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TEDx Talks (2017) There is a pattern in everything 

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There is a pattern in everything | Jason Meisel | TEDxPineCrestSchool

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There is a pattern in everything | Jason Meisel | TEDxPineCrestSchool

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There is a pattern in everything | Jason Meisel | TEDxPineCrestSchool

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Brainstorming topic related natural and human made patterns and their impact on both the environment 

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11 awesome technologies Inspired by animals                                • Road reflector> Cats eye     • Woodpecker > Shock absorber. •  Worm Tunnel > Boring Machine  • Firefly > Bioluminescence    •  Flaps on planes > Bird wings 

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Natural Inspired Human inventions.                   

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Natural Inspired Human inventions.                   

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11 awesome technologies Inspired by animals ✈️🦅

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11 awesome technologies Inspired by animals                                • Road reflector> Cats eye     • Woodpecker > Shock absorber. •  Worm Tunnel > Boring Machine  • Firefly > Bioluminescence    •  Flaps on planes > Bird wings 

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Natural Inspired Human inventions.                   

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Natural Inspired Human inventions.                   

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11 awesome technologies Inspired by animals ✈️🦅

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Patterns are ubiquitous in nature and human-made structures, playing a crucial role in both their form and function

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Patterns are ubiquitous in nature and human-made structures, playing a crucial role in both their form and function

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Swarovski crystal palace: the art of light and crystal | 2010 

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Swarovski crystal palace: the art of light and crystal | 2010 

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Finding the painting which can help the concepts and ideas to built was more focused to its symbols, which can be traced towards a brand. After the brainstorming session I concluded to take Native painting "Hamsa Damayanti"  one of the famous works of Raja Ravi Varma. India's First Great Modern Artist. A portrait painter of the royals; a storyteller of epics; a print-maker for the masses:

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Symbolically, the swan represents the beauty of nature and eternal love, a sentiment mirrored by Swarovski's love of crystal

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Symbolically, the swan represents the beauty of nature and eternal love, a sentiment mirrored by Swarovski's love of crystal

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The royal who became the most iconic Indian artist of all time

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Recreated Photograph based on the painting  

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Recreated Photograph based on the painting  

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Ramya Krishnan poses for photographer G Venket Ram, as they recreate the painting 'Hamsa Damayanti' by Raja Ravi Varma. This is one of the several photographs conceptualized for the NAAM Foundation headed by Suhasini Hasan.

Explore museums and play with Art Transfer, Pocket Galleries, Art Selfie, and more

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Ramya Krishnan in 'Hamsa Damayanti' - G Venket Ram and Suhasini Hasan - Google Arts & Culture

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Ramya Krishnan poses for photographer G Venket Ram, as they recreate the painting 'Hamsa Damayanti' by Raja Ravi Varma. This is one of the several photogra...

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Manipulating the painting by adding ornaments and brand logo

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History: In 1899 Swarovski starts using an Edelweiss flower as logo; symbolising Austria, alpinism and purity. The block SC logo was used from 1976 to 1988, after which Swarovski decided to continue with the now infamous swan logo.

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Raja Ravi Varma’s famous oleograph for Swarovski Marketing. Hamsa & Damayanti one of the most iconic paintings of a revered artist known for his meticulous realism, he achieved acclaim for portraits of both English and Indian royalty and aristocracy. Equally adept at depicting Hindu religious and mythological scenes, as well as themes from classical and literary sources, his works were highly sought-after during his lifetime. The popularity of his meticulously detailed paintings even led to the suggestion of reproducing them as high-quality prints known as oleographs. 

Based on the inspirational character of Damayanti from Mahabharata. The prince Nala was the son of Virasena, the Nishada king. The swans that visited Damayanti's palace praised Nala and informed her of Damayanti's exceptional beauty. The messages of love being carried to and fro by the swans, Nala and Damayanti fell in love with each other. Raja Ravi Varma painted a series of pictures of on the mythology of Damayanti and in this famous painting, she is seen conversing with the swan.

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Reflection from sunlight projecting patters through a window

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Reflection from sunlight projecting patters through a window

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For prestigious Brand like Swarovski it's important to establish their presence in Indian culture. By blending the mythical arts, culture and traditional Indian ornaments with Swarovski crystals will make unique and precious arts

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For prestigious Brand like Swarovski it's important to establish their presence in Indian culture. By blending the mythical arts, culture and traditional Indian ornaments with Swarovski crystals will make unique and precious arts

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During the walk through Birmingham Canal, we found out familiar art work. It wasn't any normal murals. it was similar to Banksy-murals. even the locals pointed out the location by mention its Banksy's art.... thrilled and excited to see those art works. Hope to see more Banksy-murals.

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During the walk through Birmingham Canal

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Reflection of  sunlight in moving water bodies making patterns

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Reflection of  sunlight in moving water bodies making patterns

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The Photograph as contemporary art, pg no 130

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Charlotte Cotton | the photograph as contemporary art, new edition | pg no: 130 

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Charlotte Cotton | the photograph as contemporary art, new edition | pg no: 130 

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Naturally  formed pattern on a rock which is similar to Human fingerprints 

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Naturally  formed pattern on a rock which is similar to Human fingerprints 

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Visions.  The challenging activity where i could create collage within minutes and produce a meaningful message. 

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Bullring Birmingham | Selfridges Building | Designed by architecture firm Future Systems | Structural systemSteel framework with sprayed concrete facade | The skin is made up of thousands of aluminium discs, creating a fine, lustrous grain like the scales of a snake or the sequins of a Paco Rabanne dress. In sunlight it shimmers, reflecting minute changes in weather conditions and taking on the colours, light and shapes of people and things passing by - an animate and breathing form.

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Library of Birmingham | The Library of Birmingham is a transparent glass building. Its delicate filigree skin is inspired by the artisan tradition of this once industrial city. Elevators and escalators dynamically placed in the heart of the library forms connections between the eight circular spaces within the building. These rotundas play an important role not only in the routing through the library but also provide natural light and ventilation.

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 It has been described as the largest public library in the United Kingdom, the largest public cultural space in Europe and the largest regional library in Europe.

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Archdaily | Library of Birmingham / Mecanoo 

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Archdaily | Library of Birmingham / Mecanoo 

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Centenary Square, the largest public square in the heart of Text description provided by the architects. Palazzos Birmingham, currently lacks cohesion or a clear identity or atmosphere. Mecanoo's design transforms the square into one with three distinct realms: monumental, cultural and entertainment. These palazzos form an urban narrative of important periods in the history of the city; The Repertory Theatre (REP), a 1960s concrete building, the Library of Birmingham, designed in 2009 and Baskerville House, a listed sandstone building designed in 1936. The busiest pedestrian route in the city, what Mecanoo calls the red line, leads pedestrians into Centenary Square. The cantilever of the library is not only a large canopy that provides shelter at the common entrance of the Library of Birmingham and the REP, but additionally forms a grand city balcony with views of the events and happenings on the square.

Rotundas

The Library of Birmingham is a transparent glass building. Its delicate filigree skin is inspired by the artisan tradition of this once industrial city. Elevators and escalators dynamically placed in the heart of the library forms connections between the eight circular spaces within the building. These rotundas play an important role not only in the routing through the library but also provide natural light and ventilation.

The rooftop rotunda houses the Shakespeare Memorial Room, designed in 1882. This Victorian reading room is lined with wood from the first Birmingham Central Library. Its prominent position as a rooftop aerie makes this delicate room visible from the square. The REP with its unique and beautiful auditorium will be renovated. New workshops, staff accommodations and a shared theatre and foyer space will be created for both the REP and the library.

Sustainability

The Library of Birmingham is a BREEAM excellent rated building and incorporates grey water systems and ground source heat pumps. Although the Library is a transparent building, it maintains energy efficiency through the buffering capacity of the building mass and the atria. Sun shading and reflective materials within the facades block the harsh rays of the sun during the height of afternoon while allowing natural daylight into the interiors. The ground floor benefits from the mass of the soil which provides buffering and insulation. The circular patio cut out of the square creates a protected outdoor space and invites daylight deep into the building. The building will incorporate a mixed mode and natural ventilation strategy. The façade will respond to external conditions and openings will allow fresh air intake and outflow. The addition of soft landscaped roof spaces will further enhance the immediate surrounding conditions.

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Centenary Square, the largest public square in the heart of Text description provided by the architects. Palazzos Birmingham, currently lacks cohesion or a clear identity or atmosphere. Mecanoo's design transforms the square into one with three distinct realms: monumental, cultural and entertainment.

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From molecules to beehives to large basalt columns, the hexagonal shape is commonly found in both organic and inorganic objects. The shape is also considered one of the most efficient ways of covering a surface, given that a hexagonal grid uses the least amount of separating walls. Using nature as inspiration, architects are now designing with hexagonal forms in both horizontal and vertical planes.

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Nidhi Updhyaya | architizer.com | Hive Mind: Architects are Making Heroes of Hexagonal Forms

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Nidhi Updhyaya | architizer.com | Hive Mind: Architects are Making Heroes of Hexagonal Forms

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From molecules to beehives to large basalt columns, the hexagonal shape is commonly found in both organic and inorganic objects. The shape is also considered one of the most efficient ways of covering a surface, given that a hexagonal grid uses the least amount of separating walls. Using nature as inspiration, architects are now designing with hexagonal forms in both horizontal and vertical planes.

Some embrace these six-sized shapes as a foundation for planning and others to create decorative walls. The hexagon allows radial organization as well as flat surfaces. A honeycomb-like grid can also be built upon or broken down into a triangular grid, while a hexagonal shape also lends itself to a larger number of external surfaces. While not the most conventional form, some architects have shown how the shape can be used to plan and transform spaces.

Liverpool Insurgentes Department Store by Rojkind Arquitectos, Mexico City, Mexico

When expanding, a department store in Mexico City has to reconsider the traditional big-box model in order to attract more traffic and make a bolder statement. To do so, Rojkind Arquitectos created a façade that interacts with the environment around and lets passersby look into the building. The new scheme includes a network of differently sized hexagons that overlap, combine and open up to create a pattern that looks like it is animated. Made using fiberglass, steel, aluminum and glass, the arrangement plays with transparency to create translucent walls in spaces as well as large openings to show parts of certain stores.

HEX-SYS by OPEN Architecture, Guangdong, China

Given the need for short-term real estate show spaces, the firm conceptualized a sustainable typology that can grow to adapt to different programs; it can also be dismantled after use or transported and assembled again. The form takes inspiration from traditional Chinese wooden building systems. The system comprises 430 square feet hexagonal cells that can be arranged into different configurations based on the program. The inverted umbrella-like roofs also collect rainwater for use on-site. Within the cells there are three typologies - transparent, enclosed and peripheral cells - to cater to different functions.

Fred Mafra moved away from regular hexagons to a more elongated version to create dramatic walls for this nightclub. The shape is also used in different versions and sizes along with other prismatic elements throughout the two fools of the club. The 100+ hexagons not only hide the structural framework supporting them but also act as an illuminating element. The embedded LED system is connected to a video pixel mapping program that helps change the colors of these lights.

Orquideorama by plan:b, Medellín, Colombia

Much like a tree, this project is a series of hexagonal canopies that contain a central module with six other modules growing from it. Its spread makes it seem like an organic design despite its geometric nature. The central module stands on a twisted column that expels hot air and funnels rainwater. The system allows repetition, growth and the ability to build around the trees on the site to avoid damaging them. The layering of wooden strips also gives it lightness and transparency.

The building's unique façade was a way to exercise creatively when the restrictive plan prevented the team from doing so. In addition to being a showstopper, the exterior also serves as a buffer from the extreme climate. The façade comprises a 3-inch later of concrete with hexagonal cutouts to create shaded balconies and windows. Over this base is a network of white hexagonal frames that act as balcony railings in certain parts of the surface. The introduction of plants on these balconies adds pops of color to this system and makes the concrete slab come to life.

The brief was to create a space that acts as a research lab and also promotes new ideas. Drawing inspiration from the cloud and virtual networks, the studio envisioned a hexagonal grid that facilitates the easy connection of internal spaces. This framework allows users to transform interior spaces according to their needs. The 27 hexagonal towers placed on equally spaced vertices in the grid act as green pockets and introduce light and fresh air into the interior spaces. Additionally, the building features a solar energy system, heat reservoirs, passive cooling systems and rainwater collection mechanisms. The hexagonal form is also replicated in furniture throughout the building.

A variety of different hexagonal patterns strategically placed on the walls of this home turn it into a sensorial delight. The sun's path and climate were some of the governing factors in this design. The v-shape opening up towards green spaces as well as a green oof that provides thermal insulation are just two such examples. The star of the show is a solar-sensor-based honeycomb façade. Some hexagons in the 3D lattice automatically open and close to maintain ideal thermal conditions within the home. To complement these walls, hexagonal patterns at different scales are also incorporated on other exterior surfaces across the home.

The courtyard is a very significant element in traditional Chinese architecture. It stands as a space for the family to gather and connect and also brings in fresh air and light into the home. The firm wanted to provide this element of comfort and a connection with nature to the children in this kindergarten. Following the sun's path, the team added hexagonal shapes to the western side to maximize natural light within. A honeycomb pattern follows along the site with a series of courtyards and terraces breaking up the mass. The greater number of surfaces in every independent module also helps bridge the connection between the interior and exterior throughout the structure.
Architects: Want to have your project featured? Showcase your work through Architizer and sign up for our inspirational newsletters.

Nidhi Upadhyaya is an architect and journalist from Mumbai, India. When not working, she can be found binging on DIY videos, experimenting with art mediums or making a dent in her large to-read list. She has previously worked as Features Writer for Elle Decor India, Assistant Editor for India Inc, Art Director for the print edition of Bombay Binge and is currently the Editorial Assistant at TED-Ed in New York.

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Hive Mind: Architects are Making Heroes of Hexagonal Forms

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These buildings how the shape can be used both to plan flexible spaces as well as create attention-grabbing façades.

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Arpita S | 2023 | Nature-inspired design: Biomimicry in architecture | parametrics-architecture.com 

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Arpita S | 2023 | Nature-inspired design: Biomimicry in architecture | parametrics-architecture.com 

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Biomimicry is derived from the Greek word; Bio means life and mimicry means to imitate. Biomimicry Architecture; is often referred to as a unique and technical approach to mimicking nature in creating various designs in architecture. The structure inspired by nature can be strong yet sustainable since nature is a long-lasting system. The buildings are designed to mimic the functions of nature. The design is limitless since nature has no bounds, and design inspired by nature also has no bounds.

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Biomimicry is derived from the Greek word; Bio means life and mimicry means to imitate. Biomimicry Architecture; is often referred to as a unique and technical approach to mimicking nature in creating various designs in architecture. The structure inspired by nature can be strong yet sustainable since nature is a long-lasting system. The buildings are designed to mimic the functions of nature. The design is limitless since nature has no bounds, and design inspired by nature also has no bounds.

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Jewelry - India | Statista Market Forecast

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Jewelry - India | Statista Market Forecast

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Skip to main content

Highlights

In 2024, the revenue in the Jewelry market in India is projected to reach a staggering amount of US$81.26bn.

It is worth noting that this market is expected to witness annual growth of 4.59% from 2024 to 2028, according to the compound annual growth rate (CAGR).

When compared to other countries globally, in India stands out as the top revenue generator in the Jewelry market, with a projected revenue of US$81.26bn in 2024.

Taking into account the population figures, it can be observed that per person revenues in India are estimated to be US$56.36 in 2024.

Furthermore, it is anticipated that by 2024, 98% of the sales in the Jewelry market will be attributed to Non-Luxury.

India's jewelry market is experiencing a surge in demand for traditional gold and gemstone designs, reflecting the country's rich cultural heritage.

Key regions: Europe, Spain, Worldwide, Germany, Hong Kong

Market definition

Definition:
The Jewelry market covers rings, necklaces, earrings, bracelets, brooches, and other small decorative items that are worn for personal ornamentation.
Additional information:
The market comprises revenues and average revenue per capita. The key players in the market are leaders in their respective segments and are known for their innovative products, brand reputation, and extensive distribution networks. For more information on the data displayed, use the info button right next to the boxes.

in-scope / out-of-scope

in-scope

High jewelry

Fashion jewelry

out-of-scope

Non-wearable items made from precious metals, pearls, precious or semi-precious stones

Market structure

Methodology

Overview

Revenue

Key Players

Sales Channels

Global Comparison

Methodology

Key Market Indicators

Contact

Get in touch with us. We are happy to help.

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Jewelry - India | Statista Market Forecast

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The Jewelry market in India is projected to grow by 4.59% (2024-2028) resulting in a market volume of US$97.25bn in 2028.

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On his way to becoming an international icon, the subversive and secretive street artist turned the art world upside-down

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The Monday session was a quick start to the idle mind to explore new areas. 

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Nina Jane Patel : META and possibilities 

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Nina Jane Patel : META and possibilities 

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Banksy live interactions and works. The graffiti has art and message 

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4 types of Ad message. instrumental, relational, testifying, comparative

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Essentials of Visual Communications | Bo Bergström

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Essentials of Visual Communications | Bo Bergström

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Idea and techniques from the worlds best campaign 

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The media acts as a watchdog which is also known the fourth piller of democracy or fourth estate

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making random posters to master the software 

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As an Indian news audience, we find ourselves constantly exposed to a barrage of information from various media outlets. While the media plays a crucial role in shaping public opinion and fostering a well-informed society, it is disheartening to witness the growing bias in news reporting. Recent months have seen a surge in biased journalism, with news channels favoring certain political parties and disseminating information with an agenda. This article aims to shed light on the alarming bias in Indian media, the misuse of power by the ruling party, and the manipulation of religious sentiments to gain a vote bank. We must be aware of these implications on our society's future and the potential brainwashing of viewers.

1. Media Bias: A Threat to Truth

In recent times, Indian media has witnessed a disturbing trend where news channels often prioritize sensationalism over accurate reporting. Facts are sometimes overshadowed by personal biases, leading to skewed narratives. Such bias can create an echo chamber, where viewers are exposed only to a particular viewpoint, hindering the development of critical thinking and a well-rounded understanding of events.

2. The Influence of the Ruling Party

The misuse of power by the ruling party is a cause for concern. Media outlets, either through direct influence or self-censorship, may shy away from criticizing the government's actions or policies. This lack of scrutiny deprives citizens of the right to access objective and unbiased information, undermining the essence of democracy.

3. Impact on Human Society and Freedom of Thought

Media bias can have far-reaching consequences for society. When viewers are continuously fed one-sided information, their ability to think critically and objectively is at risk. This phenomenon can lead to the polarization of society, where individuals are divided based on their preferred news sources rather than engaging in constructive debates and dialogue.

4. The Dangers of Viewer Brainwashing

The constant bombardment of biased information can lead to viewer brainwashing. Viewers may unknowingly internalize and adopt the perspectives presented by their preferred news channels. This poses a significant threat to the democratic fabric of our nation, as an informed and unbiased citizenry is vital for a healthy democracy.

5. Exploitation of Religious Aspects for Political Gain

In the pursuit of power, some political parties resort to exploiting religious sentiments to form a vote bank. Divisive and polarizing narratives are propagated, which can lead to communal tensions and unrest. The media's role in this process cannot be ignored, as certain channels tend to amplify such narratives for their own gains.

The biasness of media in India is a concerning issue that requires immediate attention. As responsible citizens and consumers of news, it is essential to question and critically analyze the information presented to us. We must strive to seek out diverse viewpoints and reputable sources to foster a balanced understanding of the world around us. Additionally, regulatory bodies and journalism ethics committees should take measures to ensure unbiased reporting and hold media outlets accountable for their actions.

As we move forward, let us remember that a well-informed and open-minded society is the cornerstone of a thriving democracy. By challenging media bias and staying vigilant, we can protect the integrity of journalism and safeguard the future of our nation.

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Unmasking Media Bias: A Cautionary Tale for India's News Audience

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As an Indian news audience, we find ourselves constantly exposed to a barrage of information from various media outlets. While the media plays a crucial role in shaping public opinion and fostering a well-informed society, it is disheartening to witness the growing bias in news reporting.

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Reality of Indian Media | Analysis by Dhruv Rathee

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Media Bias on Twitter using Sentiment Analysis [BERT]

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NEW DELHI: The visual makeover for Doordarshan's news channels marked by a change in the colour of its logo from red to orange has sparked a controversy, with West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee and I&B minister locking horns over what the opposition called an attempt to "saffronise" the national broadcaster.
Mamata slammed the move calling it "absolutely unethical, grossly illegal, and speaks loudly of the pro-BJP bias of the national public broadcaster" and demanded Election Commission's intervention.

I&B minister Anurag Thakur, however, shrugged off the charge and suggested that Mamata's stand was in keeping with her resistance to "anything saffron".

Prasar Bharti CEO Gaurav Dwivedi also pushed against the charge saying, "No surprises there, your love for 'saffron' is publicly known :) Didi, Bharat Mata ki Jai." He argued that the move was meant for visual enhancement and the colour that has raised hackles is, in fact, orange and not saffron as being alleged.
Congress MP and former I&B minister Manish Tewari criticised the switch saying it was a move to assert BJP govt's control over the public broadcaster. "This is an attempt on the part of the govt to saffronise and capture the govt institutions. The said move clearly undermines the neutrality and credibility of India's public broadcaster," he wrote on X.

TMC MP Jawahar Sircar, who served as CEO of Prasar Bharati, also criticised the alleged saffronisation of the national broadcaster saying, "As ex-CEO of Prasar Bharati it hurts to see the saffronisation of Doordarshan's logo - just before elections! It will influence voters, by overlaying the colour one religion and Sangh Parivar colour with a 'neutral' Public Broadcaster and a biassed Govt/Regime."
Dwivedi, however, argued that the adoption of a vibrant, visually appealing colour was part of the channel's branding and aesthetic upgrade. "The colour is orange, not saffron," he clarified, further explaining, "It's not just the logo that underwent change, the entire visual identity has been revamped. It's regrettable that people are reading more into this than necessary. We've been working on revitalising DD's look and feel for the past six to eight months."
Established on Sept 15, 1959, the national broadcaster had its logo designed by Devashish Bhattacharya, a student of the National Institute of Design.
Contrary to political speculations, the broadcaster clarified that the colour change is rooted in the logo's history and aesthetic appeal. It pointed out that the original logo, chosen by then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and introduced in 1976 along with theme music composed by Pandit Ravi Shankar and Ustad Ali Ahmed Hussain Khan, featured an orange hue against a green backdrop.
The vice-president of Andhra BJP, Vishnu Vardhan Reddy attacked the critics saying, "When #Doordarshan was launched in 1959, it had a saffron logo. Now, as the govt reintroduces the original logo, liberals and #Congress are outraging over it. It's blatantly obvious they harbour hate against 'Bhagwa' and Hindus."

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Doordarshan's 'saffron' logo sparks political slugfest | India News - Times of India

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India News: The visual rebranding of Doordarshan's news channels, characterized by a shift in the color of its logo from red to orange, has stirred controversy. W

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the man, the legend and the myth himself

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the man, the legend and the myth himself

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A concept is the main ingredient of any message and will ultimately influence the decisions you make during the image making stage of the design process. Your concept will keep you on track while the path twists and turns many times until resolution. The concept becomes the underlying narrative and the mechanism that provokes your audience; it should therefore inspire, influence, and even offer additional information outside of the main message. It is the designer’s responsibility to combine resourcefulness and knowledge gained through discovery to develop effective concepts. 

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-Brainstorming is the first step in many designers’ process, and it is the mother of many other thinking tools, so we put it at the beginning.                                              -Mindmaping also called “radiant thinking,” mind mapping is a form of mental research that allows designers to quickly explore the scope of a given problem, topic, or subject area. Starting with a central term or idea, the designer quickly plots out associated images and concepts.

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Graphic Design Thinking : Beyond Brainstorming | edited by Ellen Lupton, Princeton Architectural Press, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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Graphic Design Thinking : Beyond Brainstorming | edited by Ellen Lupton, Princeton Architectural Press, 2011. ProQuest Ebook Central,

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Drenched in tradition and history, India's varied folk art forms have narrated stories for centuries through vibrant visual representation. And while each one is culturally significant, Phad painting of Rajasthan particularly stands out for its unique history, origin, and the efforts put into its revival.
The Origin of Phad - A Blend of Performance and Visual Art
A 700-year-old legacy passed down over generations within a single family, Phad finds its origins in Shahpura, near Bhilwara, Rajasthan. Phad is a type of scroll painting that narrates elaborate religious stories of local deities and gods. Created as travelling or mobile temples, these traditional paintings were carried by priest-singers of the Rabari tribe, called Bhopas and Bhopis, who would sing and perform stories of their local deities - Devnarayanji (a reincarnation of Vishnu) and Pabuji (a local hero). The Phad painting would be unrolled, or unfolded after sunset, and the performance in front of village members, would last into the night. This is perhaps why the paintings are called 'Phad', which means 'fold' in the local dialect.
Phad Painting depicting the story of "Pabuji Ki Vivaah"
While the male priest (Bhopa) would sing and narrate the story depicted in the Phad painting, his wife (Bhopi) would accompany through song and dance, while also putting a spotlight on the corresponding section in the painting, using a lamp. A two-string instrument called the 'ravanhatta' would be used in the performance.

What adds to the uniqueness of Phad art, is that historically, it was only members of the Joshi family, belonging to the Chipa caste, that created these paintings. The Bhopas (priests) would commission the Joshis to make a Phad to use in their performances. The traditional paintings used to be large, with "Pabuji ki phad", or Phad paintings of Pabuji being 13 armlengths long, and those of Devnarayan being nearly 30 feet long.
Of Technique, Colours and Characteristics Kalyan Joshi working on a Phad Painting; Image Source: The Hindu
Today, while the storytelling tradition of the Bhopas is still alive in some villages, the significance of Phad paintings has moved much beyond, with efforts made by several members of the Joshi family, including Shree Lal Joshi, Nand Kishor Joshi, Shanti Lal Joshi, Kalyan Joshi, Gopal Joshi, Prakash Joshi, and Vijay Joshi, to increase appreciation for Phad as an art form.
Phad Painting - Click to Purchase on Artisera
Phad artists need to be extremely skilled, adhering to techniques taught by ancestors. Depending on the complexity, it can take between a few weeks to a few months to complete an artwork.

Phad paintings are created on hand-woven coarse cotton cloth, which is soaked overnight to thicken the threads. It is then stiffened with starch from rice or wheat flour, stretched, dried in the sun and rubbed with a moonstone to smoothen the surface and give it a sheen. The entire process of making a Phad painting is completely natural, with the use of natural fibres, and natural paints sourced from stones, flowers, plants and herbs. The paints are handmade by the artists, and mixed with gum and water before applying to cloth.

Typical colours seen in a Phad painting are yellow, orange, green, brown, red, blue and black. Each colour is used for specific purposes - yellow for creating the initial outline and in ornaments and clothing, orange for limbs and the torso, green for trees and vegetation, brown for architectural structures, red for royal clothing and flags as well as a thick border, and blue for water or curtains. Black is applied at the end as outlines.

An artist creating a Phad painting; Image Source: Avinash Maurya
Traditions of the Past Phad Painting titled 'Lord Ram's Rajya Abhishek' Revival, Survival and Change in Modern Times Shri Lal Joshi teaching the art of Phad; Image Source: Correct Report
Phad Painting titled 'Hanuman Chalisa' Phad Painting titled 'Shri Lakshmi Devay Namah'
Click to Purchase on Artisera
Click to Purchase on Artisera Click to Purchase on Artisera
The most important detail in the paintings is added last - the eyes. Once the main deity's eyes are painted, the artwork comes alive, and is ready for worship. After this, the artist cannot sit on the artwork (which they would otherwise do, owing to the size of the paintings). The artist signs the artwork close to the image of the main deity, which is typically placed in the centre of the painting.

While figures are harmoniously distributed throughout the canvas in a Phad painting, the scale of each figure is determined by their social status, and the role they play in the story that is being narrated. A unique aspect of Phad paintings is that the construction of the figures is flat, and they all face each other, instead of facing the audience (viewer) of the painting.

The entire process of creating a Phad painting is steeped in rituals and traditions. In the olden days, the first brush stroke was made by a virgin girl from the artist's family, following which the painter divided the canvas into various sections, according to the parts of the story being depicted. The techniques of Phad painting were only taught to those who'd remain in the Joshi family, not those who would leave it. So, while daughters were not taught the art, daughters-in-law who became part of the family were.

Since the tradition of Phad art was so closely guarded, it was natural for the artform to face the threat of fading away. With a desire to preserve and revive the artform, Shree Lal Ji Joshi, a renowned Phad painter and Padma Shri awardee, challenged all the orthodox ideas associated with the Phad tradition, and decided to set up Joshi Kala Kunj in Bhilwara, Rajasthan in 1960 - a school where artists from outside the Joshi family were taught the art of Phad. Under the patronage of his sons, Gopal and Kalyan Joshi, this revival effort expanded, with the rebranding of the school to Chitrashala, in 1990. Over the years, more than 3,000 artists have been trained at Chitrashala. Similar efforts were also made by other members of the extended Joshi family. Not only did all these revival effort focus on preserving the artform, but also the painstaking processes of making natural paints and following traditional techniques.

Since the very core of Phad paintings was storytelling, Kalyanji Joshi started depicting characters besides Devnarayanji and Pabuji in Phad paintings. Stories and characters from Ramayana, Mahabharata, Hanuman Chalisa and even the Panchatantra, were introduced, making the paintings more appealing to a larger audience.

Artists from Chitrashala started adding their own unique style to the tradition and were encouraged to do so. Keeping up with the demands and limitations of space in modern homes, the size of Phad paintings was reduced significantly, and today, they are made as small as 2, 4, or 6 feet. Since the original paintings consisted of several individual stories or episodes that made up the entire tale, Kalyan Joshi spurred the innovation of painting just one of the mini-stories in smaller Phad paintings. He also introduced written text in the artworks, which wasn't seen in traditional Phad paintings.

Attempts by different members of the Joshi family, as well as other renowned Phad artists such as Pradeep Mukherjee, have helped sustain and revive this incredible artform to some extent, enhancing its commercial value, and generating employment for Phad artists. But despite these efforts, there are less than twenty artists who practice the art of Phad painting full time today.

In the modern world, there is a need to promote such rich artistic traditions from the past. Their visual appeal aside, art forms like Phad preserve folklore and stories that have travelled through centuries and reflect India's glorious culture.

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Phad Paintings of Rajasthan - A Tale of Tradition, Storytelling and Revival in the Modern Day

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Drenched in tradition and history, India's varied folk art forms have narrated stories for centuries through vibrant visual representation. And while each one is culturally significant, Phad painting of Rajasthan particularly stands out for its unique history, origin, and the efforts put into its revival. The Origin of

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Mobs have lynched at least 25 people across India after reading false rumours spread on WhatsApp. Now the authorities in one Indian state are fighting back - by teaching children about fake news. Soutik Biswas reports.

In a state-run secondary school in the sticky coastal city of Kannur in the southern state of Kerala, some 40 students have thronged a classroom for an unusual lesson.

As the uniformed boys and girls in separate rows slide into their seats, there's a question on the projection screen for them to answer: What is fake news?

Students read the answer aloud from another slide.

"Fake news is completely false information, photos or videos, intentionally created and spread, to confuse the public, spread mass panic, provoke violence and get attention."

For a moment, it sounds similar to a rote-memorisation drill, common in rigid Indian schools.

But teacher Bindhya M, a post-graduate in computer science, quickly joins in and gets down to brass tacks.

"If you get a message on WhatsApp saying there will be an earthquake in Kannur tomorrow, would you believe it and share it with your friends?"

"Yes," chime the students, weakly.

Should it be shared? Ms Bindhya asks again, her voice rising.

This time the children realise that there's something amiss.

"No!" goes up a loud chorus.

"You have to question and cross check what you receive on WhatsApp. Always," says Ms Bindhya.

More than 1,500 students attend the school in Kannur, one of the last remaining Communist bastions in India.

Although the place has gained some infamy for bloody fighting between the Communists and the right-wing Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (National Volunteers' Organisation) - more than 200 people on both sides have been murdered since 1972 - it is one of India's most socially developed districts.

Some 95% of its 2.5 million people are literate. More than half of them live in towns.

On the face of it media literacy appears to be sturdy: the most widely read paper is the venerable Malayalam Manorama, which boasts a state-wide readership of 16 million, one of the highest in the world. Students leading morning assemblies in schools skim the pages of half-a-dozen newspapers and read out the headlines.

Despite such levels of literacy and urbanisation however, Kannur has been in the grip of fake news and viral hoaxes travelling on WhatsApp in recent years.

To combat this, district officials have now begun 40-minute-long fake news classes in 150 of its 600 government schools.

Using an imaginative combination of words, images, videos, simple classroom lectures and skits on the dangers of remaining silent and forwarding things mindlessly, this initiative is the first of its kind in India. This is a war on disinformation from the trenches, and children are the foot soldiers.

In Kannur, as elsewhere in India, WhatsApp, the Facebook-owned encrypted messaging service, is the main carrier of fake news and viral hoaxes. India has 300m smartphones, and more than 200m of them have WhatsApp, making the country the service's biggest market.

WhatsApp claims 90% of the 65bn messages sent over the service every day in 60 languages are between two users.

But in India, fake news and hoaxes are rashly spread through thousands of groups, each of which can have a maximum of 256 members and work as private chat rooms. (For an idea of the popularity of WhatsApp groups in India, consider this: last year, before the crucial state elections in Uttar Pradesh state, prime minister Narendra Modi's BJP alone created more than 6,600 WhatsApp groups to spread the party's message.)

Messages circulating in WhatsApp groups in India range from jaunty good morning messages and all kinds of greetings to gossip, jokes, pornography and lots of fake news, hoaxes and rumours. When it comes to fake news and hoaxes, even well-meaning people believe messages forwarded by friends and relatives on WhatsApp because, as one parent told me, "how can people close to us be so wrong".

Back in the classroom, the students are shown a bunch of slides about common fake news and messages that they have might have received or heard of in recent months.

There's an image of two men on a motorcycle pulling up to a group of children with a message that people were kidnapping children in the area - this single message-fuelled rumour has led to the killing of at least 25 people in other parts of India since June.

Another message saying Mahatma Gandhi, the independence hero, was a womaniser perplexes students. "I was shocked when I got it," says 17-year-old Amit P. "Is it true?"

Then there are hoaxes that many students and their parents believed or fell for. Illustrated warnings about a popular cola spiked with HIV-infected blood; a photo-shopped image of a three-headed snake holding up traffic on a highway; the central bank offering money through a lottery; fake job adverts.

Other popularly believed hoaxes include companies giving away free airline tickets and sneakers - all these messages are illustrated with pictures of brands and products. Another popular and recurring hoax on the service is a fake BBC News item announcing the "death" of actor Rowan Atkinson. "I got this message a few years ago," says one student. "How can he die so many times?"

Two years ago, Kannur had a tryst with a viral fake audio message about child kidnappers. A man intoned that he was hiding in a hospital, and watching children being snatched from their beds by a group of men. The recordings sparked fears of child kidnapping gangs and some people suspected to be kidnappers were beaten up by mobs. Thankfully, no one was seriously hurt.

Things took a truly worrying turn last year.

In winter, parents of more than 240,000 children in Kannur began refusing the combined measles, mumps and rubella (MMR) vaccine for their children after a fake message saying that the vaccine harmed children went viral. An immunisation drive stalled for nearly two months.

The top official in the district, Mir Mohammed Ali, recorded Facebook videos explaining why the vaccine was critical for the health of the children. He even called in the parents, and admonished them. "What kind of message are you sending if you deny a vaccine to your children," he told them. "You want your child to become a doctor, and you don't vaccinate them?" It took a lot of work to undo the damage, and get children back for their shots.

"I think the stalling of the vaccination drive was the turning point," Mr Ali told me. "This was fake news affecting every child's life."

Then in May, nine people died in confirmed and suspected cases of the deadly Nipah virus in the neighbouring district of Kozhikode. There's no vaccination for the infection, which can be transmitted from animals to humans. Sure enough, a viral hoax declaring that 60% of the chicken supplies in the district were infected with the virus spread like wildfire in Kannur. People stopped buying chicken, sales plummeted and sellers went out of business.

'Spirit of inquiry'

Mr Ali himself is active on social media and is member of more than 80 WhatsApp groups. He put together the lessons for the fake news classes in English, and the local Malayalam language. He put down the laws in place to crack down on offenders, and gave the example of a young man who was arrested in the city for recklessly forwarding the Nipah virus hoax message.

"We decided to go teach the children because many of their parents appeared to believe everything they received on the phone was sacrosanct and the truth," Mr Ali said.

"I believe that if we can infuse a spirit of enquiry in our children, we can win this battle against fake news."

The classes are well-received. Children share their experiences openly. They mostly don't own smartphones yet, and usually borrow their mother's phone to check their WhatsApp groups, watch YouTube videos and surf while she keeps a watchful eye.

Seventeen-year-old Ashiyan Ahmed is a rare student who has his own phone, a gift from his parents. He says he was a member of a dozen WhatsApp groups - family, friends, former friends, teachers. He said he would be on WhatsApp for 15 hours a day chatting, deluged by the real and the unreal.

"You can't trust anything these days. Newspapers, TV, phones, Internet. It's a strange world," he said.

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On the frontline of India's WhatsApp fake news war

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The BBC's Soutik Biswas on how children have become foot soldiers in India's war against fake news.

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oon after the violence began, on 5 January, Aamir was standing outside a residence hall in Jawaharlal Nehru University in south Delhi. Aamir, a PhD student, is Muslim, and he asked to be identified only by his first name. He had come to return a book to a classmate when he saw 50 or 60 people approaching the building. They carried metal rods, cricket bats and rocks. One swung a sledgehammer. They were yelling slogans: "Shoot the traitors to the nation!" was a common one. Later, Aamir learned that they had spent the previous half-hour assaulting a gathering of teachers and students down the road. Their faces were masked, but some were still recognisable as members of a Hindu nationalist student group that has become increasingly powerful over the past few years.

The group, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidya Parishad (ABVP), is the youth wing of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). Founded 94 years ago by men who were besotted with Mussolini's fascists, the RSS is the holding company of Hindu supremacism: of Hindutva, as it's called. Given its role and its size, it is difficult to find an analogue for the RSS anywhere in the world. In nearly every faith, the source of conservative theology is its hierarchical, centrally organised clergy; that theology is recast into a project of religious statecraft elsewhere, by other parties. Hinduism, though, has no principal church, no single pontiff, nobody to ordain or rule. The RSS has appointed itself as both the arbiter of theological meaning and the architect of a Hindu nation-state. It has at least 4 million volunteers, who swear oaths of allegiance and take part in quasi-military drills.

The word often used to describe the RSS is "paramilitary". In its near-century of existence, it has been accused of plotting assassinations, stoking riots against minorities and acts of terrorism. (Mahatma Gandhi was shot dead in 1948 by an RSS man, although the RSS claims he had left the organisation by then.) The RSS doesn't, by itself, engage in electoral politics. But among its affiliated groups is the Bharatiya Janata party (BJP), the party that has governed India for the past six years, and that has, under the prime minister Narendra Modi, been remaking India into an authoritarian, Hindu nationalist state.

It was nearly 7pm when Aamir saw the approaching mob. At that time in mid-winter, the campus of JNU, perhaps India's most influential state-run university, is unnervingly dark. It spreads over more than 400 hectares of wooded land, sealed off by a wall from the rest of south Delhi. Residence halls sit in groves of acacia and borage. To get anywhere from the gate requires a bicycle, an auto rickshaw or a long walk. The university's 8,000 students appear to occupy a remote world unto themselves. Since its founding in 1969, though, JNU has functioned as a microcosm of national politics. The ideologies of its students and faculty - exhibited in its hyperactive student politics - have traditionally been liberal, leftist and secular. Through its academics, JNU frequently moulded government policy; its graduates went into the media, major non-profits, the law or leftist parties. Over the years, JNU has stood for much of what the conservative, ethnocentric BJP has resented about the country it governs today. The university has been like a stone in the boot of the BJP, hobbling the party with every step.

When he spotted the mob, Aamir ran into the dorms, up the stairs and into his friend's room. They locked the door, then hid on the balcony. They heard the attackers shattering panes of glass, barging into rooms and beating students. Aamir silenced his phone. "I was sure they'd break my arms and legs if they caught me," he said. The mob had come with clear intent, targeting students and faculty who had been critical of the BJP: a Muslim student from Kashmir, teachers with ties to the political left, members of groups that championed underprivileged castes. The president of the JNU student union, Aishe Ghosh, received a deep gash to her head and her arm was broken. The rooms of ABVP allies, though, were spared.

Later, it emerged that the university's own cadre of ABVP had been bolstered by students from other universities - and perhaps by people who weren't students at all, people who were just RSS muscle. Rohit Azad, who has spent two decades at the university, first as a student and then a professor of economics, told me that although he had seen his share of violence between student groups, "this thing - this act of bringing in attackers from outside - that was unprecedented". It was as if the Young Republicans had invited some alt-right thugs to join them in running amok through Berkeley, beating up black and Hispanic students, Young Democrats and anyone who'd expressed support for Bernie Sanders.

Videos of the attacks leaked out through social media in real time. The police were called, but they didn't move to stop the violence. Instead, a posse of policemen installed itself at JNU's gate, allowing no one in. Yogendra Yadav, a political activist, arrived at the gate at 9pm. Ninety minutes later, the attackers emerged, still masked and armed. Even then, the police detained no one. Instead, they were permitted to walk away as if nothing had happened. When Yadav's colleague took photos, Yadav was set upon by a knot of men, knocked down and kicked in the face. The police did nothing. Later, from a video, Yadav identified a local ABVP official among those who had hit him. In a statement, the ABVP blamed the attacks on "leftist goons," but on television members admitted that the masked, armed men and women on campus were part of the ABVP. Still, the Delhi police pressed no charges. "The police gave the goons cover, gave them free rein on campus," Yadav said. A JNU professor went further, claiming that: "The police are complicit."

he onslaught on JNU marked the middle of a season of nationwide protest, provoked by a new law. The Citizenship Amendment Act, passed by parliament on 11 December 2019, provides a fast track to citizenship for refugees fleeing into India from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Refugees of every south Asian faith are eligible - every faith, that is, except Islam. It is a policy that fits neatly with the RSS and the BJP's demonisation of Muslims, India's largest religious minority. To votaries of Hindutva, the country is best served if it is expunged of Islam. The act was both a loud signal of that ambition and a handy tool to help achieve it.

Since December, millions of Indians have turned out on to the streets to object to this vision of their country. The government has fought them by banning gatherings, shutting off mobile internet services, detaining people arbitrarily, or worse. After protests flared at Jamia Millia Islamia, an Islamic university in Delhi, cops fired teargas and live rounds, assaulted students and trashed the library. As demonstrations spread across the state of Uttar Pradesh, police raided and vandalised Muslim homes by way of reprisal. Detainees in custody were beaten; one man reported hearing screams in a police station all night long. (In various statements, the police claimed to be acting in self defence, or to prevent violence, or to root out conspiracy.) At least 20 protesters died of bullet wounds. Police officials denied firing at the crowds, even though the police carried the only visible guns at these rallies.

Still, the protests have persisted well into February. At Shaheen Bagh, a neighbourhood in south-eastern Delhi, hundreds of thousands of people have turned up over nine weeks to take part in an indefinite sit-in. The BJP has taken a ruthless view of all this dissent. On one occasion, Yogi Adityanath, a Hindu cleric who is chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, said: "If they won't understand words, they'll understand bullets." One of Modi's ministers used "Shoot the traitors to the nation!" as a call-and-response at a rally - the same slogan the ABVP had raised in JNU.

In its 72 years as a free country, India has never faced a more serious crisis. Already its institutions - its courts, much of its media, its investigative agencies, its election commission - have been pressured to fall in line with Modi's policies. The political opposition is withered and infirm. More is in the offing: the idea of Hindutva, in its fullest expression, will ultimately involve undoing the constitution and unravelling the fabric of liberal democracy. It will have to; constitutional niceties aren't compatible with the BJP's blueprint for a country in which people are graded and assessed according to their faith. The ferment gripping India since the passage of the citizenship act - the fever of the protests, the brutality of the police, the viciousness of the politics - has only reflected how existentially high the stakes have become.

he RSS and the BJP's success, over the past six years, is owed in part to its adept poisoning of the public discourse. Politicians, indoctrinated media outlets and squadrons of social media trolls lie, polarise and demonise all day long. Among their stratagems is the invention of categories of abuse for their opponents, to convey with a single label why such people should not be trusted to have India's interests at heart. "Presstitute" is one, applied to liberal journalists to accuse them of selling their coverage for money or influence. "Sickular" is another, born of the RSS's opinion that Indian secularism is a demented version of minority appeasement.

The term "JNU type" refers to leftists of every stripe - from Maoists yearning for the revolution, to moderates who abhor Hindutva. Traditionally, JNU has specialised in the humanities, so "JNU types" also came to be scorned for their soft humanism - for their opposition to capital punishment, to the army's human-rights abuses, or to the state's repressions in Kashmir. All while studying for years and years on the government's dime, the BJP's supporters complain. It's enough to slot JNU types into the mother category: "anti-national".

In its earliest years, JNU soaked up the ideology of the man it was named after - Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first prime minister - and of his party, the Congress. It was still only a generation since independence, and Nehru and the Congress, having led the freedom struggle, exerted enormous moral authority. The university's ethos and its very curriculum were built on Nehru's values, says Rakesh Batabyal, the author of JNU: The Making of a University. It was secular in its worldview, left of centre in its economics and technocratic in its thinking on policy. "Students came from all over the country," Batabyal told me. "There was a pluralism to the university that Nehru wanted for India."

Over the next few decades, the locus of power in student politics migrated further leftwards, into groups that allied themselves with national communist parties. The ABVP, which opposed all these -isms - secularism, pluralism, socialism, communism - remained on the margins, just like its counterparts in national politics. The Hindu right had done nothing of note during the freedom struggle; in fact, the RSS didn't take part in the mass movements that forced the British out of India. For almost half a century after independence, the political parties backed by the RSS remained in the political wilderness. "They used to say that, back in the 1980s, if you were a supporter at an ABVP event, you went to it with a blanket covering your face," Azad, the JNU professor, told me. "That was how embarrassing it was considered to be."

Then a mosque was destroyed, and India changed. For years, the RSS had claimed that the Babri Masjid, a 16th-century mosque in the town of Ayodhya, stood on the very spot where the Hindu deity Ram was born. The location warranted a temple, the RSS declared, not a mosque built by an invading Muslim king. Late in 1990, a BJP leader toured India's heartland for two months, in an air-conditioned Toyota mocked up to resemble a chariot, to rouse Hindus to demand that a temple replace the mosque. (The man who sat in the Toyota's cabin, serving as the rally's logistician, was Narendra Modi.) In December 1992, a crowd of men from the RSS and BJP razed the mosque, watched but unhindered by the police. In the following weeks, religious riots erupted across India, particularly in Mumbai. Two thousand people were killed. The BJP's obsession with the Babri mosque was bloody and divisive, but it also earned them new political capital. In 1996, the BJP came to power for the first time.

On the campus of JNU, in tidy parallel, the fortunes of the ABVP bloomed: it won its first seat in the student union in 1992, three key union posts in 1996, and in 2000, the presidency of the union itself. The man who won that plum post, Sandeep Mahapatra, entered JNU in 1997 - a time, he told me, when the ABVP's supporters were proud and vocal about their allegiances. No one wrapped blankets around their faces any more. Part of the reason for the ABVP's rise, Mahapatra said, was fatigue with leftist ideas. "The Soviet Union had disintegrated. Even there, the left had been defeated," Mahapatra, now a lawyer in Delhi, said. "The students thought there was some space for nationalist thought."

The 90s were a decade of disillusionment with socialism and communism, and so too in JNU. Mahapatra's opponents, he said, "were always talking about abstract things - what Mao had said, or what Marx had said". The ABVP, for its part, mined the same faultlines on campus that the BJP exploited in Indian society. "We talked about Kashmir, about the Ram temple, about the Hindu nation." These were all crucial items on the RSS wishlist: to take full possession of the disputed region of Kashmir, defeating Pakistan in the process; to build the temple in Ayodhya; to give Hindus primacy in India. Dust-ups and brawls between student parties, Mahapatra said, were common. Once, while speaking on a stage, he was injured by stones hurled at him by his opponents.

In the 21st century, the tracks of India's politics and JNU's politics diverged somewhat. Across the country, the old communist parties fell out of favour. In West Bengal, a citadel of the left, the communists were voted out of the state government in 2011, having held it for 34 years. The Congress, run as a family shop by Nehru's dynasty, turned complacent and highly corrupt. In the 2014 parliamentary elections, it won just 44 seats - a historic low. The slide was swift and brutal. On campus, the leftist student groups splintered; new caste-based factions arose. But they all decided, Mahapatra said, to band together against the ABVP. Its numbers grew, but its electoral triumphs stalled. There hasn't been an ABVP union president since Mahapatra, but the group's power and authority have expanded in ways that tracked the havoc let loose by the Hindu right under Modi.

hen Modi won his first term as prime minister in 2014, it was difficult to know how to read the result. Were those who voted for the BJP frustrated with the alternatives, or did they believe Modi to be the economic miracle-worker he claimed to be?Had they simply chosen to disregard the fact that he had allowed mobs of Hindu fanatics to murder hundreds of Muslims in riots during his chief ministership of Gujarat in 2002, or did they actively approve of this overt anti-Muslim agenda?

Only after Modi settled into power did many BJP voters begin to clearly voice their sympathies for Hindutva. These revelations felt sudden and shocking, to the point that you wondered if these voters had silently longed for a pure Hindu nation well before Modi. Relationships ruptured the way they did after Trump's election or the Brexit referendum. Families bickered on WhatsApp groups, and friends fell out. "Before 2014, you'd have found a pro-ABVP student and a pro-left student who were friends with each other," Cheri Che, a PhD student in history, told me. "After 2014, that was increasingly difficult."

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At JNU, the ABVP's influence swelled. Che claimed that faculty and administration positions were filled with people who had RSS or ABVP connections. At one point, he said, the "wardens" - or supervisors - of nearly every residence hall were shunted out and replaced with ABVP sympathisers. Beyond the campus, Hindu nationalists felt so empowered that they formed gangs to lynch Muslims and lower-caste Hindus, on flimsy suspicions that their victims were smuggling cows or in possession of beef. (In Hinduism, the cow is revered as sacred.) Since 2014, at least 44 people have been murdered and 280 injured. The gangs acted with impunity, sometimes filming themselves, as if they'd never be prosecuted - and they were proven correct. In one Uttar Pradesh town, a Muslim man, beaten so badly that he would eventually die, was dragged injured along the ground. A photo showed a policeman clearing a path through the crowd as the mob hauled the body behind him.

On the JNU campus, Muslim students felt more and more anxious. On the day in 2017 when Yogi Adityanath, the Hindutva hardliner, was elected chief minister, a Kashmiri Muslim student was walking to a canteen. It was close to midnight. "I saw a guy, a hardcore ABVP supporter," said the student, who asked not to be named. "As soon as he saw me, he said: 'Now that Yogi's here, we'll cut down and devour the Muslims.' He said it openly. There were a lot of people standing around. You wouldn't have heard anything like that earlier."

In February 2016, Kanhaiya Kumar, a communist who was then the student union's president, was part of a campus protest against the hanging of a Kashmiri man dubiously convicted of terrorism. The ABVP called in news crews from pro-BJP channels. Over the next few days, these channels aired footage that seemed to show Kumar and others yelling slogans calling for the break-up of India. For viewers, the videos confirmed what they already suspected: that JNU was a hothouse of treason. A few weeks later, the videos were found to have been doctored.

Regardless, the BJP's leaders kept referring to JNU's students - and to anyone who supported them - as "anti-nationals" and traitors. The Delhi police arrested Kumar and charged him under a century-old sedition law. When the police took him to the courthouse for his hearing, they encountered a mob of dozens of lawyers and at least one BJP legislator hollering slogans. "Shoot him!" they shouted. Then, inside the courthouse, while the police stood by, the mob beat Kumar up. Afterwards, a news report said, one of the attackers claimed with satisfaction: "Our job is done."

After the February 2016 protest, the Kashmiri JNU student learned that police had visited his home in Srinagar, in Kashmir, and taken down a host of details about him and his family. He hadn't even been at the protest, he said. Then he discovered that every Kashmiri student he knew in JNU had a similar story to tell. It shook him. "We decided - a group of us - that we'd just stay out of things having to do with politics," he said. "We're vulnerable here." A little over a year ago, when he was going to the campus library one morning, he saw a big truck filled with people shouting slogans about the Ram temple in Ayodhya. Out of a set of loudspeakers on the truck, music from the Hindutva songbook poured out. Accompanying the truck, he said, were "people on bikes, people on foot - and they were outsiders, not students," he said. "I thought: 'The goons have come inside.'"

In 2016, Modi's government installed at the head of JNU an engineering professor named M Jagadesh Kumar. The students and the press described Kumar as an RSS loyalist - part of the government's wider campaign to seed universities and cultural institutions with RSS appointees. Kumar denied any links with the RSS.

On the evening of 5 January, as the attacks on campus escalated, Kumar messaged the police via WhatsApp, according to a police enquiry report. Instead of requesting help in curbing the mob, though, he asked for police to be stationed outside the gate. (Later, to a reporter, he said that he'd wanted campus security to tackle the assaults, which he called "unfortunate.") Only at 7.45pm did a JNU official ask the police into the campus to intervene, but by then the violence had ended. The attackers were still on the premises hours later, but the university and the police let them leave, as if they'd dropped by for a visit and were now hurrying to catch the last bus home.

ven before the ABVP attacks, JNU had been seething. For weeks, the student union had been aggressively opposing a fee hike, boycotting registrations and forcing classes to be suspended. When the nationwide demonstrations against the citizenship act began, that was folded into the mobilisations on campus. To many students, the JNU administration, the RSS and the BJP were part of the same machine.

By itself, the new law defies India's constitution, which is a long document steeped in the resolve to treat castes and religions with scrupulous equality. Written between 1946 and 1949, it was an exercise in nation-making - in gluing together a giant modern state from fragmented communities living across the land. To effect this, one of its chief promises was that citizenship would bear no connection to religion. The citizenship act's exclusion of Muslims violates that promise.

But the act is most menacing when read in tandem with other recent government measures, which in totality aim to redefine who does and does not belong on Indian soil. These measures can be perplexing, even for Indians. For one, some of their functions seem to overlap. For another, they're constantly referred to by the kind of abbreviations that are unavoidable in Indian life. The Citizenship Amendment Act is the CAA; the National Register of Citizens is the NRC; the National Population Register is the NPR. On Twitter, hashtags about the #CAA-NPR-NRC issue devolve into a thick alphabet soup.

The government started to create a register of citizens five years ago, in the north-eastern state of Assam. The riverine deltas and paddy fields of Assam lie across a porous border with Bangladesh, and migrants have crossed in both directions for decades. The arrival of Bangladeshis - many of them Muslims - became a heated political issue in Assam through the 70s and 80s. The migrants were blamed for taking jobs, usurping land and signing up for welfare benefits despite being ineligible for them.

Previous governments, as well as India's supreme court, had agreed that a citizens' register was necessary to distinguish migrants from locals. Citizenship isn't always simple to prove in India; in a country of more than 1 billion people, fewer than 100 million hold passports, while other documents, issued at local levels by corrupt or inefficient officers, can be unreliable. For the BJP, the idea of a citizen's register served as both a profitable electoral tactic and a religious wedge. In a stump speech in 2014, Modi told an audience in Assam that while Hindu migrants would be accommodated, other "infiltrators" would be sent back to Bangladesh. In April 2019, Amit Shah, now Modi's home minister, said that Bangladeshi immigrants were "eating the grain that should go to the poor". They were "termites", Shah added. The BJP would pick them up, one by one, and "throw them into the Bay of Bengal".

To get into the register, people had to prove first that an ancestor lived in Assam before 1971 and then that they were related to that ancestor. In a country of spotty electoral rolls and property deeds, of inconsistent name spellings and patchy documentation, this was always going to be difficult. When the registration of citizens began in 2015, Assam scrambled for its papers. Poor families, worried about being rendered stateless, spent their money on lawyers and documents. Some committed suicide. The so-called foreigners' tribunals, set up to hear appeals, were incentivised to strike people off the register; the more foreigners you identified, the better your chances of staying on the tribunal.

In 2019, a Vice News examination of five of these tribunals found that nine out of 10 cases involved Muslims. Of the Muslims who appealed, 90% were declared illegal immigrants; for Hindus, the figure was 40%. The government plans to round up all these "foreigners" and transport them to fill nearly a dozen internment camps in the state. (One is already being built: a 28,000 sq metre, double-walled complex for 3,000 people, not far from the border with Bhutan. The centre has six watchtowers and a 100-metre-high light tower.) The BJP is so pleased with this process that it wants to compile a pan-Indian register of citizens, extending the exclusionary power of the process across a population of 1.3 billion.

Assam's register was made public last August, and 1.9 million people, finding themselves omitted, had to hurry to file appeals. Four months later, the government passed the citizenship act. In this grand mechanism to determine "Indianness", there will be one further component: a population register, hoovering up demographic data on the "usual residents" of India. But even this seemingly passive count of the population can transmute into yet another sieve for citizenship. After the population register is updated in September, lists of residents will be posted in each locality. Then anyone in the locality - officials, neighbours, vigilantes, RSS informers - can lodge an objection to your name's inclusion. In such cases, you will be marked out as a "doubtful" citizen - a "D-voter" - with the prospect of being interned endlessly or thrown out of India. In this fug of paranoia, anyone might theoretically find themselves tagged "doubtful": Muslims, dissidents, journalists and opposition political workers. The BJP knows its priorities. "No Hindu, Sikh, Jain, Buddhist, Christian or Parsi," a new BJP booklet assures readers, "will find their name in the D-voter list." Muslims, again, are conspicuous by their absence.

The end game isn't to rinse 180 million Muslims out of India. It can't be, for practical reasons. Where would they go? Even those speculatively identified as illegal Bangladeshi immigrants cannot be sent back home unless Bangladesh accepts them. What the BJP is aiming for is what its founders have always wanted: a country that is Hindu before anything else. In the 1940s, both Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, and Vinayak Savarkar, a leading RSS ideologue, were proponents of a two-nation theory. "The only difference," says Niraja Jayal, a political scientist who studies Indian democracy, "was that Jinnah wanted the territory of undivided India to be cut into two, with one part for Muslims. Whereas Savarkar wanted Hindus and Muslims in the same land, but with the Muslim living in a subordinate position to the Hindu." That unequal citizenship was what the RSS considered - and still considers - right and proper, Jayal said. "So you get a graded citizenship, a citizenship with hierarchies. You don't need genocide, you don't need ethnic cleansing. This does the job well enough."

odi's first and second terms have now come to feel distinctly different. After 2014, the BJP consolidated its success by winning a series of state elections. The government began its citizenship registry in Assam, but its other prominent policies affected every Indian uniformly: a new tax on goods and services, chaotically implemented; a cancellation of high-value currency notes, intended to curb corruption but melting the economy down instead; and an Orwellian biometric identification scheme. The worst acts of rightwing violence - the beef lynchings - were committed by vigilantes emboldened by the BJP's rise, and often supported by party leaders. (Two years ago, after eight convicted lynchers were released on bail, one of Modi's ministers invited them to his house and draped floral garlands on them.) But the lynchings were not directly ascribable to the government in the way that events since Modi's re-election last year have been.

In August 2019, three months into its second term, the government suspended a constitutional provision that has long granted special autonomies to the disputed border state of Jammu and Kashmir. Further, the state was split in two, and the halves brought under federal control. To forestall resistance, troops poured into the already heavily militarised Kashmir valley, and internet services across the state were shut down. They haven't yet been properly restored; each passing day sets a new record for the longest shutdown of the internet by a government anywhere in the world. Kashmir's leading opposition politicians were arrested; they haven't been heard from since. Justifying a draconian detention order, the government argued that one of these politicians deserved to be held because of his ability "to convince his electorate to come out and vote in huge numbers".

The RSS got the solution it wanted in Ayodhya as well. Since 1992, a legal battle has raged to determine what should be done with the site of the flattened mosque. In November, the supreme court - which appears increasingly pliant to the government's needs - ruled that the mosque had been destroyed illegally, but that the land should nevertheless host a temple. It was as if a burglar, having been dressed down, was then invited to move into the house he'd robbed. The citizenship act was passed in December. Within half a year, with a speed and brazenness that left India dazed, the government had fulfilled some of the chief items on the RSS wishlist.

Photograph: Indranil Mukherjee/AFP via Getty

Given the ferocity and stamina of the anti-government protests since December, it seems bewildering that no similar mobilisations met any of the government's previous moves. From the 2019 election onwards, for several months, it seemed as if most Indians were implicitly in favour of this galloping onset of Hindutva. Why was it the citizenship act that electrified the public into protest? It may have partly been "the straw that broke the camel's back", Jayal said, but it also induced a broader, more primal kind of insecurity.

"With Kashmir, large segments of India have been persuaded over time that it's a troubled region - which is an unfair stereotype, but maybe that made it harder for people to respond to its change in status," she said. "With the Babri Masjid, it was fatigue over an issue that has dragged on for decades." The citizenship act, though, "promises a whole range of unpleasant possibilities". Despite the government's assurances to Hindus and other non-Muslims, "everyone is anxious to be told they have to search for papers, although of course it's worse for Muslims", she said. "There's the prospect of harassment. There's the fear of being declared illegal. There's the fear of the unknown."

This sense of personal peril is matched by a sense of national peril. India can appear to be inured to injustices - the miscarriages of law, the iniquities of wealth and caste, the venality, the wounds and bruises to the body politic. What it still resists is any attempt to claw into the body and rearrange its very bones - its constitution. Nehru, Ambedkar and the other framers of India's constitution engineered the country to be a liberal, secular democracy. Until recently, that idea had come to seem so impossible to dislodge that even patently unsecular politicians feel compelled to pay lip service to it. "Secularism is an article of faith for us," Modi said during his 2014 campaign. By then, as an RSS member, he'd already been committed to the concept of a Hindu nation for 43 years.

When governments have threatened to split away from this constitutional foundation, they've met widespread popular opposition. After the prime minister Indira Gandhi suspended civic freedoms - of speech, of assembly, of due process - in 1975, she had to suppress waves of protest for the next 18 months, until she called off her declared state of emergency. The recent agitations against the citizenship act are similar: defiance of a law that meddles with the fundamental design of India.

For the first time since 1947, when the subcontinent went through its bloody partition into India and Pakistan, a politics is being constructed entirely around the premise of exclusion - of deciding who can't be Indian, or calibrating how Indian anyone can be. The rabid focus on identity is a piece of a global pattern, of course, but it is especially dangerous in a country that is as tenuous a construct as India. This is still, as it was in 1947, a land teeming with so many identities - plotted multi-dimensionally along the axes of caste, gender, class, religion, language and ethnicity - that the only way to make it work is to accept that everyone belongs equally to India.

This egalitarian principle, therefore, has not been just an ideal; it has been a compact necessary for India's survival. When a government starts to make the case for some to be considered less Indian than others, subtracting first one identity and then another as if they were Jenga blocks, the structure turns unsteady. Either the union dissolves, or it is kept together only by an iron-fisted, authoritarian regime - the kind that unleashes violence through the police, as in Uttar Pradesh, or through party auxiliaries under police protection, as at JNU. The danger posed by the BJP is that it is both preparing itself to be that regime and guiding India into an instability from which it may never recover.

* Follow the Long Read on Twitter at @gdnlongread, and sign up to the long read weekly email here.

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How Hindu supremacists are tearing India apart

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oon after the violence began, on 5 January, Aamir was standing outside a residence hall in Jawaharlal Nehru University in south Delhi. Aamir, a PhD student, is Muslim, and he asked to be identified only by his first name. He had come to return a book to a classmate when he saw 50 or 60 people approaching the building.

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Graffiti and Street Art : Reading, Writing and Representing the City

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Graffiti and Street Art : Reading, Writing and Representing the City

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Have a Banksy Christmas: his Birmingham reindeer are an artistic miracle

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Rather than exploit ‘the homeless’, this painting empowers rough sleepers to draw attention to their individuality

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(Image: Banksy)

It was exactly four years ago that a bolt of excitement rippled through the Birmingham. Under cover of darkness on December 9, 2019, world renowned artist Banksy had crept into Vyse Street in the Jewellery Quarter and painted a mural on a nondescript brick railway bank.

His subject was 'Ryan' a homeless man hunkering down for the cold night on a hard bench. His bed appeared as a sleigh and a pair of galloping reindeers seemed to spirit him far away from his miserable existence. Their backs and antlers illuminated by moonlight.

The mysterious artist announced his work on Instagram, writing "God bless Birmingham. In the 20 minutes we filmed Ryan on this bench passers-by gave him a hot drink, two chocolate bars and a lighter - without him ever asking for anything." #Banksy."
Read More: The Banksy artwork in the Jewellery Quarter
Within minutes, crowds consisting of everyone from uniformed schoolchildren, police officers, workers in their high viz, to the suited flocked to take in his creation

They waited patiently to sit on the bench or take selfies. Like the Raging Bull of the Commonwealth Games which would trot into Centenary Square years later, this Banksy was a unifying piece of work.

This was another gem for the Jewellery Quarter. For months, the spot was congested with throngs of visitors. It sparked numerous conversations around homelessness.

Perspex screens were placed on top to protect it from vandals and the elements. Four years on, it is slightly obscured by condensation collecting underneath the plastic sheets due to the winter and you can park right alongside it. The crowds may be gone but is still a major attraction.

Andy, from Mr Chains opposite the painting, said: "They do tours around the Jewellery Quarter and they stop and take picture s. We have people pose on the benches quite frequently.

"It's still a draw for people. They make the effort to come and see it."

Pete Smith, from the Vault 88, said: "Yes, they are still coming. We see lots of tour groups, it's still an attraction.

"It's good for the area, they've preserved it well."
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Brian Allen, from Kensington Jewellery, said: "Every time people come on a Saturday, they will stop and have their photo taken with it. We still see groups, people posing."

Phyl Simpkin, from the Stone Room, said: "The perspex clouds up all the time so you can't see it. You don't have the queues and there a couple of tours that come round the area and they take them there first."
Stay Read more: Health and safety review after boys died on frozen lake Four boys died droned after 'falling through ice after playing on frozen lake' Hundreds pay tribute to Babbs Mill Lake victims during emotional vigil up to date with the very latest from your Birmingham or West Midlands street or neighbourhood with our Birmingham News Email Updates.

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Fate of the Brum Banksy highlighting the plight of the homeless

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It has been four years since the world-renowned street artist painted a mural to depict the plight of the homeless in the Jewellery Quarter

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Reimagine iconic Birmingham elements with a nod to Indian culture. 

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Color can enhance and alter our perceptions and, in certain circumstances, provoke an emotional response. There is a lot of science behind color, often referred to as color psychology, which studies the effects of color on moods, feelings, and behaviors. While our reaction to color can be affected by our personal experiences and cultural background, there are certain crosscultural generalities that can be applied to the psychological associations and feelings evoked by certain colors and color combinations

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- Yellow: The color of knowledge and abundance. yellow is the symbol of power, wisdom, and honor.  - Red: The color of strength and fertility.  - Green: The color symbolizes beginning and happiness.                                                                         - Blue: The color of Lord Krishna, one of the most celebrated god in Indian culture. The color often represents wealth and virtue..                                         - Saffron: The most sacred color, representing religious abstinence and quest for light.   - Purple : Royalty, luxury, nobility, power, and ambition

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Indian Themed Posters and brand promotions 

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- Phad Painting -Lotus - Bus stop sign, name board, welcome board

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Ryan & His Christmas: case study mural observation