𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐢𝐧𝐭𝐞𝐫𝐧𝐞𝐭. 𝐅𝐨𝐫 𝐆𝐞𝐨𝐫𝐠𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐩𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐬𝐞 𝐬𝐞𝐞 𝐩𝐨𝐬𝐭𝐬 𝐛𝐞𝐥𝐨𝐰.

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𝐀𝐮𝐭𝐡𝐨𝐫: 𝐍𝐢𝐧𝐨 𝐆𝐚𝐦𝐢𝐬𝐨𝐧𝐢𝐚

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𝐅𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐨𝐦 𝐇𝐨𝐮𝐬𝐞 𝐒𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐬 𝐖𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐆𝐞𝐨𝐫𝐠𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐏𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐢𝐫 𝐃𝐞𝐦𝐨𝐜𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐜 𝐀𝐬𝐩𝐢𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬.

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𝐅𝐫𝐞𝐞𝐝𝐨𝐦 𝐇𝐨𝐮𝐬𝐞 𝐒𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐬 𝐖𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐆𝐞𝐨𝐫𝐠𝐢𝐚𝐧 𝐏𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐓𝐡𝐞𝐢𝐫 𝐃𝐞𝐦𝐨𝐜𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐜 𝐀𝐬𝐩𝐢𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬.

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Freedom House Stands With the Georgian People and Their Democratic Aspirations

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We condemn ongoing repression and violence against peaceful protesters in Tbilisi, who are standing against the reintroduction of a restrictive “foreign agents” law.

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როგორ დავიცვათ ციფრული უსაფრთხოება - სრული გზამკვლევი ნინო გამისონიასგან

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როგორ დავიცვათ ციფრული უსაფრთხოება - სრული გზამკვლევი ნინო გამისონიასგან

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ციფრული უსაფრთხოება | 📱 ციფრული მოწყობილებებით ჩვენ შესახებ ყოველდღიურად უამრავ ინფორმაციას ვაზიარებთ და ვინახავთ. 

⚠️ მათი დაცვა ჩვენი უსაფრთხოებისთვის აუცილებელია. 

👇 ამ... | By Women's Fund in GeorgiaFacebook

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📱 ციფრული მოწყობილებებით ჩვენ შესახებ ყოველდღიურად უამრავ ინფორმაციას ვაზიარებთ და ვინახავთ. 

⚠️ მათი დაცვა ჩვენი უსაფრთხოებისთვის აუცილებელია. 

👇 ამ...

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The Russian Law must be withdrawn unconditionally

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The Russian Law must be withdrawn unconditionally

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სამოქალაქო საზოგადოების ფონდი

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The Russian Law must be withdrawn unconditionally - სამოქალაქო საზოგადოების ფონდი

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We, Georgian non-governmental organizations, once again declare that the draft law adopted by the authorities in the second reading is a Russian Law in its goals and content, it is directed against the Western course supported by the Georgian people, and it must be withdrawn unconditionally. No amount of amendment can reverse the devastating effects […]

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Georgian non-governmental and media organizations published a joint statement:

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Georgian non-governmental and media organizations published a joint statement:

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Georgian non-governmental and media organizations published a joint statement:

"We, the Georgian media and non-governmental organizations, vehemently oppose the Russian law reintroduced by the authorities. "Georgian Dream" breaking its own word and deceiving people is directed not only against Georgian media and Georgian non-governmental organizations but also against every citizen and the European future of Georgia. Georgian non-governmental organizations help people. Passing this Russian law will leave children and women victims of violence vulnerable; persons with disabilities, scientists, workers, and young people; It will stop helping vulnerable families, farmers, displaced, homeless persons, and brave people fighting for their rights. The government wants to not cover the voice of people living in the regions, who inform the public about their plight through local, independent media.

These and the hostile laws introduced this week aim to divide the population, damage the country's European future, and abolish freedom of speech. This is the government's response to the hundreds of facts of violence, corruption, illegality, and discrimination that Georgian non-governmental organizations and independent media expose and publicize.

The European Union, the United Nations, NATO, the OSCE, the USA, and other international partners have declared the authoritarian character of the Russian law and its incompatibility with democracy, and after the recall of the law last year, they openly congratulated the Georgian people on their great victory.

This law is a Russian authoritarian tool to suppress freedom of speech. Its adoption will make it impossible to open negotiations with the EU at the end of the year. Instead of fulfilling the 9 steps defined by the European Union, the government, with this law, separates us from the European Union and immeasurably harms the democratic and secure future of Georgia.

Accepting the Russian law would be an attack on the main Georgian values - a sense of dignity, independence, and civil solidarity. This law, in accordance with the will of the Georgian people, should be withdrawn from the parliament. Russian law is not Georgia's choice!"

Source: civil society foundation

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Georgian non-governmental and media organizations published a joint statement:

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International Solidarity with Georgian Civil Society and the people of Georgia.

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International Solidarity with Georgian Civil Society and the people of Georgia.

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As human rights defenders across the globe, we are deeply troubled by efforts of the Georgian government to stifle civil society voices through the introduction of the law "on the transparency of foreign influence."

To our friends and allies in Georgia, please know that we stand with you as you stand up against your government's attempt to adopt the law, which clearly targets civil society organizations and independent media. This attack on freedoms of speech and assembly, as well as on basic and fundamental rights for a democratic and pluralist society affects all of us. It is an attempt to dehumanize and stigmatize civil society activity, something that runs contrary to Georgia's human rights commitments, as well as international human rights standards and values.

In some of our own countries we too are witnessing similar developments designed to curtail accountability and defense of human rights. This kind of legislation has led to reprisals, attacks, red-tagging, imprisonments, abductions and killings of human rights defenders, environmental activists, legal professionals, journalists, workers, community leaders and other civil society actors. It is disturbing to see the same risks now facing the people of Georgia who have been fiercely fighting for liberty, independence, freedom and democracy for the past 35 years.

We stand in solidarity with the people of Georgia. We greatly appreciate your fight for freedom and democracy and we acknowledge that the adoption of this law in Georgia will have implications for our countries too.

We call on the Georgian government to vote down the draft law and return to the reform agenda which is so much needed for Georgia's continued leadership in democratization and development.

As the Annual General Meeting of the Asian Development Bank takes place in Tbilisi in the coming days, we call on international financial institutions and other international partners of Georgia to publicly condemn this attack on human rights and democracy and publicly state their support to Georgian civil society and people of Georgia who demand democracy and human rights.
Signatures (organizations)

1. Accountability Counsel | USA

2. Action Paysanne Contre la Faim APCF | DRC

3. African Law Foundation (AFRILAW) | Nigeria

4. Alyansa Tigil Mina (Alliance to Stop Mining) | Philippines

5. Amnesty International | Global

6. Ardha Jabesa Foundation | Kenya

7. Asia Indigenous Peoples Network on Extractive Industries and Energy (AIPNEE) | Asia

8. Bank Climate Advocates | US

9. Bank Information Center | US

10. International Rivers | US

11. Brot für die Welt | Germany

12. Business & Human Rights Resource Centre | Global

13. Cambio Sistémico | Mexico

14. CEE Bankwatch | Czech Republic

15. Centre for Community Mobilization and support NGO | Armenia

16. Cohesión Comunitaria e Innovación Social | Mexico

17. Collectif des ONG Œuvrant dans le secteur de mines, Environnement et Electricité COMEE| DRC

18. Conseil Régional des Organisations Non Gouvernementales de Développement CRONGD | DRC

19. Crude Accountability | US

20. Deca Equipo Pueblos | Mexico

21. FIDH (International Federation for Human Rights), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders | Global

22. Freedom House | US

23. Front Line Defenders | Ireland

24. Global Rights | Nigeria

25. Gobierno y Análisis Político AC (GAPAC) | Mexico

26. Green Development Advocates | Cameroon

27. HRM Bir Duino | Kyrgyzstan

28. Human defenders group - Aksabskur, Uzbekistan

29. Indian Social Action Forum | India

30. Iniciativas para el Desarrollo de la Mujer Oaxaqueña (IDEMO) | Mexico

31. International Accountability Project | Global

32. International Indigenous Fund for development and solidarity "Batani" (Batani Foundation) | Russia/USA

33. Kashi Jermaine, Kwale Mining Alliance | Kenya

34. Participatory Research & Action Network - PRAAN | Bangladesh

35. Kazakhstan International Bureau for Human Rights and Rule of Law | Kazakhstan

36. KRuHA - People's coalition for the right to water | Indonesia

37. Latinoamérica Sustentable, Regional | Latin America

38. Lawyers' Association for Human Rights of Nepalese Indigenous Peoples (LAHURNIP) | Nepal

39. lM Defensoras | Latin America

40. OADHERE RDC ( observatorie africans de droit

41. Otros Mundos Chiapas | Mexico

42. OTWatch | Mongolia

43. Phenix Center | Jordan

44. Protection International (PI) | Belgium and Global

45. Proyecto sobre Organización, Desarrollo, Educación e Investigación (PODER) | Latin America

46. Recourse | Netherlands

47. Rivers without Boundaries International Coalition | Global

48. Unidosc | Mexico

49. Urgent Action Fund for Feminist Activism | Global

50. Uzbek Forum for Human Rights | Germany

51. Workers' Assistance Center (WAC) | Philippines

52. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders | Global

53. Yayasan Keadilan Iklim Indonesia (Climate Justice Indonesia Foundation) | Indonesia

54. Yayasan Srikandi Lestari,( Srikandi Lestari Foundation) | Indonesia

Signatures (individuals)

1. Maurice Ouma Odhiambo, Jamaa Resource Initiatives, Kenya

2. Mirvari Gahramanli, Oil Worker's Rights Protection Organization, Azerbaijan

3. Nora Sausmikat, Urgewald/Germany

4. Oleg Dulgaryan, Rights Defender, Armenia

5. Eduardo Aguilar, independent human rights advocate, Mexico

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International Solidarity with Georgian Civil Society and the people of Georgia

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As human rights defenders across the globe, we are deeply troubled by efforts of the Georgian government to stifle civil society voices through the introduction of the law "on the transparency of foreign influence."

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Defamation and Intimidation Attacks against Human Rights Defenders in Georgia must be investigated.

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Defamation and Intimidation Attacks against Human Rights Defenders in Georgia must be investigated.

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Front Line Defenders strongly condemns the alarming surge of defamation and intimidation assaults targeting Georgian human rights defenders amid the ongoing mass protests in Tbilisi, spurred by the re-emergence of the proposed Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence. Despite assurances from its proponents to shelve the legislation, it resurfaced for consideration in the Parliament in mid-April. Since then, the debate has been accompanied by almost daily mass protests in front of the Parliament Building in Tbilisi. If enacted, the law would add reporting obligations, subjecting human rights defenders to scrutiny and administrative penalties. As the final parliamentary reading of the widely criticised law, scheduled for the week of 13 May 2024, approaches, the threats against human rights defenders and civil society representatives intensify.

On 9 May 2024, unknown individuals vandalised the offices of many prominent human rights organisations with posters and graffiti. The posters followed the same pattern: they had photographs of the organisations' leadership, stating the name of the human rights defender, accompanied by offensive comments about them "selling out" and being "traitors." Other posters and graffiti were not personalised yet employed similar defamatory messaging.

Among the human rights defenders who were personally targeted are Eka Tsereteli from Women's Initiative Supporting Group, Nona Kurgovanidze from Georgian Association of Young Lawyers, Giorgi Kldiashvili from Institute for Development of Freedom of Information, Nino Dolidze from International Society for Fair Elections And Democracy, David Chipashvili from Green Alternative, Aleko Tskitishvili from Human Rights Center, Baia Pataraia from Union Sapari, Vladimer Mkervalishvili from Rights Georgia, Nino Zuriashvili from Studio Monitori, Gela Mtivlishvili from Mits Ambebi, Levan Tsutskiridze from Eastern European Center for Multiparty Democracy, Zaza Abashidze from Governance Monitoring Centre, Ucha Nanuashvili, Tamar Khidasheli from Democracy Research Institute, Giorgi Tabagari, Mariam Kvaratskhelia, and Ana Subeliani from Tbilisi Pride, Tamar Kintsurashvili from Media Development Fund, and Eduard Marikashvili from Georgian Democracy Initiative.

Since 7 May 2024, more than 100 Georgian HRDs and CSOs have been targeted through an orchestrated attack with intimidating calls over phones and various messengers. Human rights defenders received calls from numbers falsely appearing as registered in foreign countries. Those defenders who picked up received threatening messages to stop protesting against the foreign agents' law. Many reported that the attackers also subjected their relatives, including elderly relatives, spouses, and children, to similar intimidations, posing threats aiming to deter support for the Tbilisi protests. On 8 May 2024, a Georgian Dream party representative announced their plan to set up a database that will include people supporting protests against the draft foreign agent law. This received criticism from other political parties and civil society representatives, fearing the mentioned database would be misused to guide repressive measures.

The law targets non-governmental groups and media outlets that source more than 20% of their funding externally, requiring them to register with the Ministry of Justice as "organizations serving the interest of a foreign power." The Georgian Dream Party first introduced a similar "foreign agents law" in March 2023, withdrawing it from consideration after two days of mass protests in Tbilisi. Among other things, it led to Georgia receiving an EU candidacy status in December 2023, a desired accession path for most of the population. In April 2024, the same party introduced an almost identical law for consideration in the Parliament, now titled the "Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence." Georgian human rights defenders have widely criticized the call, underscoring the influence of pro-Russian agendas, citing the country's 2014 "foreign agents law" that has been used by the Russian authorities to dismember civil society. This mid-April legislative maneuver led to expansive, predominantly peaceful protests, erupting in Tbilisi and other big cities across the country, with hundreds of people gathering almost daily. Local media and human rights defenders have documented the police deploying pepper spray, tear gas, and water cannons to disperse protesters. Riot police have also been seen violently assaulting and detaining protesters, often without warning. Human rights defenders reported that since mid-April, over 100 people have been violently detained and are now facing charges.

Human rights defenders in Georgia continue their tireless, peaceful, and legitimate work, united to oppose the laws on foreign representatives. The state must recognise the crucial role of human rights defenders and civil society representatives and create an enabling environment for their human rights work. Front Line Defenders is highly concerned for the safety of human rights defenders working in such a context, as it believes they are being targeted due to their peaceful and legitimate human rights work. Front Line Defenders strongly condemns the alarming surge of defamation and intimidation assaults targeting Georgian human rights defenders amid the ongoing mass protests in Tbilisi, spurred by the re-emergence of the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence. The organization urges the Georgian authorities to investigate the attacks and bring the perpetrators to justice immediately. Front Line Defenders urges Georgian authorities to immediately and unconditionally remove the Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence and commit not to return it for consideration.

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Defamation and Intimidation Attacks against Human Rights Defenders in Georgia must be investigated

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Front Line Defenders strongly condemns the alarming surge of defamation and intimidation assaults targeting Georgian human rights defenders amid the ongoing mass protests in Tbilisi, spurred by the re-emergence of the proposed Law on Transparency of Foreign Influence. Despite assurances from its proponents to shelve the legislation, it resurfaced for consideration in the Parliament in mid-April.

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The Revolution Fund is Mama Cash’s new participatory grantmaking fund that enables us to respond to urgent, timely and important funding requests that create an opportunity for change, enable a reaction to an urgent need, and/or seeds a new project or idea.

Grantmaking process not of an emergency fund but might apply for political opportunities or fast-changing contexts.

Location: Global

Community of focus: Women and LBTIQ+

Time-sensitivity: Medium Response

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The Revolution Fund is Mama Cash's participatory grantmaking fund that enables us to respond to urgent, timely and important funding requests that create an opportunity for change, enable a reaction to an urgent need, and/or seed a new project or idea.

Frequently Asked Questions
How is the Revolution Fund different from Mama Cash's other Funds?
The Revolution Fund accepts nominations for proposals for small one-time grants that last no longer than a year. Applications will be accepted if they respond to or create an opportunity for change, enable a reaction to an urgent need, and/or seed a new project or idea. Revolution Fund grants will also go to groups or initiatives that demonstrate solidarity for a cause or special initiative that reflects Mama Cash's institutional vision, mission and values.
Who is eligible for a Revolution Fund grant?
Any group or initiative based anywhere in the world is eligible for a Revolution Fund grant, as long as they work from a women's, girls, trans or intersex rights perspective, and receive a nomination from a current Mama Cash staff member, Board member or Advisor. Please note that it is not possible for Mama Cash to respond to requests from groups looking to be connected to any of our staff, Board or Advisors. The nominator needs to already be familiar with the group they nominate, and can nominate any group they believe fits the criteria, as long as it does not constitute a conflict of interest (such as nominating colleagues, partners or relatives).
What are the Eligibility Criteria for a Revolution Fund grant?
Revolution Fund grants will support groups and initiatives that:

· Receive a nomination from a current Mama Cash staff member, Board member or Advisor;

· Work from a feminist and/or women's, girls, trans or intersex people's rights perspective;

· Are self-led by the women, girls, trans people and/or intersex people they serve;

· Seek to create an opportunity for change, enable a reaction to an urgent need, and/or seed a new project or idea;

· Reflect our institutional vision, mission and values.
What does the Revolution Fund not fund?
Revolution Fund grants will not support groups and initiatives that:

· Are individually led;

· Are businesses or for-profit projects;

· Are currently receiving a Mama Cash grant; or could otherwise qualify for one of our other grantmaking funds (i.e. Resilience Fund, Spark Fund, Solidarity Fund and/or Radical Love Fund);

· Are based in the Global North that are executing programmes in or are leading partnerships with groups based in the Global South and East;

· Are founded by, led by, or structurally or economically dependent on political parties, government agencies, or religious institutions.

Include activities that seek to deny the rights of certain women, girls, trans and intersex people, based on who they are, the work they do or on their position in society.
How are Revolution Fund decisions made?
Revolution Fund proposals go through a three-step evaluation process:

Step 1: All groups and initiatives must receive a nomination from a current Mama Cash staff member, Board member or Advisor;

Step 2: Mama Cash staff screens all nominations to ensure they meet our eligibility criteria;

Step 3: All eligible applications are evaluated by a panel of members of our Global Advisory Network via a participatory grantmaking approach. The panel will make the final decision on the grant.
When can I nominate groups/initiatives for a Revolution Fund Grant?
Anytime throughout the year! We are accepting and reviewing applications on a rolling basis.
How long will it take to receive a decision on an application?
In order to be responsive to urgent or time-sensitive opportunities, the Revolution Fund decision-making turn-around time is at least six working weeks from receipt of nomination.
What is the size of Revolution Fund grants?
Nominations will be accepted for grants up to €10.000 euros depending on the Funds' overall budget availability. A brief breakdown of the requested budget should be stated in the nomination form. The grant period will last no longer than a year.
Where can I find more information?
If you have any additional questions about the Revolution Fund, please send an email to revolutionfund@mamacash.org.

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The Revolution Fund is Mama Cash's new participatory grantmaking fund that enables us to respond to urgent, timely, and important funding requests that create an opportunity for change.