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Post-World War II Recovery: Crash Course European History #42

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Fermer la fenêtre d'information sur les Lumniz

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Deuxième puissance économique après les Etats-Unis, l'Union européenne est une union politique et économique qui compt...

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BAC HISTOIRE révisions - Le projet d'une Europe politique

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Le débat autour de la construction européenne : Eden et de Gaulle

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Le débat autour de la construction européenne : Eden et de Gaulle

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A travers l'étude de documents variés (vidéos, textes, images), on revient sur la genèse de l'idée d'une Europe unie.

Troisième > Histoire : Le monde depuis 1945 > Affirmation et mise en œuvre du projet européen

CAP > Histoire : La France et la construction européenne depuis 1950

Terminale > Histoire : La multiplication des acteurs internationaux dans un monde bipolaire > La France : une nouvelle place dans le monde

Terminale technologique > Histoire : Du monde bipolaire au monde multipolaire

Première > Histoire-géographie, géopolitique et sciences politiques : Etudier les divisions politiques du monde : les frontières

Après avoir regardé les documents, vous répondrez aux questions, qui vous aideront à rédiger une synthèse.

# Aristide Briand, le précurseur

Couverture du magazine VU

La couverture peut être consultée sur le site de l'académie de Versailles.

Extraits du discours prononcé par le ministre français

Je pense qu'entre des peuples qui sont géographiquement groupés, comme les peuples d'Europe, il doit exister une sorte de lien fédéral. Ces peuples doivent avoir à tout instant la possibilité d'entrer en contact, de discuter de leurs intérêts communs, de prendre des résolutions communes. Ils doivent, en un mot, établir entre eux un lien de solidarité qui leur permette de faire face, au moment voulu, à des circonstances graves si elles venaient à naître. (...)

Je me propose, pendant la durée de cette session, de prier ceux de mes collègues qui représentent ici les nations européennes de vouloir bien, officieusement, envisager cette suggestion et la proposer à l'étude de leurs gouvernements.

Discours d'Aristide Briand (ministre français des Affaires étrangères) devant la SDN, 5 septembre 1929

Caricature de Briand par Sennep Candide, 1930

La caricature peut être consultée sur le site de l'académie de Versailles.

L'affiche d'Abel Faivre à droite, très connue des contemporains date de 1916, elle n'est là que pour faire comprendre le détournement parodique qu'en fait Sennep quinze ans plus tard)

Actualités filmées 1931

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Que propose-t-il ?

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# Churchill plaide pour des Etats-Unis d'Europe

Discours de Winston Churchill au congrès de l'Europe à La Haye, 1948

Men will be proud to say: I am a European. We hope to see a Europe where men of every country will think as much of being a European as belonging to their native land. We hope that wherever they go in the european continent, they will truly feel : here, I am at home, I am a citizen of this country too, the men are my brothers and friends, let us meet together, let us work together, let us do our atmost, all that is in us, for the good of all.

Nous serons fiers de dire : Je suis un Européen. Nous espérons voir une Europe où les hommes de tous les pays pensent qu'ils appartiennent autant à l'Europe qu'à leur terre natale. Nous souhaitons que partout où ils aillent sur le continent européen ils puissent dire : je suis chez moi, je suis aussi un citoyen de ce pays, ces hommes sont aussi mes frères, unissons nos efforts, travaillons ensemble pour le bien de tous.

Winston Churchill, La Haye, 1948.

Le Conseil de l'Europe

Naissance ou enterrement de l'Europe ?

"Au moment où la première Assemblée de l'Europe se réunit à Strasbourg, quelle tentation de l'honorer par un chant de victoire ! (...) Et voici que ces rêves prennent vie et qu'autour de Churchill les députés de l'Occident européen se réunissent, non plus à titre de délégués de leurs pays respectifs, mais de représentants de la communauté européenne tout entière. (...)

Au fond le choix véritable qui s'offre aux hommes du vieux continent est aujourd'hui celui-ci : devenir citoyens de l'Europe ou pérégrins de la Rome américaine.

Qu'on n'envisage point cette dernière hypothèse comme un vertige de l'imagination. Ne voit-on pas renaître sous nos yeux la vieille distinction des armes nobles et des armes serviles ? Dans l'armée atlantique ne va-t- on pas retrouver d'un coté les légions impériales, sous la forme de l'aviation stratégique, et de l'autre les milices barbares montant la garde au bord du nouveau limes ? Machiavel notait déjà qu'il ne peut y avoir d'alliance véritable entre deux princes dont l'un est infiniment plus puissant que l'autre, mais seulement une domination. L'Europe seule peut empêcher que l'Union atlantique ne devienne l'empire américain. (...) Le plus grand danger qui menace l'Assemblée de Strasbourg est de croire que l'Europe est née, alors qu'elle n'est même pas conçue. Une réunion d'hommes politiques, même chevronnés, même illustrés, cela n'est pas l'Europe. Cela pourrait même devenir la mort de l'idée d'Europe si chacun d'eux prenait la tribune de Strasbourg pour instrument de sa propagande. Construire l'Europe, ce n'est pas faire des discours sur l'Europe."

Maurice Duverger (Juriste et professeur de droit constitutionnel), Le Monde, 9 août 1949

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# Réticences et résistance du "Parti colonial" à l'Europe

Extrait des Actualités filmées "Si la France perdait l'Algérie" 1957

Voir sur le site ina.fr la vidéo : Si la France perdait l'Algérie.

Anthony Eden (1), explique la position britannique face à l'Europe

"( ...) pour la plupart des Anglais, et certainement pour moi-même, il existe une condition préalable à notre collaboration en Europe, particulièrement dans le domaine économique. Nous ne pouvons prendre en Europe aucune décision qui pourrait, d'une façon ou d'une autre, affaiblir les liens d'union entre la Grande-Bretagne et les nations du Commonwealth.

Cette condition doit être toujours présente à notre esprit. Je suis convaincu que les Français comprennent notre position. Je suis convaincu qu'ils comprennent aussi qu'en tant que coeur et centre du Commonwealth et de l'empire nous pouvons apporter une contribution plus effective au redressement européen. (...)

En Europe nos intérêts sont identiques. Outre-mer nous avons l'une et l'autre des obligations permanentes que nous sommes déterminées à honorer. Le bien-être futur de l'une est indissolublement rattaché à la prospérité de l'autre. Ensemble nous pouvons donner à l'Europe la direction à laquelle les hommes libres aspirent, et à l'Amérique l'assurance que sa généreuse politique n'est pas vaine."

Le Monde, le 24 décembre 1949

(1) Anthony Eden, ancien ministre des affaires étrangères britannique, très proche de Churchill, il lui succédera comme premier ministre conservateur de 1955 à 1957.

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# De Gaulle et l'Europe

Conférence de presse du 15 mai 1962, De Gaulle parle de l'Europe

Extraits à comprendre et commenter

"Ces opposants nous disent : "Vous voulez faire l'Europe des patries ; nous voulons, nous, faire l'Europe supranationale", comme s'il suffisait d'une formule pour confondre, ensemble, ces entités puissamment établies qui s'appellent les peuples et les états. [...]

Je voudrais incidemment, puisque en voici l'occasion, je m'excuse, Messieurs les journalistes, vous allez être peut-être assez étonnés, mais je n'ai jamais, quant à moi, dans aucune de mes déclarations, parlé de l'Europe des patries, bien qu'on prétende toujours que je l'ai fait. Ce n'est pas, bien sûr, que je renie, moi, la mienne ; bien au contraire, je lui suis attaché plus que jamais, et d'ailleurs, je ne crois pas que l'Europe puisse avoir aucune réalité vivante si elle ne comporte pas la France avec ses Français, l'Allemagne avec ses Allemands, l'Italie avec ses Italiens, etc. Dante, Goethe, Chateaubriand appartiennent à toute l'Europe, dans la mesure même où ils étaient respectivement et éminemment italien, allemand et français. Ils n'auraient pas beaucoup servi l'Europe s'ils avaient été des apatrides et qu'ils avaient pensé, écrit en quelque espéranto ou volapuk intégré. [...]"

Conférence de presse du 23 juillet 1964 (extraits)
Conférence de presse du 23 juillet 1964

"Pour nous Français, l'Europe qu'il faut faire doit être une Europe européenne. Européenne, ça signifie qu'elle doit exister par elle-même et pour elle-même, et qu'au milieu des peuples du monde, elle doit avoir sa politique, sa politique indépendante.

Mais justement, c'est cela que rejettent consciemment ou inconsciemment beaucoup de ceux qui prétendent cependant vouloir qu'elle s'établisse. [...]

Une politique, c'est une action, c'est-à-dire un ensemble de décisions que l'on prend, de choses que l'on fait, de risques que l'on assume, et le tout avec l'appui d'un peuple. Seuls les gouvernements des nations sont capables et responsables pour en faire, une politique. Il n'est naturellement pas interdit d'imaginer, d'espérer qu'un jour vienne où tous les peuples de notre ancien continent n'en feront qu'un. Et qu'alors il pourra peut-être y avoir un gouvernement de l'Europe."

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# Question de synthèse

Reprenez l'ensemble dans une synthèse qui montre les réticences ou les résistances à la formation d'une Europe dotée d'institutions communes.

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Lumni | Enseignement - Les réticences face à l'idée européenne

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A travers l'étude de documents variés (vidéos, textes, images), on revient sur la genèse de l'idée d'une Europe unie.

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L'Europe des " Six " (Allemagne, Belgique, France, Italie, Luxembourg, Pays-Bas) est née après le traité de Paris, signé le 18 avril 1951, instituant la Communauté européenne du charbon et de l'acier (CECA). Les six pays ont le désir d'approfondir la construction européenne.

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22/12/1989 : Dernier coup porté au régime de Ceaucescu en Roumanie

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22/12/1989 : Dernier coup porté au régime de Ceaucescu en Roumanie

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22 décembre 1989 : La prise du palais de Ceaușescu | Archive INA

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Années 1980 : un pape polonais dans la lutte anticommuniste

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Années 1980 : un pape polonais dans la lutte anticommuniste

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Jean-Paul II (1978-2005) aurait contribué à la chute du mur de Berlin et restauré l'image d'une Église en perte de vitesse. La canonisation rapide qui a suivi sa mort a-t-elle participé à effacer les zones d'ombre de son héritage ? Jusqu'au bout, le prélat polonais, qui avait su avec le syndicat Solidarnosc galvaniser la résistance de son peuple au totalitarisme soviétique, fut aussi le héraut d'une offensive conservatrice, condamnant tour à tour la "théologie de la libération" latino-américaine, l'avortement et, en pleine pandémie du sida, l'usage du préservatif. Allié discret des dictateurs argentin et chilien soutenus par Washington, il a aussi en 2003 permis à l'archevêque de Boston, accusé d'avoir couvert durant des décennies des prêtres pédophiles, d'échapper à la justice américaine.

Relecture nuancée
Avec le temps, les travaux des chercheurs révèlent une réalité souvent plus nuancée que les idées communément admises. De la dénazification de l'Allemagne à la neutralité orientée de la Suisse, de la décolonisation britannique au débarquement du 6 juin 1944, de Jean-Paul II à Ronald Reagan, cette passionnante collection documentaire se penche sur de grands personnages et des événements charnières de l'histoire du XXe siècle pour en proposer une lecture revue et corrigée. Porté par un récit limpide tissé de saisissantes archives, un nouveau regard sur notre passé récent.

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Les coulisses de l'histoire - Jean-Paul II, le triomphe de la réaction - Regarder le documentaire complet | ARTE

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La postérité a légué de Jean-Paul II l'image d'un pape moderne, champion des libertés. Et pourtant, privilégiant les tenants de la morale traditionnelle sur les progressistes, le Saint-Père a étouffé les scandales qui auraient pu entacher une institution qui se voulait exemplaire. Des zones d'ombre jusque-là effacées par sa canonisation précoce...

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Décembre 1989 : Fin du régime de Ceaucescu

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Décembre 1989 : Fin du régime de Ceaucescu

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Robert Schuman - film from the EU archives

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George HW Bush and the end of the Cold War

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George HW Bush and the end of the Cold War

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George HW Bush and the End of the Cold War: Crash Course US History #44

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1991-Present day : The consequences of the collapse of Communism in Europe

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1991-Present day : The consequences of the collapse of Communism in Europe

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The Fall of Communism: Crash Course European History #47

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The fall of Ceaucescu in Romania (December 1989)

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The fall of Ceaucescu in Romania (December 1989)

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The Romanian Revolution: Explained (Short Animated Documentary)

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1970s-1990s : Towards the collapse of Communism

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1970s-1990s : Towards the collapse of Communism

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The Soviet Bloc Unwinds: Crash Course European History #46

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The Indochina War 1945-1954 (Full Documentary)

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Mass Immigration and Poverty Are Caused By This

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Asian / African Conference In Bandung (1955)

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Des indépendances à l’ère de la postcolonie, ce troisième épisode, de 1956 à 2013, s'ouvre avec les mots du psychiatre antillais Frantz Fanon (Peau noire, masques blancs, 1952), qui rejoint les maquis du FLN en Algérie. Il se poursuit dans l’Inde d’Indira Gandhi, qui se dote de la bombe atomique, dans le Congo sous influence de Mobutu ou dans le Londres de 1979, secoué par la révolte du quartier d’immigration de Southall, pour s'achever avec l'essor d'un cinéma 100 % nigérian dans les années 1990 et la victoire juridique des derniers Mau-Mau face au gouvernement britannique.

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Massacre du métro Charonne, Paris 17 octobre 1961

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Massacre du métro Charonne, Paris 17 octobre 1961

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- Bien documenté dans le film "Hors-la-loi" avec Jamel Debbouze (2010)

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Avoir 20 ans dans les Aurès, un film crucial sur l'expérience de la guerre d'Algérie chez les appelés français

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Avoir 20 ans dans les Aurès, un film crucial sur l'expérience de la guerre d'Algérie chez les appelés français

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Résistant à 15 ans en 1943, René Vautier est le premier cinéaste anti-colonialiste français. Son film dénonce la violence des combats durant la guerre d'Algérie mais aussi le traitement subies par les civils algériens.

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Avoir 20 ans dans les Aurès. Film en Français

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Alger, la Mecque des révolutionnaires, 1962-74

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Alger, la Mecque des révolutionnaires, 1962-74

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Pour replacer le mouvement de décolonisation dans le cadre de la guerre froide et des mouvements d'émancipation des années 1960-70, un brillant documentaire sur le rôle d'Alger comme phare des mouvements révolutionnaires de 1962, année de l'indépendance algérienne à 1974, année de troubles internes.

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Vidéo.Alger, la Mecque des révolutionnaires 1962-1974.

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"Je vous ai compris" - Le général de Gaulle,  1959

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"Je vous ai compris" - Le général de Gaulle,  1959

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Tentative de putsch depuis Alger : 13 mai 1958 

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Tentative de putsch depuis Alger : 13 mai 1958 

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- Début de la Guerre d'indépendance algérienne

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Toussaint Rouge en Algérie - Archive vidéo INA

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- Retracé dans le film "Hors-la-loi" avec Jamel Debbouze (2010)

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Video Rappel historique des massacres répressifs à Sétif en mai 1945 notice archives video ina.fr

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Decolonization and the Cold War: Through an Asian Lens | World History Project

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Congo and Africa's World War: Crash Course World History 221

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The Cold War in Asia: Crash Course US History #38

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Decolonization and Nationalism Triumphant: Crash Course World History #40

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Decolonization: Crash Course European History #43

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A war without a name: France's controversial colonial past in Algeria • FRANCE 24 English

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Why was India split into two countries? - Haimanti Roy

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Post-colonial Africa in the Cold War context

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Post-colonial Africa in the Cold War context

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The years following the end of the Second World War saw both the start of the Cold War between the west and the eastern bloc, and the break-up of empires as colonies across Africa and Asia strove for independence. Africans were losers in the Cold War. The big players never fought each other head-on, but instead sponsored wars between their clients in Africa (and, indeed, in Asia) so that large swathes of the continent became war zones in which predominately locally recruited soldiers did the fighting. Liberation movements across southern Africa were sustained by the Soviet Union and Cuba, which sent large contingents of troops to support independence fighters. Nato also armed two colonial powers, France and Portugal, in their struggles against nationalist insurgents in Algeria, Angola and Mozambique. Millions died in these proxy wars throughout Africa; food production and distribution were disrupted, and regional famines followed.

Cold War losers

Cold War conflicts played havoc with African politics. They skewed the complex processes of decolonisation, and snuffed out many of the fledgling democracies that emerged in the late 1950s and early 1960s. US and Soviet intelligence agencies played kingmakers, financing and overseeing coups to install biddable rulers. Both powers tended to suborn corruptible local strongmen with military backgrounds and authoritarian instincts. It did not matter to the superpowers whether or not these dictators had any ideological commitment to communism or capitalist democracy, though many paid lip service to one of these ideologies when convenient. Cynical pragmatism prevailed in Washington and Moscow when selecting African clients. Underlying this common policy was the cynical maxim - reputedly uttered by US president Franklin D Roosevelt about Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza García, but equally applicable to any of the rivals' chosen African despots - "He may be a son of a bitch, but he's our son of a bitch."

This was the line taken by Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev in 1955 when he extended patronage to Nasser. Moscow's doctrinal purists had dismissed Nasser as a radical nationalist in the mould of those military strongmen who held sway across South America. But Nasser was an ideal ally in Khrushchev's new policy of challenging the west in Africa. From 1955, the Soviet Union poured modern warplanes and weaponry into Egypt, which Nasser deployed in clashes with Israel. Moscow's propagandists portrayed Nasser as a champion of oppressed peoples in their worldwide struggle against imperialism and capitalism.

Washington followed suit. By 1959 the US state department was convinced that 'democratic' Africa was fragile and prepared to embrace authoritarian but reliable alternatives. The United States therefore welcomed the rule of General Ibrahim Abboud, who had in November 1958 seized power in recently independent Sudan, bordering Egypt to the south. Abboud declared himself an enemy of communism and of the Soviet-supported Nasser. The pattern was set for the next 30 years of proxy rivalry in Africa.

Exploiting decolonisation

Both the Soviet Union and the United States were quick to exploit the myriad difficulties that accompanied decolonisation in Africa. The Second World War had given enormous impetus to the embryonic nationalist movements in British and French colonies. Both powers had called on their African subjects to fight for them, and the response had been impressive: more than one million Africans fought in Europe, north Africa and the far east, and were repeatedly told that they were risking their lives for freedom and democracy.

Many returned home full of new ideas, and began to question the old imperial order. In Kenya's villages, for example, young demobbed soldiers expressed their new confidence by scoffing at their chiefs and tribal elders. Elsewhere, this spilled over into anger. Krim Belkacem, who served in the French army and was later a partisan leader and a minister in the provisional Algerian government before independence, spoke for many veterans when he declared: "My brother returned from Europe with medals and frostbitten feet! There, everyone was equal! Why not here?"

Empires had always proclaimed intended reciprocity. Britain and France, in particular, had taken pride in the belief that their rule was benevolent and progressive, and that - at some unspecified date in the future - their colonies would achieve independence. After 1945, the pace of change quickened. In 1947 self-government was granted to India by Britain's Labour government, which was also committed (as were the Conservatives) to self-determination for African colonies. That change was, they suggested, to be achieved over 40 or so years; impatient African nationalist politicians accused them of procrastination. The Soviets exploited such reactions, offering sympathy and friendship, and accusing the imperialists of slyly seeking to retain their power to exploit their subjects.

France, too, prevaricated. In 1948 President Vincent Auriol reminded Algerians that their country "was never a state; you were rescued from slavery as well as tribes fighting each other. Without France, what would you be or do?" This was the view of many French people, and of many of the 700,000 European settlers ( colons) in Algeria who enjoyed the advantages of French citizenship. In 1954 the Algerian Front de Libération Nationale (National Liberation Front) began an uprising that triggered an eight-year partisan war of attrition in which more than a million died, most of them Arabs.

France persuaded a sceptical Washington that it was fighting communist-backed insurgents in Algeria; the result was that Sikorsky helicopters, manufactured in the United States and intended for Nato service, were used to hunt down Algerian guerrillas. The point was not lost on Soviet propagandists.

Spirit of nationalism

At this point, the United States was in a quandary. Britain, France, Belgium and Portugal were valuable Nato allies - but, if they persisted in resisting African nationalist movements or delaying independence, they were offering the Soviet Union a propaganda bonus. As US president Dwight D Eisenhower explained to Winston Churchill in 1954: "We are falsely pictured as the exploiters of people, the Soviets as their champions." It would be foolhardy, he warned, to ignore the "fierce and growing spirit of nationalism" spreading across Africa and Asia. Moreover - and this was a growing source of anxiety for Washington - Britain and France no longer enjoyed their former prestige in Africa, and their efforts to cling on there imperilled American interests.

Neither Britain nor France would acknowledge their weaknesses. Rather, in 1956, they attempted to recover their old influence by their joint invasion of Egypt. This coup de main misfired. Afterwards, US secretary of state John Foster Dulles concluded that it was now imperative for America "to fill the vacuum of power which the British filled for a century". The following year, when Vice-President Richard Nixon returned from an African tour he reported that "French patronage and influence in north Africa are decreasing at an alarming rate".

The Soviet Union, too, hoped to fill that power vacuum, posing as the patron and armourer of colonial liberation movements. America did likewise. Both tended to favour ambitious local military men who possessed hard power on the ground. The officer and non-commissioned officer corps of former colonial armies became a praetorian guard of newly independent states, and palace revolutions propelled to power such figures as army commander Idi Amin in Uganda in a 1971 west-backed coup, and Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam, the Soviets' choice in Ethiopia, who effectively took power in 1974.

Winning influence in Africa

Britain was anxious that power in Africa was handed to dependable politicians. MI5 monitored nationalist movements, and trembled whenever it believed these movements might be penetrated by Soviet agents. During the 1950s Mau Mau uprising in Kenya, for example, MI5 investigated possible Soviet involvement but, when questioned, bewildered tribesmen asked: "What does a Russian look like?" and "Can Russians speak Swahili?" Clearly, the KGB was making little headway in east Africa.

One way by which the Soviets could win friends in the continent, as well as spread the Marxist-Leninist gospel among its future leaders, was to offer scholarships for Africans to study at universities in the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact countries. Some students were shocked by conditions in Moscow, which was summed up by one African visitor as having "no cars, no cafes, no good clothes or good food". Others were appalled by everyday racism: one was asked by Russians whether Africans lived in houses.

The CIA brought dollars - and a hitman with poisoned toothpaste

Seducing the elected rulers of newly independent states proved the most effective policy for both the United States and the Soviet Union. Such leaders had come to power at the head of disciplined parties, practised the arts of messianic leadership, and fostered popular optimism. But could they deliver a golden age for their followers? Their backers assured them that they could. In the early 1960s the KGB cultivated Kwame Nkrumah, charismatic first prime minister then president of independent Ghana, only to discover (by breaking Ghanaian wireless codes) that he and his cronies were squirrelling away Soviet subsidies. The CIA wrote off Nkrumah as "a vain opportunist and playboy", and in 1966 were believed to have been involved in a coup that toppled him from power. He went into exile, followed by 1,000 of his Soviet advisors. His corruption, like that of so many others of his kind, weakened economies and stifled growth.

The United States offered Africa's new rulers what they needed to keep power: modern security systems. It has been reported that between 1963 and 1969 the United States Agency for International Development spent US$3.3m delivering radios and small arms to African police forces and instructing them in strike-breaking, riot control and investigating sedition. The one-party states that replaced colonial administrations were handed the apparatus of domestic coercion. By 1969 President Julius Nyerere, a self-declared 'African socialist', had accepted equipment worth over US$640,000 from the US for his police force, all of whom were members of the ruling Tanganyika African National Union Party. But he also accepted Soviet weaponry for his army. This was prudent: at this stage there was no knowing who would win the Cold War.

"A second scramble for Africa"

As Soviet and American patronage (and arms) spread across the continent, Nyerere warned that "a second scramble for Africa by Russia and its satellites" was under way. He was responding to events in the Congo (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo, DRC) in 1960 following the withdrawal of the Belgians, who had enriched themselves on their colony's mineral resources and neglected the welfare of their subjects: on independence day, 30 June 1960, the Congo had perhaps just 200 African graduates.

Within a week, the country dissolved into anarchy after the army mutinied. Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba threatened the nationalisation of foreign businesses, and looked to the Soviet Union for assistance. Soviet and Warsaw Pact aircraft, arms and 'advisors' were flown in to prop up his government. United Nations (UN) secretary-general Dag Hammarskjöld feared the imminent 'communisation' of the Congo, despite the despatch of UN peacekeepers.

There was alarm in Washington, where CIA director Allen Dulles suspected that Lumumba was "a Castro or worse", and the CIA moved in, supplied with dollars and a hitman instructed to assassinate Lumumba with poisoned toothpaste. The money secured the loyalty of Colonel Joseph-Désiré Mobutu (who later renamed himself Mobutu Sese Seko), a ruthless, ambitious and venal chancer whom the CIA believed to be "childish" and easily led. He moved in America's direction, used its cash to pay his soldiers, deployed them to expel the Soviets and detained Lumumba, who was murdered soon afterwards. The upshot was that the country's resources remained an asset of the west, and the DRC endured five years of civil war. Welcomed by President John F Kennedy in 1963, Mobutu was America's man. Following a coup in 1965, he stayed in power until 1997 and amassed a personal fortune estimated at several billion US dollars by siphoning off the nation's wealth.

United States president John F Kennedy meets Major General Joseph Mobutu in 1963. Mobutu enjoyed substantial US support thanks to his anti-communist stance (Hulton-Deutsch Collection/CORBIS/Corbis via Getty Images)

Cold War priorities dictated events in southern Africa, too. The United States treated Angola and Mozambique as strategic assets, arming the 200,000 Portuguese conscripts who fought a long-running war against local nationalist insurgents with an imported arsenal including napalm and defoliants. The conflicts in both countries ended in 1974 with Portugal throwing in the towel. In Angola a war of succession followed, with three rival nationalist parties fighting for power. The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (its Portuguese name abbreviated to MPLA), led by Agostinho Neto who became the newly independent nation's first president, was backed by the Soviet Union - which, in return, was allowed to establish a naval base at the country's capital, Luanda. The United States threw its weight behind the rival party, the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), in co-operation with South Africa.

Substantial and decisive support came from Fidel Castro as part of what he saw as Cuba's mission to engage in the global "conflict between privileged and underprivileged, humanity against imperialism". By 1975, some 36,000 Cuban reservists with artillery, tanks and missile systems were serving in Angola, while Cuban doctors, teachers and technicians replaced their Portuguese counterparts who had returned home.

Castro's commitment to Angola was integral to a strategy that would extend the struggle for independence to neighbouring South West Africa (later Namibia) and Rhodesia (today, Zimbabwe). Inevitably, South Africa was drawn into the conflict, because Cubans were using Angolan bases to train guerrilla units. Some were destined for Rhodesia, where the white minority were defending themselves against nationalist partisans, some of whom enjoyed Soviet patronage. Under American and British pressure, Rhodesia consented to black majority rule in 1979.

End of Africa's Cold War

By 1980, then, South Africa - ruled by what Castro called a "Fascist-Racist" regime - stood alone against the forces of African nationalism. For 40 years, the apartheid regime had presented itself as a bastion against communism - a stance that had secured it a steady flow of western arms. The Soviet Union and Cuba provided weapons and training camps for African National Congress guerrillas fighting black oppression by the apartheid government. South Africa was also, as US President Ronald Reagan remarked in 1981, "essential to the free world in its production of minerals we all must have".

In the event, Reagan did not need to commit his country to support South Africa's last stand; events inside the Soviet Union were now dictating the outcome of the Cold War in Africa. By the mid-1980s, the communist powerhouse was facing an economic crisis, losing a war in Afghanistan and overstretched in Africa. One Kremlin official, Anatoly Adamishin, spoke for many others when he asked: "Why, with all our problems, did we have to get involved [in Africa]?... We could not afford it." Angola alone owed the Soviet Union US$5bn, which it could not repay. In 1977 the Soviets attempted to unseat Neto, whom they now distrusted. Afterwards he made oblique approaches towards the US.

It was left to the last leader of a communist Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev, to disengage from Africa. In 1988 he salvaged what he could in an agreement with the United States, by which all Soviet and Cuban forces would withdraw from the continent, and South Africa pulled out of Namibia, which was granted independence in 1990. Castro growled about "betrayal", but acquiesced.

The Cold War in Africa had ended. The United States had won on points. But Africa was left, traumatised, to pick up the pieces and face the problems created by the corrupt dictatorships that were the Cold War's lasting legacy.
Lawrence James is a historian and author of Empires in the Sun: The Struggle for the Mastery of Africa (Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2016) This content first appeared in issue 3 of BBC World Histories magazine

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Snuffed out democracies and poisoned toothpaste: how the Cold War wreaked havoc in post-colonial Africa

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The years following the Second World War saw European empires lose their grasp on Africa. Lawrence James explores the efforts of the United States and Soviet Union to secure influence across the post-colonial continent

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So-called supply side reform, covering the labour market and tax cuts to boost enterprise was another key feature of Thatcherite economic policy. Reducing the influence of trade unions may have been unpopular with members and the Labour left but the tide has not been reversed by subsequent governments.

A belief in wealth creation and the freedom of entrepreneurs to grow their companies and create jobs were central to Mrs Thatcher's economic policy. They have not been rejected by her successors.

The critics will point to the destruction of manufacturing capacity in the early years of Mrs Thatcher. Tight monetary policy, which fuelled a strong pound , acted like a dose of salts on a swathe of industrial Britain. Jobs and skills lost in some communities have never been fully replaced. For those who believe in the importance of manufacturing in a 21st century economy, the Thatcher years hastened the decline of a key exporting sector.

The "Big Bang" reforms in the City of London have been seen by some as an early contributory factor in the unsustainable expansion of the banking industry. In some senses the dominance of the belief in minimal regulation and market forces which prevailed in the years before 2008 was another legacy of Margaret Thatcher.

Agree with her or not, Lady Thatcher's influence on economic philosophy is demonstrated by the fact that so many of her ideas, which seemed radical at the time, are now part of mainstream thinking. In destroying an old consensus, she created a new one.

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Margaret Thatcher: How the economy changed

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Baroness Thatcher's impact on her Labour opposition is amongst her lasting economic legacies.

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1968 Soviet Invasion Of Czechoslovakia | Our History

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The Cold War: The Prague Spring 1968 and the Crisis in Czechoslovakia - Episode 40

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La France des Trente Glorieuses | La Grande Explication | Lumni

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La France des Trente Glorieuses | La Grande Explication | Lumni

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Post-War Rebuilding and the Cold War: Crash Course European History #41

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Post-World War II Recovery: Crash Course European History #42

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Le tournant libéral des années 80 - Major Prépa

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Alors que l’économie fordo-keynésienne qui a fait les beaux jours des Trente Glorieuses se meurt, la tournant libéral des années 1980 émerge à son tour…

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May 1968: A Month of Revolution Pushed France Into the Modern World (Published 2018)

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It is hard to find a French person born before 1960 who does not recall the upheaval that changed French culture and society over the course of a few weeks of often violent protest.

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The end of the Prague Spring | History Stories

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Protests East and West: Crash Course European History #45

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Dix affiches pour raconter les événements de Mai 68

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Les étudiants des Beaux-arts de Paris ont écrit l’histoire de mai 1968 sur les murs. Collectionneur d’affiches militantes, Michaël Lellouche en commente 10 pour Alternatives Economiques.

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It's Prague in 1986. Levi's button fly 501 jeans are all the rage and a must-have, even in Communist Prague.
But there was no Levis store or really any Western retailers for that matter. Of course, there's no Amazon, Alza or other internet retailers.

In fact, possession of foreign currency in Czechoslovakia was officially illegal. In fact, every citizen who had any foreign currency had 15 days to surrender the Czechoslovak State Bank in exchange for crown.

So, how would you get your acid-washed button fly jeans?

That's where Tuzex came in. Started in 1957, state-run Tuzex began as a network of retailers across Czechoslovakia offering groceries, but they expanded quickly to a wider market from there. With Tuzex, you had to use foreign currency (or gold) to buy "Tuzex vouchers" (known as "Bony"), which were in Czechoslovakian crowns denominations.

Vouchers could be redeemed in Tuzex stores for retail items. By 1988, at the peak of Tuzex, there were 170 stores across Czechoslovakia, offering up items ranging from clothing to cosmetics and food to cars and other long-service products (especially electronics).

In addition to the predominantly opened up it up to black-market sales Western goods from non-socialist countries consisted of approximately one-third of the range of export programs Czechoslovak producers.

Goods in Tuzex were generally regarded as luxury or more exclusive quality than products that were available in conventional stores.

In particular, demand were big ticket items like cars, washing machines, radios, tape recorders, and other electronics otherwise unavailable. Many of the brands carried by Tuzex were exclusively licensed and couldn't be found anywhere else.

Several products and brands available in Tuzex are forever inscribed into Czech history. Blue jeans made their first appearance in Czechoslovakia thanks to Tuzex and were one of the most sought-after type of clothing that were available amongst the youth.

Brand names like Wildcat, HIS, Levis Mustang and others flew off the Tuzex shelves in 1968. From a control standpoint, Tuzex was also an important tool for Communist Czechoslovakia to evacuate foreign currency and gold from the population.

Since Tuzex was state-owned and Czechoslovakia had extremely high import duties, The Tuzex market discouraged people from finding ways to import products from abroad and motivate them to exchange foreign currencies for coupons. In the early years, Tuzex vouchers were only valid for 3 months.

During the 1980's the period of validity extended to one year. The expiration meant it was a parallel currency with a lifespan, which opened up it up to black-market sales.

Outside most of the "official" places for the exchange of vouchers for foreign currency (or gold) you'd usually find droves of black-market voucher sellers, or "vekslaci", casually asking passerby's if they wanted vouchers in exchange for Czech crowns (as opposed to gold or foreign currency). And while it was technically illegal, it was a normally tolerated activity.

Interestingly, vouchers weren't the only pioneering currency Tuzex made. They also issued the first payment card in the history of Czechoslovakia. In 1988, Živnostenská bank began to issue the Tuzex card, which made it possible to make cashless payments at branches Tuzex.

At the time just before the Velvet Revolution, Tuzex had an annual turnover of over $250 million USD. In 1988, they sold tens of thousands of TVs, VCRs, and over 10,000 personal computers. But, following the Velvet Revolution, the easy access to Westernized goods meant that Tuzex no longer had a captive market - and sales plummeted immediately.

Floundering in an open market, Tuzex was selling goods directly for Czech Crowns when they stopped selling vouchers completely on June 30, 1992.

With a strong brand name, Tuzex made several attempts to re-define themselves, even as a travel product before falling into liquidation in 1998 with an on-the-books loss of 120 million crown.

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Tuzex: Grey Market of the Czech Communist-Era

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Life in communist Czechoslovakia according to a historian

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Life in communist Czechoslovakia according to a historian

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Communism in Czechoslovakia. Important chapter of our long, impressive history. Unfortunately another one with not very positive content. Many of my clients ask me on the tours about communism. And I am glad for that! But how to squeeze 41 years of communism in only a few hour tour?! I was racking my brains. How to sum up this complicated topic in a more articulate form? With focus on the fundamental moments and important facts. This is the result. This blog post will teach you a bit more about communism in Czechoslovakia. In a comprehensible and hopefully interesting way.
And who is writing this blog for you? My name is Dana. And as you have seen in the upper paragraph, I am working as a tour guide in Prague. I am running my tiny business called Prague Behind The Scenes - designing small-group and private walking tours of Prague downwtown. And supporting sustainable and responsible tourism, no mass tourism. Please don´t hesitate to contact me with questions or tour requests dana@praguebehindthescenes.com

Communism in Czechoslovakia: when it all started and why?

Let me take you several decades back. We will stop in a year 1946. One year after the end of WW2. This was a year when Communist party won the elections. The last free parliamentary elections held in Czechoslovakia until the end of communist regime. Yes, free election didn´t exist during the communism. It wasn´t mandatory to vote, but if you didn´t show up, you were in trouble. They strictly controled that. And of course, you could only choose from one party. Guess which one. In the polling room you were given the communist party ballot and in front of the observers you had to put it in the ballot box. No privacy, no other choice. Yes to communism by 99.9% of voters. You had to vote for them even if you didn´t want. Humiliation, absurdity.

How come the communists won the elections?

They got 40 % of the votes. With this result they won the elections and got all the key ministries under their full control. And started to place agents in the government structures. Two years later they changed the winery into a dictatorship that lasted 41 years. But the question is: how could they win? Communists basically misused the post-war atmosphere in Czechoslovakia. People were excited and motivated about building a new and better future. All together. Share things, work together, equally. Leftist ideals were inspiring for many Czechoslovaks and that's how communists lured people. They also liked to present themself as peacemakers and peacekeepers (powerful and resonating words in the post-war era). And of course the Soviet Union had a pretty good reputation in Czechoslovakia. As one of our liberators at the end of WW2. While the West was still seen as betrayer. Why betrayer? Because of the Munich Agreement, sometimes also called Munich Betrayal - when Great Britain, Italy and France agreed with anexation of Czech Sudetenlands by Nazi Germany. They thought this would stop Hitler from starting a bigger international war conflict. But we know how this all ended. Policy of appeasement (policy of concessions) doesn 't work.

1948: Takeover of the power by communists

The spreading influence of communists, unbearable pressure on democratic opposition and democratic president resulted in full takeover of the country by communists. This was in February 1948. How? It was all well prepared and controlled by Stalin from Moscow. He was threatening and pushing on the Czechoslovak communist party to finally take over the regime here. He didn´t need friends and allies in Czechoslovakia, he wanted full and brutal control over us. Stalin also blocked our chances to participate in the Marshall Plan negotiations (Marshall Plan was a post-war recovery programme initiated and funded by the USA). This would help our country immensely. But Stalin was afraid of the economical interventions of the West and losing his control over us. Communist were ready for the coup, they even formed absolutely bizarre, scary and agressive armed units of civilians called "militias' (armed fist of the working people). Individuals, usually not very educated who got guns and power. They often helped in repressing opponents or demonstrants. By massacring them. On February 25 we officially got behind the Iron Curtain, became a satelite country of USSR and communism in Czechoslovakia finally revealed its real face.

How was life in communist Czechoslovakia?

Lives of people were fully under control of the communist party. There was no freedom. People were facing show trials, purges, many families broke up, friendships ended when people emigrated. Properties and businesses of people were nationalized. Intelectual elites were struggling. They were often not allowed to work in their fields or in positions they were qualified for. Just like the Czech inventor of soft contact lenses, prof. Otto Wichterle. Did you know that contact lenses were invented in Czechoslovakia? With a help of children's mechanical construction set called Merkur because prof. Wichterle wasn´t allowed to work on this invention in a regular laboratory.

The working class of uneducated people was in charge. Communists were afraid of educated people. Did you know there is a bridge in Prague nicknamed "Bridge of Intelligentsia"? This bridge was built by all the educated people who were fired from their positions (lawyers, priests, doctors, philosophers...). There were thousands of imprisoned opponents of the regime. Priests and monks were expelled from churches or monasteries and sent to working camps. Or to prisons where many of them were tortured and died.

Omnipresent censorship, limited access to quality culture, closed borders. That was every day reality in the communist Czechoslovakia. We got stuck in time. No development. Besides that, shops were not supplied well as the economy was "centrally planned". They basically planned everything 5 years ahead: designs, amounts, prices...that´s why there was often a shortage of certain products and line ups. For example for toilet tissues (yes, sometimes we used old newspapers instead), nylons, eyelets for curtains, menstrual supplies (women made their own at home, filled with cotton wool) but on the other hand we really had lot of steel. Steel for breakfast, steel for lunch, steel for dinner! Did you want a car or washing machine during the communism? You had to join a waiting list, register and maybe...one day...in several years... you could drive your own car.

Buying a car during communism wasn´t easy, even if you had enough money. Foto: Archiv Jana Tučka

1968: Socialism with a human face and a glipse of freedom

Very important year in our communist history came in 1968. This was a year of big hopes but also big dissappointment in the end. A new president was elected and believe it or not, his name was Svoboda which means freedom in English! There were also new, progressive leaders of the Communist party who came up with a number of surprisingly meaningful reforms. Their goal was to create something what we call "socialism with human face". During this short period of certain liberalization in Czechoslovakia people could finally experience more freedoms, censorship was abolished, Czechoslovak citizens could travel again and many other positive changes. That was a shocking twist and all the reforms were greatfully accepted by public. Yes, we were still part of the Eastern Block and communist country but the life of people got better and more optimistic. At least for several months. This period we call Prague Spring because most of the changes happened during the spring time of 1968.

1968: Invasion to Czechoslovakia led by USSR army

All the turbulent changes were absolutely unaccepted by USSR. Such a rebelion in the Eastern Block! But soviets quickly came up with very agressive solution as they were seriously afraid of counter-revolution in Czechoslovakia. Czechoslovakia was invaded by Warsaw pact army on August 21, 1968 when thousands of soldiers from USSR, Hungary, Poland, East Germany and Bulgaria crossed our borders. At night when everybody was sleeping. Czechoslovaks woke up into a very sad morning. There were tanks and soldiers in the streets. In total 750 000 soldiers arrived to control the situation. Communist leaders of the "reform" wing were arrested and transported to Moscow where they had to sign a "Moscow Protocol". By signing it they refused all the Prague Spring reforms and expressed consent with the invation (Soviets called it "fraternal help"). And this was the end of one nice dream. Backbone of the nation was broken. We were back in the locked cage. For the next 21 years. And the troops? 75 000 soldiers stayed here to patrol our obedience. The last soldiers left Czechoslovakia in 1991.

80´s: Communism in Czechoslovakia is slowly dying

In the second half of the 80´s the political opponents in Czechoslovakia became more active. while the communist leaders were active less. By force of habit they were managing the country without knowing where they were going. Czechoslovakia was experiencing a huge economic decline. Another shock for Czechoslovak communists were all the progressive reforms initiated by the new USSR president Gorbačev. Czechoslovakia was suddenly without strict surveillance, without instructions from the Moscow. Czechoslovak people were openly complaining about the economical situation. They also had better access to information from the West where they could see the depressive contrast between quality of life here and behind the iron curtain. Since the very beginning of 1989, the demonstrations became more common especially in big cities. Things started to move from below, even the lowest class of the labourers started to speak up and present their dissatisfaction with the regime.

1989: Velvet revolution, real freedom and the new beginnings!

Velvet Revolution started on November 17, 1989 (International Students Day) as a peaceful gathering of students commemorating 50th anniversary of violent act of Nazis against Czech students in 1939. Later in the day, the 1989 gathering turned into a political demonstration against the government. This was just 8 days after the fall of the Berlin wall! Emotions, high hopes...Czech students led their procession downtown on Národní street. They even got a permission for that! But it was a tricky trap. Police and militias got ready for them. On Národní street they brutally beat them up with batons. Fortunately it was the last violent act. This in fact was the real beginning of the Velvet Revolution as from November 17 the wave of massive protests and strikes had started - as a follow-up to seeing this brutal act against unarmed students. Two days later the Civic Forum was founded (OF). This initiative was formed of a group of dissidents who became an official voice of protesters and unsatisfied public. Civic Forum also led all the following negotiations with communist officials. It only took 11 days until communists gave it up. This was the happiest Christmas in the long history of Czechoslovakia. Later, on December 29 the first democratic president Václav Havel was elected and a new, optimistic chapter of our history just started. After 41 years of communism in the Czechoslovakia we became democratic country again.

Dana, owner and guide for Prague Behind The Scenes | small-group tours and experiences.
Please feel free to contact me if you have any questions or want to tour with me: dana@praguebehindthescenes.com

Where to next?
Dana´s small-group tours of Prague downtown. Where to stay in Prague: 5 tips for hotel locations, sightseeing and friendly downtown neighborhoods How to get from / to Prague airport? 3 easy ways for every budget. Easy trip from Prague: Nelahozeves, hidden gem of Czech countryside only 40 minutes from Prague! Everything about Prague public transport: prices, tickets, hints and recommendations from a local. 5 original Czech drinks you have never heard about: what is BMW, mushroom or concrete?

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