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César Chávez: Nacido, 1927, en Arizona. Pasó 2 años en la Marina de los Estados Unidos. Se involucró en la Organización de Servicios Comunitarios ayudando los trabajadores a registrarse votar. Creó un periódico para los trabajadores agrícolas y comenzó a organizar huelgas junto con los trabajadores agrícolas. Él cofundo la Asociación Nacional de Trabajadores Agrícolas con Dolores Huerta. Ayudó a promesa la pasa de la Ley de Relaciones Laborales Agrícolas de California. Que garantiza la paz y la justicia para todos los trabajadores agrícolas. Después de estos grandes hechos, es recordado como un icono para los trabajadores organizados y los grupos izquierdistas en los EE.UU. Murió en 1983 en su estado natal, Arizona.

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Dolores Huerta: Nacida, de 1930 años en Nuevo México, cofundó CSO que dirigió para el registro de votantes y luchó por mejoras económicas para los hispanos. Abogó por los derechos de las mujeres, los inmigrantes, los agricultores y las personas en la pobreza a través de boicots y huelgas, también a través de iniciativas de justicia social y organización de la comunitaria. Ella ser 93 hoy.

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Rosalio Muñoz: Nacido en 1938, California. Un chicano quíen fue más reconocido por su brutalidad anti-guerra y anti-policía. En 1970, organizó una marcha pacífica junto con Ramsés Noriega donde 30,000 mexicoamericanos protestaron contra la guerra en Vietnam. El evento se convirtió en una muestra de brutalidad policial después de que los alguaciles atacaran y gasearan a el grupo de personas, lo que provocó la muerte de 3 personas, incluido el amigo y periodista de Muñoz, Rubén Salazar. Se negó a ser reclutado para la guerra de Vietnam, lo que empezar grandes cambios en las posturas políticas de los chicanos y otras minorías que estaban siendo mal pero que también estaban en primera línea para un país que no se cuida por ellos. Hoy tiene 85 años.

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Cesar's career in community organizing began in 1952 when he was recruited and trained by Fred Ross, a legendary community organizer who was forming the San Jose chapter of the Community Service Organization, the most prominent Latino civil rights group of its time. Cesar spent 10 years with the CSO, coordinating voter registration and get-out-the-vote drives, leading campaigns against racial and economic discrimination and organizing new CSO chapters across California.

Yet Cesar's dream was to organize a union that would protect and serve the farm workers whose poverty and powerlessness he had shared. He knew the history of farm worker organizing was one sad story after another of broken unions and strikes crushed by violence. He knew that for 100 years many others with much better educations and more resources than he possessed had tried, and failed, to organize farm workers. He knew the experts said organizing farm workers was impossible.

On his birthday, March 31, in 1962, Cesar resigned from the CSO, leaving the first decent-paying job he had ever had with the security of a regular paycheck. The Chavez family moved to Delano, California, a dusty farm town in California's Central Valley. With $1,200 in life savings he founded the National Farm Workers Association with 10 members - Cesar, his wife and their eight young children. The NFWA later became the United Farm Workers of America. Under Cesar, the UFW achieved unprecedented gains for farm workers, establishing it as the first successful farm workers union in American history.

In 1962, President Kennedy offered to make Cesar head of the Peace Corps for part of Latin America. It would have meant a big house with servants and all the advantages for his children. Instead, Cesar turned down the job in exchange for a life of self-imposed poverty.

Starting in the 1960s, Cesar and others in the movement made $5 a week, plus room and board. Cesar embraced a life of voluntary poverty, as did other movement leaders and staff until the late 1990s. He never earned more than $6,000 a year, never owned a house, and when he died at the age of 66 in 1993, left no money behind for his family.

When Cesar Chavez began building the farm worker movement, he knew it would take a strong union to remedy the economic injustices workers suffer at the workplace. He also realized it would require a movement to overcome the burdens of poverty, discrimination and powerlessness people endured in the community. Cesar began a burial program, the first credit union for farm workers, health clinics, daycare centers and job-training programs. With the help of the movement, Cesar built affordable housing - starting with a retirement home for the elderly and displaced Filipino American farm workers and later, multi-family and homeownership communities for farm workers and other low-income working families and seniors. He established two educational-style Spanish-language farm worker radio stations, the beginning of what is now the 13-station Radio Campesina network. He also established the Fred Ross Education Institute which trained negotiators, contract administrators and union organizers.

Cesar adopted historic strategies and tactics that were novel to organized labor. He demanded farm workers strictly adhere to a pledge of nonviolence. In 1968, Cesar's insistence on nonviolence drew dissent from some union staff and young male strikers who were frustrated by slow progress during the grape strike and anxious to retaliate against abusive growers. Some strikers and staff left the union during Cesar's 25-day fast for nonviolence, but he prevailed. Sen. Robert Kennedy came to Delano as the fast ended, calling Cesar "one of the heroic figures of our time."

Cesar had his second 25-day fast in 1972 in Phoenix, Arizona, over the enactment of the state's punitive law making it impossible for farm workers to organize. His last and longest public fast, at 36 days, was in Delano when he was 61 years old, and focused public attention on the pesticide poisoning of farm workers and their children.

Despite skepticism from some labor leaders, Cesar was the first to apply boycotts to major labor-management disputes. Millions of people across North America rallied to La Causa, the farm workers' cause, by boycotting grapes and other products, forcing growers to bargain union contracts and agree to California's pioneering farm labor law in 1975.

Because of Cesar and millions of Americans who supported farm workers by boycotting grapes and other products, under Gov. Jerry Brown, California passed the landmark Agricultural Labor Relations Act of 1975. This was the nation's first and still the only law guaranteeing farm workers the right to organize, choose their own union representative and negotiate with their employers.

Cesar came out against Vietnam War in the 1960s and was an early and outspoken supporter of gay rights in the 1970s. The UFW opposed penalizing employers for hiring undocumented workers and championed immigration reform as early as 1973.

The significance of Cesar's life transcends any one cause or struggle. He was a unique and humble leader, as well as a great humanitarian and communicator who influenced and inspired millions of Americans from all walks of life. Cesar forged a national and extraordinarily diverse coalition for farm worker boycotts, which included students, middle class consumers, trade unionists, religious activists and minorities. Cesar liked to say that his job as an organizer was helping ordinary people do extraordinary things.

Cesar passed away peacefully in his sleep on April 23, 1993 in the small farm worker town of San Luis, Arizona, not far from where he was born 66 years earlier. More than 50,000 people attended his funeral services in Delano, the same community in which he had planted the seeds of social justice decades before.

Cesar's motto, "Si se puede!" ("Yes, it can be done!"), embodies the uncommon legacy he left for people around the world. Since his death, hundreds of communities across the nation have named schools, parks, streets, libraries, and other public facilities, as well as awards and scholarships in his honor. His birthday, March 31st, is an official holiday in 10 states. In 1994, President Clinton posthumously awarded Cesar the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the nation's highest civilian honor. The U.S. Navy named a ship after him in 2011.

As a common man with an uncommon vision, Cesar Chavez stood for equality, justice and dignity for all Americans. His universal principals remain as relevant and inspiring today as they were when he first began his movement.

Cesar's voice empowered a movement. He was a powerful communicator with the ability to invoke relatable thinking amongst large groups of people from various backgrounds. His experience and perspective with the plight of the farmworkers provided deep insight for others to consider ways to help them overcome the injustices they faced on a daily basis. Regardless of who he was speaking to, his points were made clear through the messaging he delivered in each of his speeches and writings. He spoke with the conviction that ordinary people could achieve extraordinary things.

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About Cesar Chavez - Cesar Chavez Foundation

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Cesar's career in community organizing began in 1952 when he was recruited and trained by Fred Ross, a legendary community organizer who was forming the San Jose chapter of the Community Service Organization, the most prominent Latino civil rights group of its time.

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"We don't need perfect political systems; we need perfect participation." - Cesar Chavez

The Story of Cesar Chavez
THE BEGINNING

The story of Cesar Estrada Chavez begins near Yuma, Arizona. Cesar was born on March 31, 1927. He was named after his grandfather, Cesario. Regrettably, the story of Cesar Estrada Chavez also ends near Yuma, Arizona. He passed away on April 23, 1993, in San Luis, a small village near Yuma, Arizona.

He learned about justice or rather injustice early in his life. Cesar grew up in Arizona; the small adobe home, where Cesar was born was swindled from them by dishonest Anglos. Cesar's father agreed to clear eighty acres of land and in exchange he would receive the deed to forty acres of land that adjoined the home. The agreement was broken and the land sold to a man named Justus Jackson. Cesar's dad went to a lawyer who advised him to borrow money and buy the land. Later when Cesar's father could not pay the interest on the loan the lawyer bought back the land and sold it to the original owner. Cesar learned a lesson about injustice that he would never forget. Later, he would say, The love for justice that is in us is not only the best part of our being but it is also the most true to our nature.

In 1938 he and his family moved to California. He lived in La Colonia Barrio in Oxnard for a short period, returning to Arizona several months later. They returned to California in June 1939 and this time settled in San Jose. They lived in the barrio called Sal Si Puedes -"Get Out If You Can." Cesar thought the only way to get out of the circle of poverty was to work his way up and send the kids to college. He and his family worked in the fields of California from Brawley to Oxnard, Atascadero, Gonzales, King City, Salinas, McFarland, Delano, Wasco, Selma, Kingsburg, and Mendota.

He did not like school as a child, probably because he spoke only Spanish at home. The teachers were mostly Anglo and only spoke English. Spanish was forbidden in school. He remembers being punished with a ruler to his knuckles for violating the rule. He also remembers that some schools were segregated and he felt that in the integrated schools he was like a monkey in a cage. He remembers having to listen to a lot of racist remarks. He remembers seeing signs that read whites only. He and his brother, Richard, attended thirty-seven schools. He felt that education had nothing to do with his farm worker/migrant way of life. In 1942 he graduated from the eighth grade. Because his father, Librado, had been in an accident and because he did not want his mother, Juana, to work in the fields, he could not to go to high school, and instead became a migrant farm worker.

While his childhood school education was not the best, later in life, education was his passion. The walls of his office in La Paz (United Farm Worker Headquarters ) are lined with hundreds of books ranging from philosophy, economics, cooperatives, and unions, to biographies on Gandhi and the Kennedys'. He believed that, "The end of all education should surely be service to others," a belief that he practiced until his untimely death.

He joined the U.S. Navy, which was then segregated, in 1946, at the age of 19, and served for two years.

In 1948 Cesar married Helen Fabela. They honeymooned in California by visiting all the California Missions from Sonoma to San Diego (again the influence of education). They settled in Delano and started their family. First Fernando, then Sylvia, then Linda, and five more children were to follow.

Cesar returned to San Jose where he met and was influenced by Father Donald McDonnell. They talked about farm workers and strikes. Cesar began reading about St. Francis and Gandhi and nonviolence. After Father McDonnell came another very influential person, Fred Ross.

Cesar became an organizer for Ross' organization, the Community Service Organization - CSO. His first task was voter registration.

THE UNITED FARM WORKERS IS BORN

In 1962 Cesar founded the National Farm Workers Association, later to become the United Farm Workers - the UFW. He was joined by Dolores Huerta and the union was born. That same year Richard Chavez designed the UFW Eagle and Cesar chose the black and red colors. Cesar told the story of the birth of the eagle. He asked Richard to design the flag, but Richard could not make an eagle that he liked. Finally he sketched one on a piece of brown wrapping paper. He then squared off the wing edges so that the eagle would be easier for union members to draw on the handmade red flags that would give courage to the farm workers with their own powerful symbol. Cesar made reference to the flag by stating, "A symbol is an important thing. That is why we chose an Aztec eagle. It gives

pride . . . When people see it they know it means dignity."

For a long time in 1962, there were very few union dues paying members. By 1970 the UFW got grape growers to accept union contracts and had effectively organized most of that industry, at one point in time claiming 50,000 dues paying members. The reason was Cesar Chavez's tireless leadership and nonviolent tactics that included the Delano grape strike, his fasts that focused national attention on farm workers problems, and the 340-mile march from Delano to Sacramento in 1966. The farm workers and supporters carried banners with the black eagle with HUELGA (strike) and VIVA LA CAUSA (Long live our cause). The marchers wanted the state government to pass laws which would permit farm workers to organize into a union and allow collective bargaining agreements. Cesar made people aware of the struggles of farm workers for better pay and safer working conditions. He succeeded through nonviolent tactics (boycotts, pickets, and strikes). Cesar Chavez and the union sought recognition of the importance and dignity of all farm workers.

It was the beginning of La Causa a cause that was supported by organized labor, religious groups, minorities, and students. Cesar Chavez had the foresight to train his union workers and then to send many of them into the cities where they were to use the boycott and picket as their weapon.

Cesar was willing to sacrifice his own life so that the union would continue and that violence was not used. Cesar fasted many times. In 1968 Cesar went on a water only, 25 day fast. He repeated the fast in 1972 for 24 days, and again in 1988, this time for 36 days. What motivated him to do this? He said, Farm workers everywhere are angry and worried that we cannot win without violence. We have proved it before through persistence, hard work, faith and willingness to sacrifice. We can win and keep our own self-respect and build a great union that will secure the spirit of all people if we do it through a rededication and recommitment to the struggle for justice through nonviolence.

THE FAST

Many events precipitated the fast, especially the terrible suffering of the farm workers and their children, the crushing of farm worker rights, the dangers of pesticides, and the denial of fair and free elections.

Cesar said about the fast, " A fast is first and foremost personal. It is a fast for the purification of my own body, mind, and soul. The fast is also a heartfelt prayer for purification and strengthening for all those who work beside me in the farm worker movement. The fast is alsoan act of penance for those in positions of moral authority and for all men and women activists who know what is right and just, who know that they could and should do more. The fast is finally a declaration of non-cooperation with supermarkets who promote and sell and profit fromCalifornia table grapes. During the past few years I have been studying the plague of pesticides on our land and our food," Cesar continued "The evil is far greater than even I had thought it to be, it threatens to choke out the life of our people and also the life system that supports us all. This solution to this deadly crisis will not be found in the arrogance of the powerful, but in solidarity with the weak and helpless. I pray to God that this fast will be a preparation for a multitude of simple deeds for justice. Carried out by men and women whose hearts are focused on the suffering of the poor and who yearn, with us, for a better world. Together, all things are possible."

Cesar Chavez completed his 36-day Fast for Life on August 21, 1988. The Reverend Jesse Jackson took up where Cesar left off, fasting on water for three days before passing on the fast to celebrities and leaders. The fast was passed to Martin Sheen, actor; the Reverend J. Lowery, President SCLC; Edward Olmos, actor; Emilio Estevez, actor; Kerry Kennedy, daughter of Robert Kennedy, Peter Chacon, legislator, Julie Carmen, actress; Danny Glover, actor; Carly Simon, singer; and Whoopi Goldberg, actress.

THE DEATH OF CESAR CHAVEZ

Cesar Estrada Chavez died peacefully in his sleep on April 23, 1993 near Yuma, Arizona, a short distance from the small family farm in the Gila River Valley where he was born more than 66 years before.

The founder and president of the United Farm Workers of America, AFL-CIO was in Yuma helping UFW attorneys defend the union against a lawsuit brought by Bruce Church Inc., a giant Salinas, Calif.-based lettuce and vegetable producer. Church demanded that the farm workers pay millions of dollars in damages resulting from a UFW boycott of its lettuce during the 1980's. Rather than bring the legal action in a state where the boycott actually took place, such as California or New York, Church "shopped around" for a friendly court in conservative, agribusiness-dominated Arizona-where there had been no boycott activity.

"Cesar gave his last ounce of strength defending the farm workers in this case," stated his successor, UFW President Arturo Rodriguez, who was with him in Arizona during the trial. He died standing up for their First Amendment right to speak out for themselves. He believed in his heart that the farm workers were right in boycotting Bruce Church Inc. lettuce during the l980's and he was determined to prove that in court." (When the second multimillion dollar judgement for Church was later thrown out by an appeal's court, the company signed a UFW contract in May 1996.

After the trial recessed at about 3 p.m. on Thursday, April 22, Cesar spent part of the afternoon driving through Latino neighborhoods in Yuma that he knew as a child. Many Chavezes still live in the area.

He arrived about 6 p.m. in San Luis, Arizona-about 20 miles from Yuma, at the modest concrete-block home of Dofla Maria Hau, a former farm worker and longtime friend. Cesar and eight other UFW leaders and staff were staying at her house in a poor farm worker neighborhood not far from the Mexican border.

Cesar ate dinner at around 9 p.m. and presided over a brief meeting to review the day's events. He had just finished two days of often grueling examination by attorneys for Bruce Church Inc.

He talked to his colleagues about taking care of themselves-a recent recurring theme with Cesar because he was well aware of the long hours required from him and other union officers and staff. Still, he was in good spirits despite being exhausted after prolonged questioning on the witness stand; he complained about feeling some weakness when doing his evening exercises.

The UFW founder went to bed at about 10 or 10:30 p.m. A union staff member said he later saw a reading light shining from Cesar's room.

The light was still on at 6 a.m. the next morning. That was not seen as unusual. Cesar usually woke up in the early hours of the morning well before dawn to read, write or meditate.

When he had not come out by 9 a.m., his colleagues entered his bedroom found that Cesar had died apparently, according to authorities, at night in his sleep.

He was found lying on his back with his head turned to the left. His shoes were off and he still wore his clothes from the day before. In his right hand was a book on Native American crafts. There was a peaceful smile on his face.

THE LAST MARCH WITH CESAR CHAVEZ

On April 29, 1993, Cesar Estrada Chavez was honored in death by those he led in life. More than 50,000 mourners came to honor the charismatic labor leader at the site of his first public fast in 1968 and his last in 1988, the United Farm Workers Delano Field Office at "Forty Acres."

It was the largest funeral of any labor leader in the history of the U.S. They came in caravans from Florida to California to pay respect to a man whose strength was in his simplicity.

Farm workers, family members, friends and union staff took turns standing vigil over the plain pine coffin which held the body of Cesar Chavez. Among the honor guard were many celebrities who had supported Chavez throughout his years of struggle to better the lot of farmworkers throughout America.

Many of the mourners had marched side by side with Chavez during his tumultuous years in the vineyards and farms of America. For the last time, they came to march by the side of the man who had taught them to stand up for their rights, through nonviolent protest and collective bargaining.

Cardinal Roger M. Mahoney, who celebrated the funeral mass, called Chavez "a special prophet for the worlds' farm workers." Pall bearers, including crews of these workers, Chavez children and grandchildren, then carried their fallen leader, resting at last, from the Memorial Park to Forty Acres.

The death of Chavez marked an era of dramatic changes in American agriculture. His contributions would be eroded, and others would have to shoulder the burden of his work. But, Cesar Chavez, who insisted that those who labor in the earth were entitled to share fairly in the rewards of their toil, would never be forgotten.

As Luis Valdez said, "Cesar, we have come to plant your heart like a seed . . . the farm workers shall harvest in the seed of your memory."

FINAL RESTING PLACE/FINAL RECOGNITION

The body of Cesar Chavez was taken to La Paz, the UFW's California headquarters, by his family and UFW leadership. He was laid to rest near a bed of roses, in front of his office.

On August 8, 1994, at a White House ceremony, Helen Chavez, Cesar's widow, accepted the Medal of Freedom for her late husband from President Clinton. In the citation accompanying America's highest civilian honor which was awarded posthumously, the President lauded Chavez for having "faced formidable, often violent opposition with dignity and nonviolence.

And he was victorious. Cesar Chavez left our world better than he found it, and his legacy inspires us still. He was for his own people a Moses figure," the President declared. "The farm workers who labored in the fields and yearned for respect and self-sufficiency pinned their hopes on this remarkable man who, with faith and discipline, soft spoken humility and amazing inner strength, led a very courageous life"

The citation accompanying the award noted how Chavez was a farm worker from childhood who "possessed a deep personal understanding of the plight of migrant workers, and he labored all his years to lift their lives." During his lifetime, Chavez never earned more than $5,000 a year. The late Senator Robert Kennedy called him "one of the heroic figures of our time."

Chavez's successor, UFW President Arturo Rodriguez, thanked the president on behalf of the United Farm Workers and said, "Every day in California and in other states where farm workers are organizing, Cesar Chavez lives in their hearts. Cesar lives wherever Americans' he inspired work nonviolently for social change."

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The Story of Cesar ChavezTHE BEGINNING The story of Cesar Estrada Chavez begins near Yuma, Arizona. Cesar was born on March 31, 1927. He was named after his grandfather, Cesario. Regrettably, the story of Cesar Estrada Chavez also ends near Yuma, Arizona. He passed away on April 23,

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Co-founder of the United Farm Workers Association, Dolores Huerta is one of the most influential labor activists of the 20th century.

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How the Chicano Movement Championed Mexican-American Identity and Fought for Change | HISTORY

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Chicano activists took on a name that had long been a racial slur—and wore it with pride.

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Transforming scholarly publications into living digital works

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Gloria Molina has achieved several firsts in her lifetime - the first Latina elected to the California State Legislature, the first Latina elected to the Los Angeles City Council and the first Latina elected to the Los Angeles Board of Supervisors.

Her victories came in the 80s and 90s, a decade or more after the 1965 Voting Rights Act became law and following legal challenges based on the law, including one that went all the way to the Supreme Court.

"The Voting Rights Act is only as good as somebody who is willing to challenge the laws and make a case," Molina, no longer in office, told NBC News.

Thursday marks the 50th anniversary of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, a gem of the civil rights movement, but now arguably weaker than when it was signed by President Lyndon Johnson.

But for Latinos - often a footnote in the nation's recall of voting rights discrimination - what is more significant is that Thursday also is the anniversary of the 1975 extension of the Voting Rights Act, also signed on Aug. 6.

"It is important to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act," said Thomas Saenz, president and general counsel of MALDEF. "But for the Latino community, the 40th anniversary of the 1975 extension of the act is just as important."

"This law in 1975 was an absolutely critical contributor to all the success and growth we've seen in Latino political empowerment," Luis Fraga, University of Notre Dame professor.

Signed by then President Gerald Ford, a Republican, the extension ended discrimination against so-called "language minorities," the Mexican Americans of Texas and California, Puerto Ricans, Native Americans, Asian Americans, Alaskans, Hawaiians and others who continued to be kept from voting for at least a decade after the Voting Rights Act became law.

"It was a major battle ... that's why it's so important to us. ... MALDEF had to fight very hard to get it included" in the act, Saenz said.

What followed goes beyond Latinos being able to register to vote.

That same year, the Southwest Voter Registration Education Project (SVREP) was established by Willie Velasquez in San Antonio to register as many Latinos as possible. Because of the act, "you could now require jurisdictions to provide translation materials to facilitate voter registration, said Luis Fraga, a professor in Notre Dame's Institute of Latino Studies and its politics department.

RELATED: Politics Starts Locally - The Legacy of the Mothers of East L.A.

Extending voting rights protections to Latinos made it possible to translate registration materials into Spanish, launching larger Latino voter registration drives. It also gave power to Latinos to begin to build political influence, to bring court challenges against discriminatory redistricting and election systems that kept Latinos from electing Latinos to public office, Fraga said.

"This law in 1975 was an absolutely critical contributor to all the success and growth we've seen in Latino political empowerment," he said.

The significance is tangible today as the Latino vote has become a "must have" for any candidate wanting to get elected to the White House. The number of Latinos in elected or appointed office has grown to 6,124 and the share of eligible voters who are Latino has hit 11 percent.

Its been the basis on which many lawsuits have been filed for candidates such as Molina to have a chance at holding office. Before her election to the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors, Los Angeles County's voting districts for its board were drawn so that black and Latino citizens in the urban core were divided among all the districts, diluting their political influence and voting power to elect candidates of their choosing.

MALDEF sued in 1988 and the case, Garza v. County of Los Angeles. The Department of Justice and the American Civil Liberties Union joined in the case. MALDEF won, enabling Latinos to win a seat for the first time, a milestone reached in 1990.

"What it did was create a Latino opportunity district, as we called it," she said. "It gave us an opportunity."

Fraga, who has been conducting oral interviews and other research to document the effort to get "language minorities" included in the Voting Rights Act, said the 1975 extension was "an explicit act to try to bring the entire state of Texas under the Voting Rights Act and a way to try to limit the voting discrimination that was experienced by both African Americans and Latinos historically in the state of Texas." Texas had not been included as one of the states and parts of states subject to the Section 5 anti-discrimination provisions of the act, he said.

That history "becomes interesting when one sees over the last three years how Texas has been at the forefront of lawsuits for challenging the constitutionality of Voting Rights Act," Fraga said.

A half-century after Latinos began to feel the impact of the Voting Rights Act's protections, there are big questions whether there will be much to celebrate come the 60th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act and the 50th of the 1975 extension.

"I think it's certainly a bittersweet anniversary, in the sense that we've now have had this law for 50 years, but bittersweet in that the law is not at its full force," said Arturo Vargas, executive director of the National Association of Latino Elected and Appointed Officials. "In fact, we have seen jurisdictions that have presented more hurdles to voting and because of a weakened Voting Rights Act are able to do so."

In 2013, the Supreme Court essentially gutted the Voting Rights Act by nullifying the Section 5 protections in the act from discrimination in the case Shelby County v. Holder.

Among other things, the section required certain states and jurisdictions to get approval in advance from the Department of Justice when it made any electoral changes, such as changing requirements for voting.

Congress has drafted a bipartisan fix but the bill has gone nowhere. Meanwhile, a number of states, mostly with Republican-controlled legislatures and governors have, since the 2012 elections, enacted laws requiring certain types of identification to vote, cut back on early voting days and limited who can register voters.

In a victory for Latino community advocates, the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals on Wednesday ruled that a Texas Voter ID law is discriminatory and violates the Voting Rights Act. Texas Gov. Greg Abbott vowed to continue to fight for the state's voter ID law.

"We are a community of 50 million, not 10 million, which we were when the Voting Rights Act was signed." - Antonio Gonzalez, Southwest Voter Registration Education Project, who says it's important to fight voting rights challenges.

Nevertheless, another potential setback to the Voting Rights Act is possible.

Pending before the Supreme Court is a case from Texas - a perennial source of challenges to the Voting Rights Act - brought by right-wing conservatives.

The plaintiffs argue that political districts should be created based on total voter population, not total population. The effect would be to end the inclusion of people who are not voting eligible in population totals used to draw political district boundaries.

"If the Supreme Court should decide that should be rule, that would wipe out most of the progress made by the Latino community," Saenz said. "Latino majority seats tend to have more children not of voting age and more non-naturalized immigrants. Both groups would not be counted among voter population if plaintiffs prevail.

Antonio Gonzalez, president of SVREP in San Antonio, said the Voting Rights Act challenges are happening while there are 10 million Latinos who are eligible to vote in the U.S. but are not registered and that number is growing.

If the court rules in favor of the plaintiffs in the pending case, "we would have to organize more assertively to have legislation enacted" to counter the ruling," Garcia said. "We are a community of 50 million, not 10 million, which we were when the Voting Rights Act was signed."
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For Latinos, 1965 Voting Rights Act Impact Came A Decade Later

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Thursday marks the 50th anniversary of the 1965 Voting Rights Act, but for Latinos what is more significant is the extension signed 10 years later.

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El Movimiento Chicano ganó muchas reformas. Unos ejemplos incluyen nuevas programas bilingües y biculturales en el sur oeste y también mejoró los condiciones de trabajadores y personas que hacían labores migrantes. También mejoró el número de Maestras Chicano y Mexicano Americano oficiales en el gobierno. Un ejemplo de una persona de gobierno hispano es Dennis Chávez. El era la primera persona que nació en America con herencia hispano que puede convertirse a un senador. El creó muchos leyes para mejorar los derechos de personas en lugares de trabajar. Un ejemplo de un ley que él creó es la Práctica Justo en el Empleo para evitar racismo y discriminación de  cuando personas emplear.

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El Ley de Derechos de Voto en 1965 es otro ley que influyó y se afectó el curso de el Movimiento Chicano. Este ley se extendió derechos de voto a Latinos y hizo posible a traducir materiales de registro en español. Este llevó a muchos Latinos a votar y registro para votar. Este también ganó fuerte a Latinos que ahora puedes crear influencia política y pelear con discriminación de elecciones que no incluyó Latinos para publico oficina. En 1975 el congreso votó para expandir el Ley de Derechos de Voto para incluir obligatorio asistencia de lengua por Mexicano-Americano y otros minorías en el proceso y cómo puedes votar. Este ley hizo el concepto de votar muy popular y accesible.

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Otro Ley que se creó con el Movimiento Chicano es el Ley de Relaciones Laborales de Agricultura en California. Este ley fue muy importante para ayudar y apoyar de trabajadores minorías y los condiciones muy extrema, los bajos salarios, y los preocupaciones de salud.

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Katzenbach V. Morgan (1966)  El departamento de salud, educacion, y bienestar de EEUU creó un memorándum que dices que no puedes excluir estudiantes porque no puedes hablar inglés.  En 1974 este era reafirma de la corte suprema.

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Autodeterminación fue el cuasa central de la activismo del Movimiento Chicano. Chicanos pudieron crear sus futuro deciden sus decisiones en sus lugares. El Movimiento Chicano fue muy similar y paralela a la Movimiento de Derechos Civiles con Martin Luther King Jr y la Movimiento Independencia de India con Mahatma Gandhi.

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Antes de la década de 1960, los mexicoamericanos habían sentido décadas de discriminación en el oeste y suroeste de los Estados Unidos. Después el Tratado de Guadalupe, Hidalgo pusiera fin a la Guerra México-Americana en 1848. Los Mexicanos que eligieron quedar en territorio de los Estados Unidos se les prometió la ciudadanía y “el derecho a su propiedad, idioma y cultura”. Vivían especialmente en el oeste y suroeste de los EE.UU., específicamente estados que formaban parte de México en el pasado. En cambio, se encontraron viviendo como ciudadanos de segunda clase. Las promesas de tierras prometidas después de la Guerra México-Americana fueron negadas por el gobierno de Estados Unidos, empobreciendo a muchos descendientes de promesas de tierras en el área. Además, hasta 1974, California, que es considerado el más progresista de los estados del suroeste social, política y económicamente para  Chicanos, no tenía senadores estatales mexicoamericanos, y solo cinco representantes estatales. Esto solo muestra que poca representación política tenían los chicanos antes del Movimiento Chicano. A través de este movimiento, Chicanos tomaron un insulto y lo usaron con orgullo para representarse a sí mismos.

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Gonzales se postuló para el representante estado de Colorado, pero fue derrotado. Trabajó en el registro de votantes para la campaña presidencial de John F. Kennedy y registró con éxito a más mexicoamericanos que en cualquier otro momento de la historia de Colorado. Gonzales hizo su último esfuerzo político en 1967 cuando se postuló para el alcalde de Denver, sin embargo perdió de nuevo.

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When: 1928-2005

Where: Denver and Brighton

Why Important: Gonzales was a boxer, writer, and Chicano activist.

Biography

Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales was born on June 18, 1928. According to his article on Wikipedia, Rodolfo had a fiery personality in his youth, causing his uncle to say that "he was always popping off like a cork" - the nickname, Corky, stuck. Gonzales married Geraldine Romero in 1949 and together they had eight children.

Gonzales studied engineering in school, but it became clear that he would not be able to afford college after his first semester. He dropped out and turned to boxing. Gonzales fought as a featherweight seventy-five times. Gonzales was inducted into the Colorado Sports Hall of Fame in 1988.

After a career in boxing, Gonzales ran for Colorado State Representative but was defeated. He worked on voter registration for John F. Kennedy's presidential campaign and successfully registered more Mexican Americans than any other time in Colorado's history. Gonzales made his final political effort in 1967 when he ran for Denver Mayor, however he lost again.

Corky became a leader in the Chicano Movement. He founded the Crusade for Justice, led a group in the Poor People's March on Washington, and organized a resistance at West High School after a teacher made racist comments. Corky also helped to create the Ballet Chicano de Atlan and El Teatro Pachuco. He opened a summer school in 1969 and the Escuela Tlatelolco in 1970 for Chicano children.

Rodolfo Gonzales pursued creative writing throughout his life. He wrote a famous poem "Yo Soy Joaquin" or "I am Joaquin" which was published in 1967. This poem became a bright idea in the Chicano Movement and has been quoted in protest literature, published in plays, and reprinted in several editions.

On April 12, 2005, Corky died of heart failure at the age of 76.

Content Date: Jan. 1, 1928 to Jan. 1, 2005

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Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales: Boxer, Writer, Activist

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When: 1928-2005 Where: Denver and Brighton Why Important: Gonzales was a boxer, writer, and Chicano activist. Rodolfo "Corky" Gonzales was born on June 18, 1928. According to his article on Wikipedia, Rodolfo had a fiery personality in his youth, causing his uncle to say that "he was always popping off like a cork" - the nickname, Corky, stuck.

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Miranda v Arizona dictaminó que un individuo arrestado tiene derecho a derechos contra la autoincriminación y a un abogado bajo la 5ta y 6ta Enmiendas de la Constitución de los Estados Unidos. Miranda v. Arizona (1966) culminó con el famoso requisito de los “derechos de Miranda” durante los arrestos. La Quinta Enmienda protege contra la autoincriminación y requiere que la policía informe al detenido sobre sus derechos, mientras que la sexta garantiza los derechos de los sospechosos de delitos a un abogado personal o estatal.

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Staff in the Hispanic Reading Room can provide access to these books at the Library of Congress. If you cannot visit the Library in person, please contact us using Ask a Librarian for assistance. In many cases, you can also find these materials at your local library.

The following titles link to fuller bibliographic information in the Library of Congress Online Catalog. Links to additional online content are included when available.

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Research Guides: A Latinx Resource Guide: Civil Rights Cases and Events in the United States: 1966: Miranda v. Arizona

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This Hispanic Reading Room research guide focuses on 20th and 21st century American court cases, legislation, and events that had important impacts on civil rights in Chicana/o/x, Hispanic, Latina/o/x, Mexican-American and Puerto Rican communities

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Senator Dennis Chavez, who represented the state of New Mexico for 27 years in the U.S. Senate, was the first American-born Hispanic senator. Chavez quit school at the age of 13 in order to help support his impoverished family. He continued his education independently, however, and eventually gained admission to Georgetown University Law School. From his early years in the state legislature, where he introduced legislation providing free textbooks for public school children, Chavez was dedicated to defending the oppressed. As a senator, he introduced many civil rights reform bills such as the Fair Employment Practices Commission Bill that sought to end racial discrimination in the workplace. In 1950 he was one of the first in the Senate to denounce the anticommunist actions of Senator Joseph McCarthy. New Mexico has honored him with a statue, which is on display in the U.S. Capitol.

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Senator Dennis Chavez, who represented the state of New Mexico for 27 years in the U.S. Senate, was the first American-born Hispanic senator. Chavez quit school at the age of 13 in order to help support his impoverished family. He continued his education independently, however, and eventually gained admission to Georgetown University Law School.