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1. In a group of 3 (20 min) (post with the same color and connect to this original post). What does Hrystak about the "Russian/Ukrainian dichotomy" and how it is interrogated through the the case of Donetsk? Then, add a visual metaphor (from your own search) - how visually you understand the case of Donetsk.

2. 2 rounds of 8 min each: Shuffle twice with a representative from another group to share your findings/connections.

3. Return to your group to reflect and make another group post how your whole group sees two new connections with other groups in relation to the course learning outcomes. Connect it to the post you are making connections with (use the menu options)

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National Identities in Post-Soviet Ukraine: The Case of Lviv and Donetsk on JSTOR

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YAROSLAV HRYTSAK, National Identities in Post-Soviet Ukraine: The Case of Lviv and Donetsk, Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Vol. 22, Cultures and Nations of Central and Eastern Europe (1998), pp. 263-281

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1. In a group of 3 (20 min) (post with the same color and connect to this original post). What does Hrystak about the "Russian/Ukrainian dichotomy" and how it is interrogated through the the case of Lviv? Then, add a visual metaphor (from your own search) - how visually you understand the case of Lviv.

2. 2 rounds of 8 min each: Shuffle twice with a representative from another group to share your findings/connections.

3. Return to your group to reflect and make another group post how your whole group sees two new connections with other groups in relation to the course learning outcomes. Connect it to the post you are making connections with (use the menu options)

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National Identities in Post-Soviet Ukraine: The Case of Lviv and Donetsk on JSTOR

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YAROSLAV HRYTSAK, National Identities in Post-Soviet Ukraine: The Case of Lviv and Donetsk, Harvard Ukrainian Studies, Vol. 22, Cultures and Nations of Central and Eastern Europe (1998), pp. 263-281

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Group 3 Torbakov - "Soviet People" Narrative

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Group 3 Torbakov - "Soviet People" Narrative

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1. In a group of 3 (20 min) (post with the same color and connect to this original post). What does Torbakov de-claim about the mutually exclusive histories of the "Soviet people" and other national or ethnic minorities as Others ("harmless ethnographic groups") - "We are all brothers and sisters"?

2. 2 rounds of 8 min each: Shuffle twice with a representative from another group to share your findings/connections.

3. Return to your group to reflect and make another group post how your whole group sees two new connections with other groups in relation to the course learning outcomes. Connect it to the post you are making connections with (use the menu options)

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1. In a group of 3 (20 min) (post with the same color and connect to this original post). What connections do you see between Hrytsak's reading on the Soviet identity of Donetsk's civilians and the optional materials today "What Russia Wants?" and "Anti-War Drawing"?

2. 2 rounds of 8 min each: Shuffle twice with a representative from another group to share your findings/connections.

3. Return to your group to reflect and make another group post how your whole group sees two new connections with other groups in relation to the course learning outcomes. Connect it to the post you are making connections with (use the menu options)

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In April of last year, an art teacher in Russia's Tula region asked her sixth-grade class to draw pictures to show support for the Russian military in Ukraine. When one girl drew an anti-war image instead, the teacher immediately called the police. By the end of the following day, the Russian FSB and child protective services were involved. Now, the student's single father is facing felony charges, and the student herself is at risk of being sent to live in a shelter.

Update: On March 28, Alexey Moskalev was sentenced to two years in prison. Read more here.

A resident of Russia's Tula region is facing felony charges of "discrediting" the Russian army because his sixth-grade daughter made an anti-war drawing in a school art class, according to the independent outlets Spektr and OVD-Info.

Until recently, 54-year-old Alexey Moskalev was a bird breeder in the town of Yefremov, where he was raising his daughter, Masha, on his own. Masha's mother moved to a different city when her daughter was three years old.

In April 2022, during an art lesson, Masha's teacher asked the class to draw pictures in support of Russia's troops in Ukraine. Masha proceeded to draw a Russian flag with the words "No to war" on it, as well as a Ukrainian flag that read "Glory to Ukraine." The drawing also showed missiles flying from the Russian side towards a woman and her child on the Ukrainian side.

"[After that], the teacher ran to the [school] director, who called the police," Alexey recounted.

The art teacher immediately threatened my daughter, so when the officers came and were waiting for Masha at the [school] entrance, asking all of the students their first and last names, my daughter immediately realized what was going on. She managed to slip through: she gave a fake name. She came running home, out of breath, and said, 'Dad, the police almost caught me - I drew a picture!' She was scared, and I promised that the next day, I would come to her school and wait for her until her classes were over.

The next day, as promised, Alexey came to Masha's school and waited in the hallway for her. According to him, however, when the school director saw him there, she called the police, who came to the school along with officials from child protective services. The officials took Masha out of her classes and took her, along with her father, to the local police chief. After interrogating Alexey, the officers charged him with "discrediting" the Russian army for posts and comments he had made on social media. He was fined 32,000 rubles (about $430) for a comment that read, "The Russian army. The rapists right next to us."

That evening, Masha told her father that she was afraid to go to school. He assured her there was nothing to worry about, and she ended up going the following morning. Soon after, Alexey received a call from someone at the school, who told him that Masha had been taken by FSB officers and that he needed to report to the school immediately. "I got dressed and rushed there. I was met by FSB officers. I asked, 'Where's my daughter?' They responded that she was being interviewed in the next office over. For three and a half hours, they told me that I'm raising my daughter incorrectly; they said they were going to take her from me and put me in jail," said Alexey.

After that, Masha stopped going to school. Then, on the day before New Year's Eve, police showed up at the family's home with a search warrant.

On the morning of December 30, I received a call at 7:30 a.m. They mumbled something [unintelligible] on the phone. I was getting ready to go to work. I leaned out the window and was shocked: there were three police cars around our building, two more vehicles on the side, and an Emergency Services Ministry vehicle and firetruck a bit further away. About 12 people. FSB officers and a few police officers got out of the vehicles and started towards the entrance to our building. They had an angle grinder. I immediately knew they were coming for us.

According to Alexey, the officers threw things from the family's shelves onto the floor, ripped hanging pictures from the walls, and flipped their furniture over. They took 123,000 rubles ($1,655) and $3,150, all of the family's savings, and took a photo of Masha's anti-war drawing. They then took Masha to a shelter and Alexey to the FSB office to be interrogated. There, Alexey told journalists, the officers beat his "head against the wall and against the floor" before leaving him in the interrogation room for two and a half hours with the Russian national anthem playing at full volume.

When Alexey began to feel sick, medical workers were called in. "After that, [the FSB officers] showed me a comment my daughter had left on VKontakte: on a post about how 'our children are dying selflessly [in Ukraine],' Masha wrote, 'And how much are they dying for? Two hundred thousand [rubles] a month, or a little more?'" said Alexey.

That same day, the authorities opened a criminal case against Alexey for "discrediting" the Russian army. Because he had previously been convicted of a misdemeanor for committing the same offense less than a year earlier, he's now facing felony charges, according to his lawyer, Vladimir Biliyenko, who spoke to OVD-Info.

Alexey wasn't released from the FSB office until later that evening, when he was given a summons to appear at the police station on January 9. The next day, he was able to retrieve Masha from the children's shelter, and the two left Yefremov. Spektr and OVD-Info didn't specify where the family is currently located.

Alexey is facing up to three years in prison. His biggest worry, he said, is that if he's arrested or sentenced to jail time, Masha may be sent back to a state institution (Alexey said he has "no faith" in her other relatives). Lawyer Vladimir Biliyenko said that as a single father, Alexey will likely be able to avoid prison time. "But if the officers decide to be stubborn - our justice system often gives in to what they want - they might put him in prison and send his daughter to an orphanage," Biliyenko added.

Masha's situation is far from the first case of legal pressure against a Russian child who doesn't support the war against Ukraine. According to OVD-Info, criminal cases were opened against eight minors for anti-war statements in 2022. But the total number of students who have faced bullying, harassment, and legal persecution for opposing the war is unknown.

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расследование

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исследование

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краткий пересказ

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'The FSB said I'm raising my daughter wrong' A single father faces felony charges after his daughter drew an anti-war picture at school - Meduza

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In April of last year, an art teacher in Russia's Tula region asked her sixth-grade class to draw pictures to show support for the Russian military in Ukraine. When one girl drew an anti-war image instead, the teacher immediately called the police. By the end of the following day, the Russian FSB and child protective services were involved.

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Group 4 Torbakov Blocking Blocking Russian "historical doctrine" Rhetoric in Memory Wars

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Group 4 Torbakov Blocking Blocking Russian "historical doctrine" Rhetoric in Memory Wars

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1. In a group of 3 (20 min) (post with the same color and connect to this original post). What does Torbakov discuss about such blocking rhetorics of the Kremlin as "the trope of loss" and the "memorial" construct in attempts for social cohesion to define "Russian identity?"

2. 2 rounds of 8 min each: Shuffle twice with a representative from another group to share your findings/connections.

3. Return to your group to reflect and make another group post how your whole group sees two new connections with other groups in relation to the course learning outcomes. Connect it to the post you are making connections with (use the menu options)

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Group 5 Torbakov "Fear of Responsibility for its Dark Past"

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Group 5 Torbakov "Fear of Responsibility for its Dark Past"

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1. In a group of 3 (20 min) (post with the same color and connect to this original post). What does Torbakov reveal about Russia's elites and their reluctance to admit responsibilities for the dark pasts while denying Vergangenheitsbewältigung (Stalinization; GULAG; Holodomor; Katyn)? What connections are there with the war in Ukraine?

2. 2 rounds of 8 min each: Shuffle twice with a representative from another group to share your findings/connections.

3. Return to your group to reflect and make another group post how your whole group sees two new connections with other groups in relation to the course learning outcomes. Connect it to the post you are making connections with (use the menu options)

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The Ukraine War From Russia's Perspective

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"Like other members of the country’s ruling elite, Kosachev appears to perceive memory and history as an important ideological and political battleground: Russia’s detractors—both foreign and domestic—allegedly seek to spread interpretations of past events that are detrimental to Russia’s interests, and there is an urgent need to resolutely counter these unfriendly moves." (Page 210)

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"Trope of Loss" has become the most effective and widely used symbolic device which Russians employ to make sense of their Soviet experience in the post-Soviet context

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Kremlin discusses how there is a lack of consensus within the Russian society of what to make of their past. He argues that any society should have a certain agreement as to how their past has influenced who they are as a nation in the modern time. This idea is "memorial construct", how their past influences their current values today. For Russia, though, they fail to agree on how to reflect on their history. The social elites then use the "victory myth" as an attempt for this agreement regarding history.

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The complex historical, cultural, and political ties between Russia and Ukraine are referred to as the "Russian/Ukrainian dichotomy". Centuries of entwined history, encompassing times of cooperation, conflict, and dominance, have molded this dynamic.

In the context of the western Ukrainian city of Lviv examining the ways in which the region's historical narratives, cultural identities, and geopolitical tensions appear. Lviv's history exhibits influences from both Poland and Ukraine, and the city is home to a sizable Ukrainian nationalist population. Lviv was also a part of the Soviet Union until its disintegration in 1991, which adds even more complexity to the dynamic between Russia and Ukraine.

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In this article, the idea of social cohesion was emphasized to establish the notion of strengthening one's national identity. For instance, Yaroslav wrote, "The private use of language is closer to the issue of national identity than any other group" (263). This is fascinating to me since I believe language does mold one's identity. Language is very personal, and it is a form of inclusion and personable connection. In the sense of Lviv, where the majority of the population is Ukrainian, they covet the need to solidify and privatize their language from the Russians to create the idea of self-identity. Even though this strengthens the nation's identity, it has also proved to be futile as Russian media strongly influences the people of Ukraine. Media messages aid in shaping one's identity, and being consumed with Russian media, can cause more conflicts and further obscurity in identity.

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The “memorial construct” has been used to show Russian strength and to show the values that Russians share with one another. However, this memory and those values are used to empower their Soviet history.

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Just as we have read in many articles before, in order to justify the Russian narrative countering these "unfriendly moves" directly relates to the war and violence in Ukraine as a response to Ukraine's strength and resilience with not accepting this Russian narrative.

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Lviv has always served as a hub for Ukrainian nationalism and the preservation of its identity. Hrytsak's focus on Lviv as a prime example of Ukrainian national identity delves into the city's past, cultural heritage, and socio-political landscape to demonstrate how they have played a crucial role in strengthening Ukrainian identity while suppressing the influence of Russian culture. Hrytsak's analysis is probably centered on the unique characteristics of Donetsk, which presents a stark contrast, as compared to other regions. This is primarily due to its historical connections with Russia, the lasting influence of the Soviet era, and its reliance on Russia for economic stability. Hrytsak's research is likely to enhance comprehension of the intricate nature of Ukrainian national identity and the dynamics of the Russian-Ukrainian relationship in regions such as Lviv and Donetsk. Through his work, he may shed light on how these dynamics influence political beliefs, societal unity, and the development of a nation in modern-day Ukraine.

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https://i0.wp.com/jetsettogether.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/09/Lviv-WWII.jpg?resize=1024%2C682&ssl=1

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Igor Torbakov critically examines the Soviet Union's approach to managing its diverse ethnic and national identities through the lens of creating a unified "Soviet people." The slogan "We are all brothers and sisters" served as a metaphor for this strategy, which aimed to enfold various national and ethnic histories under a single Soviet narrative while promoting an ideology of equality and unity. However, this process was fundamentally political, aimed at depoliticizing ethnic distinctions by reducing them to harmless, non-political ethnographic characteristics. While ostensibly fostering brotherhood and unity, this approach effectively silenced genuine expressions of national identity and historical experience, overshadowing the complex realities of the Soviet Union's various peoples with a simplified, homogeneous Soviet identity.

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What Torbakov is saying about the "Soviet People" is that they were taught and told that no matter what everyone is the same. There is only one group or class of people so everyone is the same even though everyone has their differences. But, the Soviets talk about other people (outsiders/minorities) as if they are completely different from them. They are seen as cultural exhibits of what a Svoiet isn't. The saying that everyone is brothers and sisters isn't the case here if they are being banished/outcasted because they are different. It's like saying that everyone is the same but some are different, it doesn't make sense and contradicts itself.

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"The Soviet period is perceived as the 'good old days' when the Communist Party provided for the needs of the people, the state bureaucracy was uncorrupted and kept its promises, medical care was free and efficient, refrigerators were full of food...in Lviv, on the other hand, the majority of the respondents had a very negative experience of the Soviet period... Even so, some also miss the social protections they had enjoyed under the Soviet regime, and recognize that some things were better then than they are now" (Hrytsak 9).

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Hrystak says that not only Ukrainians are having problems of self-identification but Russians are as well. In the case of Donetsk and Lviv, he sites a case study where they explore how individuals living in those regions describe their self-identity, finding that Ukrainian-speaking ethnic Ukrainians were more homogenous and nationality-based in their self-identification. Whereas russian-speaking ethnic Ukrainians were more ethnic and civic based. Finding that regional factors have an influence on Russian/Ukrainian dichotomy. Based on the results they also find that each regions views are opposing.

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Connection to the war in Ukraine - Kasia

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Connection to the war in Ukraine - Kasia

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The German word, Vergangenheitsbewältigung, means "struggle of overcoming the past" or "work of coping with the past" (Google). Relating to the war in Ukraine, Russian is still denying the past. They don't want to cope with the fact that they lost the land that is now Ukraine. They are still denying the invasion of Ukraine, which they keep saying that it is a "special military operation" while it is not. This made me think about the Katyn massacre that happened during World War II where the Soviet Union troops killed about 20,000 Polish soldiers. For a long time, Russians kept denying that this even happened and they even put all the blame on Germany.

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The video "What Russia wants?" claims that "the war is about Russia and its pursuit of geopolitics." I think that this connects to the other two sources because they exemplify the political polarization. A Russian girl was punished for drawing a picture against the war in Ukraine. The police were called and she was aken away from her father. In Hrytsak's readings, the polartizaiton between Donetsk, an eastern Ukraininan city, and Lviv, a western Ukrainian city, is apparent. People from Donetsk were more willing to identify as Russian than people from Lviv. The most disliked group in Lviv is communists, whereas in Donetsk it is Ukrainian nationalists. In general, Lviv is more supportive of traditional Ukrainian version of history and Donetsk is more supportive of the Soviet version. As mentioned in the video, "In Russia, it's either expand or die."

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Hrystak says that not only Ukrainians are having problems of self-identification but Russians are as well. In the case of Donetsk and Lviv, he sites a case study where they explore how individuals living in those regions describe their self-identity, finding that Ukrainian-speaking ethnic Ukrainians were more homogenous and nationality-based in their self-identification. Whereas russian-speaking ethnic Ukrainians were more ethnic and civic based. Finding that regional factors have an influence on Russian/Ukrainian dichotomy. Based on the results they also find that each regions views are opposing.

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Prevalence of Soviet identity in Donetsk

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Prevalence of Soviet identity in Donetsk

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What is problematic about this identity in Eastern Europe? Why is it still important to residents there?

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Connection to the war in Ukraine - Kasia

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Connection to the war in Ukraine - Kasia

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The German word: Vergangenheitsbewältigung, which means the "struggle of overcoming the past" or "work of coping with the past") strongly relates to what Russia is doing now in Ukraine. Although there is no Russian word that relates to this word, Russia keeps denying the invasion of Ukraine by calling it a "special military operation" which it is not. Russia does not want to accept that in World War II, they lost the land which is now Ukraine, and they still want to get it back after all these years. This made me think about the Katyn massacre where Russian troops killed 20,000 Polish soldiers and they denied it for a long time. After it happened, Russians even put the blame on Germany and Germany blamed Russia. Even though, the article said that the Russian Duma officially recognized that the Katyn Massacre, it stilled made me think about why it took so long to accept that they did this.

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The stark differences between Donetsk and Ukraine show deep disconnections between ethnic identity and national identity, with 55.6% of people living in Donetsk identifying the most with their regional identity over Ukrainian, Russian, or Soviet. I believe that this stems from the fact that Eastern Ukrainians were closer to the center of the Soviet Union and therefore were more integrated into life there. Eastern Ukraine is also a mostly Russian-speaking part of the country and this narrative that you must speak Ukrainian to be a true Ukrainian is hurting any chance at unity.

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History playing a big role regarding stances, connects to Lviv side and in opposition of Donetsk civic differences.

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We discussed the connection of avoidance and not accepting the past as possibly a direct consequence from identity issues and struggling to connect with just one identity.

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In our group we talked about how Russia tries to hide its dark past from being told but then in Group four they discuss how the kremlin and also within Russian society they don't know what to make of their past.

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One connection I noticed was the idea that the Soviets used to own Ukraine so then Russia believed that it was still their land. So this idea of "Soviet People" and then the "Unfriendly moves" mentioned by group 4 can go hand in hand with the Soviet people wanting their land back from the cultural outcasts.

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The discussion of Russia's struggle with its historical narrative, as explored by Igor Torbakov, connects with broader course themes on the politics of memory and national identity across different groups and nations. This case highlights how the manipulation of historical memory can serve political ends, a phenomenon not unique to Russia but observable worldwide. By examining Russia’s use of the "victory myth" and its implications for national identity and social cohesion, we can better understand similar strategies in other contexts, thus deepening our comprehension of how nations construct and wield historical narratives to shape collective identities and influence current political and social dynamics.

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Both articles have portrayed the idea of identity in Ukraine and how memory laws and political influence can sway identity. Putin is trying to solidify his identity with his people and utilizes terms like brothers and sisters to showcase familiarity. However, Ukraine wants to be isolated and not part of the Russian people.

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We talked a lot about the term "Soviet People" which was a way to sort of trick people into thinking they were a unified front when in fact it was a ploy to get people to completely change their already established identity. It was similar to what was going on with Lviv just because in Lviv there were a lot of different influences at play and after leaving the Soviet Union, Lviv was still somewhat under the influence of it.