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Roots of Hate: Fascist and Fundamentalist Narratives & Actors in South-West Asia and North Africa Regions - Noor

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In this mapping, we see fascist and fundamentalist narratives act as iterations that harness economic crises, neoliberal policies and social fractures to cement their fascist and fundamentalist power. Militarism, as it manifests across SWANA, is not only the overt presence of armed forces but a pervasive ideology that infiltrates every facet of life, intertwining with … Roots of Hate: Fascist and Fundamentalist Narratives & Actors in South-West Asia and North Africa Regions Read More »

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Roots of Hate: Fascist and fundamentalist narratives & actors in South Asia and Southeast Asia regions - Noor

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In this mapping, we see fascist and fundamentalist narratives act as iterations that harness economic crises, neoliberal policies and social fractures to cement their fascist and fundamentalist power. Militarism, as it manifests across SSEA, is not only the overt presence of armed forces but a pervasive ideology that infiltrates every facet of life, intertwining with … Roots of Hate: Fascist and fundamentalist narratives & actors in South Asia and Southeast Asia regions Read More »

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In The Shadows Of Hate: Trends And Strategies Of Fascist Fundamentalisms Across Regions - Noor

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This report examines the global trends of fascist and fundamentalist (FF) movements, highlighting their complex, adaptive nature and their impact on societies worldwide. FFs operate through exploitative relationships that dehumanize and marginalize specific groups to sustain the economic, cultural, and ideological dominance of a few. These movements leverage global networks and local resources to advance … In The Shadows Of Hate: Trends And Strategies Of Fascist Fundamentalisms Across Regions Read More »

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Leeds student jailed in Saudi Arabia for 34 years over tweets is released

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Salma al-Shehab was arrested in 2021 during holiday in Saudi Arabia

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UAE uses Israeli technology for personal device spying

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Advanced Israeli spyware has been implicated in human rights violations and interstate espionage in dozens of countries

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The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy -

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Beyond the Battlefield: Sudan’s Virtual Propaganda Warzone

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In Sudan, the RSF and SAF fight to control the narrative on social media. Misinformation and disinformation have erupted, endangering the lives of civilians as well as dangerously altering public opinion.

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Saudi snitching app appears to have been used against jailed Leeds student

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‘Terrifying tool’ under scrutiny as Salma al-Shehab’s tweets suggest widely available phone app was used to report her

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Hundreds of migrant workers hired as security guards for last year's World Cup are still being denied justice for the abuses they suffered despite FIFA and the hosts Qatar being warned that they were especially vulnerable to exploitation and workers raising complaints and protesting about their treatment.

An investigation has found serious labour abuses occurred at the World Cup and were not properly addressed, even though Amnesty International issued a 70-page report in April 2022, which sounded the alarm about systematic and structural labour abuses across the private security sector in Qatar.

"The World Cup organizers were well aware of the issues but failed to put in place adequate measures to protect workers and prevent predictable labour abuses at World Cup sites, even after workers raised these issues directly," said Steve Cockburn, Amnesty International's Head of Economic and Social Justice.

"It's six months since the tournament concluded but FIFA and Qatar have yet to offer an effective and accessible scheme to enable abused workers to receive the justice and compensation they are owed. FIFA must now step in and offer immediate and meaningful remediation for the human rights abuses suffered by workers."

It's six months since the tournament concluded but FIFA and Qatar have yet to offer an effective and accessible scheme to enable abused workers to receive the justice and compensation they are owed.
Steve Cockburn, Head of Economic and Social Justice, Amnesty International

The investigation shows that marshals and security guards, who worked at FIFA World Cup sites and were contracted to Teyseer Security Services, a Qatar-based company, suffered a range of work-related harms and abuses.

These included the workers paying unlawful recruitment fees and other related costs, and being given misleading statements about the terms and conditions of their employment. At the end of their temporary contracts, workers said they had no option but to return home, effectively denying them recourse to any remedy or compensation.

For its research, Amnesty International spoke to 22 men from Nepal, Kenya and Ghana, who were among thousands of migrant workers employed on short term contracts by Teyseer. Amnesty International reviewed employment contracts, job offer correspondence and audiovisual materials including voice records of communications between workers and recruitment agents, and scrutinized information pertaining to other workers who were previously interviewed by the human rights group Equidem, which corroborate allegations that many others experienced similar abuses.

Those interviewed worked as marshals and security guards in the lead-up to the tournament and during the event, which was held between 20 November and 18 December 2022. They were stationed at various locations, including the Khalifa International Stadium, FIFA fan zones, the Corniche, and both in and outside the metro station in Souk Waqif in Doha.

The names of the workers quoted have been changed at their request.

Unlawful recruitment charges and false promises

The men arrived in Qatar in mid-October 2022 and were contracted to work for three months. They all said they incurred recruitment-related costs to secure their positions, with 16 saying they paid more than US$200, including four who paid more than US$600, which was equivalent to more than a third of their total expected earnings.

For some, these costs included up to US$300 in recruitment agency fees, as well as medical assessments before they travelled to Qatar, Covid-19 tests and criminal records checks. Five of the workers from Ghana and Kenya said they incurred between US$85 and about US$250 each in travel and living costs in order to participate in a two-week training programme in their home countries, during which they were not paid.

Some recruitment agents told workers that Teyseer would pay them back for the costs incurred, and job offer letters seen by Amnesty International confirmed that the company would bear all recruitment-related costs. The vast majority, however, say they were not reimbursed, despite Teyseer representatives asking some workers shortly after their arrival in Qatar to write to management stating the amounts they had paid in recruitment fees.

Marcus, from Ghana, 33, who works to support his siblings and paid nearly US$400 in recruitment costs, said: "I had to take out a loan to pay for the expenses to travel to work in Qatar during the World Cup. I am still paying it, what I earned was not enough."

I had to take out a loan to pay for the expenses to travel to work in Qatar during the World Cup. I am still paying it, what I earned was not enough.
Marcus, 33, from Ghana, a former security guard at the FIFA World Cup in Qatar

All of the workers interviewed said that the Teyseer's representatives, or recruitment agents who supplied the company, made false promises such as suggesting that they could take up more senior roles and earn an extra US$275 a month, or stay and work in Qatar beyond the three-month contract period, or earn potential bonuses. Once in Qatar, however, nothing materialized.

Richard, 24, from Ghana, who worked at a training ground for one of the football teams in the competition, said: "I lost because I paid almost US$700 before going there. I only received about US$1,500, so I only made US$780. I would get more than that if I had stayed in Ghana. I lost my job as a result [of going] so I came back with little money and no job."

Excessive working hours and no rest day

More than a third of the men interviewed, especially those employed as marshals, said they had to work 12 hours every day and worked for up to 38 consecutive days without a day off, or adequate pay to reflect this extra work, which breaches Qatari law. Their duties often required them to stand for many hours without sitting down, and to deal with large crowds after matches without adequate training and support.

Kiran, 26, from Nepal, who worked as a marshal at the Souk Waqif metro said: "It was a tough job because there was one metro [station] in the area and too much of a crowd. I had to stand for ten to 12 hours a day... just resting our back on the barricades. At times we felt scared because it was too busy, and people were pushing."

Reporting abuses

These abuses led many of Teyseer's workers to protest on multiple occasions while they were in Qatar. Some told Amnesty International they reported their treatment on the World Cup Grievances Hotline in November, but that no action was taken. One worker said a manager threatened to fire him and others in retaliation for complaining, and warned them not to report issues again.

Days before their contracts expired in early January, hundreds of marshals staged a protest demanding their dues, including unpaid overtime and a bonus they said had been promised on completion of their duties.

Following this protest, workers said that representatives of both Teyseer and the government promised they would be compensated, a pledge that has not been honoured.

According to some of those interviewed, Teyseer representatives threatened unspecified "action" if the men failed to leave Qatar on flights arranged by the company, or were told they would have to pay for a new air ticket. The men said hundreds had to leave Qatar without compensation.

No recourse to justice

Despite the men's assertions that Teyseer and FIFA were made aware of the abuses, it appears neither organization took effective action to adequately address these issues and ensure timely remedy for workers.

Qatar has introduced grievance mechanisms but workers must be in the country to access its labour courts and compensation scheme. With no way to complain remotely, and with little choice but to leave the country, the migrant workers have been denied justice.

The abuses endured by the security guards are part of a pattern of harms suffered by migrant workers in Qatar since FIFA chose it to host the World Cup in 2010. Hundreds of thousands of migrant workers paid illegal recruitment fees, or had wages withheld, and have not had redress. Many who helped build stadiums and infrastructure or worked to help deliver the tournament died and their families are yet to be adequately compensated, or compensated at all.

Qatar and FIFA have yet to establish a sufficient mechanism for redress, insisting that the existing process in Qatar is adequate. In March 2023 FIFA announced that its human rights subcommittee would conduct an assessment of the human rights legacy of the tournament, including addressing the question of remedy for labour abuses.

"Qatar's existing mechanism for redress is not fit for purpose and has left thousands of workers deprived of compensation for the abuses they suffered," said Steve Cockburn.

Qatar's existing mechanism for redress is not fit for purpose and has left thousands of workers deprived of compensation for the abuses they suffered.
Steve Cockburn

"FIFA has a clear responsibility to ensure human rights are respected throughout the supply chain engaged in preparing and delivering its showcase competition. Although six months have passed since the World Cup, FIFA has yet to effectively investigate the issue, or offer remedies. Workers have already waited too long for justice."

Responses

Teyseer denied the allegations, saying it followed an "ethical recruitment process" and detailing at length the various measures it said it had taken to protect workers' rights on World Cup sites.

FIFA said that due diligence was conducted on Teyseer but acknowledged there were "different perceptions and views" on the experience of Teyseer's workers. It said it will seek further clarification on the issues raised but did not commit to stepping in to provide remedy.

Both FIFA and Teyseer confirmed that issues had been raised via the hotline and claimed that they had been addressed.

Full responses from Teyseer and FIFA can be seen here. The government of Qatar responded by pointing to some of the measures taken in recent years to reform its labour system. However, it failed to address specific concerns raised in relation to Teyseer, or commit to taking any action to investigate and remedy abuses suffered by its workers.

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Hundreds of migrant workers hired as FIFA World Cup security guards denied justice for abuses

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Hundreds of migrant workers hired as security guards for last year's World Cup are still being denied justice for the abuses they suffered despite FIFA and the hosts Qatar being warned that they were especially vulnerable to exploitation and workers raising complaints and protesting about their treatment.

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How One System Facilitates Sexualized Violence and Protects its Perpetrators

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Over two thirds of the 250,000 migrant domestic workers in Lebanon have experienced some form of sexual violence at least once during their time here.

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No Ethical Contract Under Kafala | Anti-Racism Movement

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The Ministry of Labor is set to release an amended version of the Standard Unified Contract (SUC) which, in theory, intends to regulate the working relationship between migrant domestic workers and their sponsors (employers). However, the contract is only one piece of the Kafala system and, due to lack of any enforcement mechanism, it is arguably the least important piece.

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The European Union’s 2021–27 budget allocates an unprecedented amount of European public money for security and defence purposes, more than doubling its budget from one spending cycle to the next, our new research finds. The overall amount of money earmarked for security and defence is €43.9 billion, an increase of more than 123% when compared to the previous seven-year budgetary cycle, which allocated €19.7 billion for the same purpose. This guide for activists, researcher, journalists, and civil society provides an overview on EU military and security budgets work. Order print copy

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Border Imperialism in the Maghreb | Transnational Institute

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Militarised borders are colonial constructs and their fortification in the Maghreb region serves a Western imperialist agenda. Many of the borders that demarcate African countries today owe their origins to illegal land grabs and colonisation in the late nineteenth century by various western European states. Our new research examines the historical roots and political economy of border-making and border violence in the Mediterranean and countries across North Africa, examining the legal and institutional frameworks of four countries in the Maghreb – Algeria, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia. The report concludes by looking at the forms of resistance that have emerged to border imperialism, some of which draw on the ethos of earlier anti-colonial, pan-African, and Third Worldist struggles to imagine and practise community beyond an imperialist-capitalist order.

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Tunisia: Racist Violence Targets Black Migrants, Refugees

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President Kais Saied’s recent attempt to mitigate the serious harm that a speech he made on February 21, 2023, caused Black African migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees in Tunisia does not go far enough.

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The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy -

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Houda Mzioudet: Tunisia is the smallest North African country with 12 million people. It is mostly very homogeneous: the population is 99 percent Muslim and most are of Arab and Berber descent. During its first post-independence presidency under Habib Bourguiba, Tunisia adopted the notion of Tunisianness. All ethnic, racial, and religious differences were molded into this Tunisian identity, which can sound very idealistic yet vague at the same time. In a way, he wanted to craft the Tunisian identity in his own view of "one Tunisian nation." Therefore Tunisians would identify more with this Tunisian Arab Islamic identity. The notion of being racially different was eliminated, especially under French colonization, which added a layer of erasing any racial categorization.

Tunisia has adopted an erasure of racial categorization for fear of it threatening its concept of national unity at the time. Bourguiba shaped the Tunisian identity focused on the Arab Muslim and Mediterranean aspects of its identity. Being the only country in Africa that does not have any borders with any Sub-Saharan African country, Tunisia was in some ways cut off from its African milieu, thus de-Africanized. It only did acknowledge this aspect of its identity because Bourguiba was one of the founders of the African Union, and so its connection to Africa was extremely thin. Unlike other forms of nationalism that spurred from colonization, Tunisian nationalism was not based on a specific, fixed perception of nationalism of being 100% Arab, 100% Berber, or 100% Mediterranean. It was something that was crafted out of the mix of all of these things, which made Tunisians feel that their homogeneity was their strength.
TIMEP: A month ago, Kais Saied's anti-immigrant statements unleashed a wave of anti-immigrant and anti-black sentiment in the country. Is this sentiment new? How do you believe things got to this point?
HM: Kais Saied's rhetoric last month was a big shock for all of us, including myself, not because of the pervasive anti-blackness or anti-immigration sentiments, but for the blunt manner it was expressed in. Saied's use of the "Great Replacement" theory made things worse, making Tunisia probably the first Arab country to embrace this openly fascist far right rhetoric.

Up until two years ago, Tunisia was considered a role model for progressiveness; it was perceived as the only democracy in the Arab world. As Tunisia openly embraces such far right, fascist rhetoric, there will be reverberations across the region and other countries may begin embracing similar rhetoric. It is something that is very disturbing and troubling.

The least shocking thing in Saied's statement however was the anti-black racism, because it had been lurking behind this image of Tunisian progressiveness, somehow exempt from sectarian, racial, and ethnic divisions that are pervasive in other Arab countries. So, in some ways, it has lifted that veil of pretense that Tunisians have always had.

I think it begs the question for research in the future to look at the Tunisian identity and how it has been crafted in such a manner that its Africanness has been totally diluted.

The concept of Tunisia being a diverse country is new to some, and though there is a celebration of diversity, diversity in itself is not thought of as something enriching. Saied's statement on black African immigrants begs the question of why these people are perceived as external enemies, when historically, Tunisia has been a melting pot of civilizations from the Phoenicians all the way to the Arabs. This is something that I'm having a hard time to understand. I think it begs the question for research in the future to look at the Tunisian identity and how it has been crafted in such a manner that its Africanness has been totally diluted. As a result of this dilution, the West, especially Europe, sees Tunisia as being this African country that is closer to the notion of whiteness, rather than it being quintessentially African in the ethnic or racial sense. After Saied's statement, many now realize that this is the anti-black, racist reality of Tunisia.
TIMEP: How would you describe the response to what happened these last few weeks?
HM: Society is totally divided into two different camps right now, which has never happened to this extent in Tunisian modern history. A majority of the population-and I'm saying this with a lot of reservation because I cannot quantify-has more racist tendencies than others. At the same time, the average Tunisian totally denies any anti-black racism.

You have a camp that totally denies racism and also counter-attacks and accuses the other camp of being totally disconnected with reality on the ground. Saied does what other populist leaders have done in Brazil or Hungary: he divides the nation into the "good ones" and the "bad ones." His rhetoric is something that not only exacerbates the anti-immigrant feelings among Tunisians, but also exacerbates racial anxiety that a lot of non-black Tunisians have had regarding the increase in the number of black Africans in their country. For them, seeing so many black Africans in Tunisia's largest cities, whether in Sfax or in Tunis, makes them feel anxious about being "invaded by Africans." And they try to drive away accusations of being anti-black racists and xenophobic by saying that they are defending Tunisian national sovereignty.

It is definitely a moment of reckoning for all Tunisians. We need to look in the mirror and face something that looks very ugly. Those defending Tunisia's sovereignty through this anti-immigration feeling represent the majority of Tunisians unfortunately. They simply are unable to understand what they consider as a disproportionate reaction from people in and outside the country to the president's disturbing statement.
TIMEP: Are there any laws that protect people from racial discrimination in Tunisia?
HM: After 2011, there was a lot of work done by the Tunisian civil society in upholding human rights that had been abused during the Ben Ali and Bourguiba eras.

The first awakening that happened in Tunisian civil society in 2011 is that of black Tunisians who became more visible during the protests. For the first time, you had black Tunisian activists lobbying for the criminalization of discrimination. It was a struggle in the beginning; the denial of racism has always been part of how the Tunisian identity was perceived, with any racial component of being Tunisian discarded. Black Tunisian activists were on their own at first, but fortunately, non-black Tunisians joined our cause of forcing legislators to criminalize racial discrimination and finally admitting to it as being something real and not imported. That was made possible because of the irony of Tunisia being one of the founding members of the Organization of the African Union, but also because Tunisia was one of the first countries to ratify the United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination and Racism in 1967, way before many other countries did so in the region.

Racial discrimination was finally acknowledged as the by-product of how dictatorships were able to suppress black minorities-especially black Tunisians but also Sub-Saharan African migrants.

Law 50 was passed in 2018 and that was a big judicial, legislative, and social success. It was also a first, not only in Tunisia but in the MENA region as a whole. This shows how central the role of the Tunisian civil society was in the country's democratization. This law was also part of the transitional justice process, in which racial discrimination was finally acknowledged as the by-product of how dictatorships were able to suppress black minorities-especially black Tunisians but also Sub-Saharan African migrants.

After Saied's coup in July 2021, Law 50 became a source of problems and debates, especially with the Tunisian Nationalist Party that had been intent on dismantling it. For them, the law is actually a big threat to their own rhetoric of defending what they call sovereignty by kicking out Sub-Saharan Africans who they accused of trying to colonize the country.

I think that the law was, in some ways, a form of protection against this anti-black and anti-immigration feeling that was brewing. I don't know for sure whether the law is truly in danger of being rescinded, especially with Kais Saied's recent actions and statements. But I hope that it will not be rolled back because of Tunisia's international commitments to the UN and the international community.
TIMEP: What do you believe the Tunisian authorities, international organizations, and the international community at large should be doing to tackle the current anti-immigrant and anti-black sentiment and policies in place?
HM: Things look very bleak for the Tunisian civil society, because all activists run the risk of being criminalized by the president and his supporters and accused of being foreign agents. The UN is the only agency that has been spared for now. There were a few calls for imposing some sanctions on the Tunisian regime, which I don't personally believe would result in any conclusive results; it proved to be counterproductive with leaders in the region, such as with former Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir. The Tunisian presidency needs to be pushed to hold into account its commitments to human rights and its obligations to the international conventions it has signed. Saied backtracked on some of his statements a week after he made them following the African Union's harsh statement and a visit from a head from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). I don't expect him to make any amends about his racist statements, yet this shows that Tunisians and the international community were able to put some pressure when it comes to human rights.

Saied is in a very tough position right now: there is pressure from the international community to respect human rights on the one hand, while Italy is pressuring him to slow the waves of immigrants crossing the Mediterranean in exchange of interceding between the Tunisian regime and the IMF to receive the needed fund. There is also pressure from the street and from his supporters, who do not want him to cede to international pressure. He is in a tough position and his desperation is something to worry about. I don't like the wait and see strategy-we have already done this for the last couple of years-but at this point, time will tell. The international community should continue to pressure him when it comes to human rights.
Houda Mzioudet is an academic researcher who has covered the Arab uprisings with international news outlets. Her research work focuses on transitional justice, border dynamics in North Africa, civil society activism, intersectionality, black identities in the MENA region, gender and media, and migration and diaspora identities.

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Anti-Blackness and Identity in Tunisia: Q&A with Houda Mzioudet - The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy

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As the world marks the International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, TIMEP spoke to academic researcher Houda Mzioudet on the state of the anti-immigrant and anti-black sentiment in Tunisia in light of President Kais Saied's fear-mongering statements about migrants last month.

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Tunisia accused of ‘mass desert dumping’ of migrants

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Tunisian police rounded up hundreds of migrants and asylum seekers and left the men, women, and children stranded at the Algerian border, according to the Refugees in Libya NGO, which called it a “mass desert dumping” in a 3 May post on X (formerly known as Twitter.)

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The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy -

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Two and a half years separate the opening of the National Museum of Egyptian Civilization in April 2021 and the anticipated opening of the Grand Egyptian Museum in November 2023. This tale of two museums, and their accompanying grand spectacles, is not simply about Egypt's efforts to lure tourists back by highlighting pharaonic antiquities. Analyzing the Egyptian government's increased interest in pharaonic legacy during the past three years reveals the state's deliberate promotion of a nationalist discourse that encourages pharaonic identity politics or what some scholars call neo-pharaonism.

This article traces the two main phases of Egypt's recent racial nationalism while pointing out its racist underpinnings. Between April 2021 and April 2023, the state was implicit in its embrace of pharaonic revivalism, banking mainly on mega spectacles and a wider range media production that celebrates pharaonism. A more aggressive turn started from the second half of 2023 as the state became more direct in articulating and enacting its neo-pharaonic and anti-blackness policy.

In many cases, asserting a neo-pharaonic identity comes at the expense of an Arab or African one

Neo-pharaonism is an extreme form of nationalism that underscores the exceptionality of the Egyptian race and claims that contemporary Egyptians share the same genetic makeup as ancient Egyptians. In many cases, asserting a neo-pharaonic identity comes at the expense of an Arab or African one. In retrospect, we can look at the grand spectacle of the Pharaohs' Golden Parade in April 2021 as the cornerstone of this racial nationalism. During the hours-long broadcasted event, the Egyptian president witnessed the transfer of 22 pharaonic mummies from the Egyptian Museum in Tahrir Square to the nearby National Museum of Egyptian Civilization in Fustat.

The parade was accompanied by multiple live and recorded performances, including chants in the ancient Egyptian language. Some historians analyzed the spectacle as an erasure of any remaining revolutionary connotations still attached to Tahrir Square and rebranding it as a grand stage for Abdel Fattah El Sisi. Analysts agree that this pharaonic revivalism points to a break from earlier nationalist currents in Egypt's recent history, where successive presidents have always preferred to position Egypt as part of the pan-Arab or pan-Islamic nations.

In its early stages, the state's flirtation with neo-pharaonism remained restricted to areas of grand spectacles, music, language, and culture. In addition to the Pharaohs' golden parade, both 2021 and 2022 have witnessed the opening of the Sphinx Avenue in Luxor, with many similar elements to the parade; state-led initiatives to teach the ancient Egyptian language to children and youth both in schools and youth centers; expansive interest in pharaonic music that includes producing songs in ancient Egyptian language and organizing conferences on pharaonic music; and dedicating a considerable air time to programs and shows that promote pharaonic revivalism.

The [social media] accounts describe their mission as disseminating pharaonic identity, raising awareness about falsified history, and educating Egyptians about the true history of their ancestors

The state's official celebration of pharaonism enabled and amplified previously muted racial nationalist voices. Multiple Facebook and Twitter accounts have sprung in the past two years and names like Egyptos, Kemet the black soil, Kemet, Knights of Kemet, National Awakening, and Egypt Conscious, garnered followers that span from a couple of thousands to tens of thousands of followers. The word "Kemet" is an ancient Egyptian term meaning The Black Land referring to increased soil fertility after the annual flooding of the Nile. The bios of these accounts describe their mission as disseminating pharaonic identity, raising awareness about falsified history, and educating Egyptians about the true history of their ancestors.

Two hugely successful online campaigns brought these pages and groups into light: a call to cancel an Afrocentric conference that was to be held in Aswan in February 2022, and an even bigger Twitter campaign demanding the cancelation of comedian Kevin Hart's stand-up comedy show in Cairo at the end of 2022 because of his alleged ties to Afrocentrism. Afrocentrism is a blanket term that refers to a spectrum of political and scholarly currents that span from critical calls for centering African people in analyzing African histories and cultures to more populist mythologized notions of a unified black Africa that started in Ancient Egypt. Within the Egyptian context, Afrocentrism is usually invoked in this latter sense of the populist ideology and is always linked to conspiracies against Egypt and its civilization. In the wake of these campaigns, analysts, activists, and political commentators in Egypt started to note growing neo-pharaonic sentiments, while warning against the racist and anti-Black dimensions of these relatively novel nationalist imaginaries. In her article, Professor Soha Bayoumi tried to illustrate the multiple voices within Afrocentrism, questioning the reasons behind adopting, what she called, Egyptocentrism over the more inclusive pan-Africanism. A refugee rights group published a commentary describing how these neo-pharaonic pages fill their social media posts with hate speech and anti-refugee discourse. Some writers drew connections between the growing popularity of neo-pharaonism as consequential to the state's staging of mega events that glorify pharaonic heritage.

A more vocal racial nationalist policy

Although the forerunners of neo-pharaonic social media accounts have repeatedly alluded to the state's cooperation and responsiveness in canceling the Aswan conference and the Kevin Hart stand-up performance, it is safe to say that up until then, the state had relatively kept its distance from these racial nationalist commotions. However, the controversy over the Netflix series Queen Cleopatra marks a watershed moment in the authorities' endorsement of racial nationalism. After releasing the documentary's trailer in April 2023, these neo-pharaonic social media accounts started a media storm toward the show because of their choice of a Black actress to play the role of Cleopatra. Increasing their usage of English hashtags this time, neo-pharaonic ideologues demanded Netflix to stop "blackwashing" Cleopatra and falsifying Egyptian history, and called for Egyptians to boycott Netflix.

This time, though, the state did not keep its previous disinterested veneer. On April 27, 2023, two weeks before the airing of the documentary, the Egyptian Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities issued an official statement to confirm that Cleopatra was "fair-skinned and had hellenistic features." The head of the Supreme Antiquities Council, who was the first to be quoted in the statement, mentioned that choosing a heroine who is "dark-skinned and with African features and characteristics" is "a falsification of Egyptian history." The press release that amassed multiple experts' opinions went in length to detail the queen's ancestral origin and emphasize her Macedonian roots.

The state was clearly articulating its policy of racial nationalism while even employing the rhetoric and catchphrases of neo-pharaonic fanatics

The social media users' reaction to the statement oscillated between celebration and mockery. Those who hold these conspiratorial neo-pharaonic beliefs, along with media outlets, hailed the statement as "a blow to Afrocentrists" and a victory to Egypt's history and civilization. On the other hand, many intellectuals and revolutionary figures ridiculed the statement, particularly the use of banal expressions like "the queen had a thin/sharp nose and delicate lips." Their ridicule, nonetheless, misses the real significance of this statement: it was the first official positioning of the Egyptian state pertaining to issues of race and nationalism. In this instance, the state was clearly articulating its policy of racial nationalism while even employing the rhetoric and catchphrases of neo-pharaonic fanatics.

Weeks after its statement against the Netflix series, the Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities revoked the permit of a Dutch archeological mission over a Dutch exhibition called Kemet, which showcases the influence of ancient Egyptian civilization on jazz, funk, and hip-hop. On June 7, the managing director of the National Museum of Antiquities in Leiden reported to the press that he received an email from the Egyptian authorities banning the museum's 40-year long archaeological mission from excavating the Saqqara necropolis, located 40 kilometers southwest of Cairo. The Egyptian authorities cited the falsification of Egyptian history and the adoption of an Afrocentric perspective as the reasons for their decision. Initially, the museum's curators and managers tried to reason with Egyptian authorities in hopes of reversing the archeological ban. Later, the museum published a clarification in which they supported the exhibition, emphasizing that the Egyptian authorities' accusations and misconceptions about it arise from decontextualizing its content.

What is alarming about this controversy is that, unlike the rows over Kevin Hart's performance or the "Queen Cleopatra" series, this was not a Twitter-led incident. In this instance, the state decided, without anybody calling for its intervention, to initiate this attack on the museum and frame it as part of its effort in fighting Afrocentric conspiracies against Egypt. Yet, as clearly shown here, there is a symbiotic relationship between the state's policy of racial nationalism and social media neo-pharaonic frenzy: the more proactive the state becomes in its anti-Blackness tirades, the fiercer and more racist neo-pharaonic pages become as well.

The interdependence between state policy and social media populism is most evident in the latest manifestation of this emerging trend of nationalism: the controversy that followed the announcement of Travis Scott's album release concert, that was supposed to take place by the Giza pyramids in July 2023. The moral panic this announcement stirred was not restricted to the usual Afrocentric accusations. This time, it also included claims about the rapper's affiliation with the Freemasonry and his performance of satanic rituals in his concerts. Fueling this conspiratorial fear-mongering climate even further, the state-affiliated musicians' syndicate published a statement a few days before the performance canceling its previously granted license for the concert. It is worth mentioning that the syndicate is known for its censorship, particularly of a music genre called mahraganat, often associated with marginalized urban poor young men.

This press release shows how the state is taking its cues from social media users. The concluding paragraph of the statement reads "After examining social media opinions and feedback, as well as the news circulating on search engines and social media platforms, which included authenticated images and information about peculiar rituals performed by the star during his performance contradicting our authentic societal values and traditions, the syndicate's president and board of directors have decided to cancel the license issued for hosting this type of concert, which goes against the cultural identity of the Egyptian people."

Contrary to the syndicate's expectations, some artists and public figures criticized their decision and indicated the negative repercussions such a decision might have on tourism. In response, the syndicate's secretary general appeared on a satellite channel contending that he did not cancel the concert, but rather just made it conditional upon approvals required from other official bodies like the Ministry of Culture. Dizzying back-and-forths and confused statements unfolded in the days that preceded the concert, culminating in canceling the concert and in establishing a new investigative unit in the syndicate. The information technology unit, which will be made of multilingual fresh graduates, will be tasked to "scrutinize" foreign singers who wish to perform in Egypt and ensure the alignment of their music with Egyptian culture and values.

The psychological wage of being of pharaonic descent

The backdrop of these successive events is a severe economic crisis, an external debt that exceeds $150 billion, and a weak currency that pushed the inflation to unprecedented high rates. Thus, some commentators believe that the state's decision to invest in a racial nationalist policy that promotes racial purity and incites hatred is a tactical maneuver to distract people from more pressing crises; a classic case of the tail wagging the dog. Others attribute it to the state's attempts to search for grounds for legitimacy amid the shifting of economic and cultural hegemony increasingly toward the Gulf.

Racial nationalism remains a perilous game nonetheless. The danger of this ideology that celebrates racial purity lies in its legitimization of hate speech against black and ethnic minorities, and migrants and refugees more broadly. Repeatedly, neo-pharaonists treat Nubians either as naive people prone to falling victim to Afrocentric plots, or explicitly accuse them of being separatists and traitors. In fact, some Egyptian Nubian activists had to make their twitter accounts private to avoid the online harassment they receive from neo-pharaonic accounts. Kemetic and neo-pharaonic pages are even more hostile toward refugees. They dedicate multiple posts to "warn" about the increasing number of refugees in Egypt or their "attempts" to steal Egyptian lands, minerals, and scarce jobs. More disturbingly, dozens of individual social media accounts of those who call themselves Kemetic or Egyptian nationalists promote outright racist discourse using hashtags that call for "kicking the refugees out of Egypt."

For those neo-pharaonic fanatics, racial nationalism feeds a sense of grandiosity and belonging to an ancient civilization that acts as a psychological compensation for the dire conditions they endure

In his analysis of the absence of an interracial workers' coalition between white and Black workers in post-war America, Du Bois suggested that whiteness functioned as a "public and psychological wage" for the white working class. Similarly, for those neo-pharaonic fanatics, racial nationalism feeds a sense of grandiosity and belonging to an ancient civilization that acts as a psychological compensation for the dire conditions they endure. No matter how much they suffer, they will still enjoy a sense of superiority over Black people, and more particularly Black refugees.

It is important to view this policy in the larger North African context. Although the Egyptian state has not issued any statement against Black refugees, unlike its Tunisian counterpart, adopting a policy of racial nationalism is a slippery slope. Such policy does not only assume black racial subordination, it further contributes to the dehumanization and demonization of Black people. Intentionally or not, racial nationalism antagonizes citizens against the growing numbers of refugees in Egypt. This is doubly dangerous as thousands of Sudanese families are crossing to Egypt, fleeing armed conflict in their country.

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Egypt's Racial Nationalism: Neo-Pharaonism as a Tool of the State - The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy

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In the last few years, the Egyptian state has been promoting a nationalist discourse that encourages pharaonic identity politics, known as neo-pharaonism.

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Resources - Palestinian Feminist Collective

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An Italian Connection? Racism and Populism in Kais Saied’s Tunisia - Middle East & North Africa

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Differences notwithstanding, the Italy of Giorgia Meloni and Tunisia of Kais Saïed are animated by a populist appeal grounded in the same foundations: racism and xenophobia. This has brought the countries into a strange and unique kind of alignment.

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Walaa Alqaisiya · The urgency of anti-imperialist feminism: Lessons from Palestine (2024)

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Two Logics of War: Liberation Against Genocide — Ebb

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Unable to defeat the Palestinian armed resistance in successive battles, Israel has turned instead to intensifying its genocidal violence against unarmed Palestinians as the means to restore its necessary equation of material and ideological force.

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قناة ”حكي نسوي” تهدف للمساهمة في زيادة الوعي النسوي من خلال الإضاءة على النظرية والمدارس والقضايا النسوية، بالإضافة للتعليق الاجتماعي وضحد الخرافات، من خلال اللغة العربية. يتم تحضير وتقديم وإنتاج المواد من قبل سارة قدورة، بالتعاون في فيديوهات مختلفة مع نشطاء ومفكرين وفنانين ومجموعات نسوية. لدعم القناة وتحسينها، يمكنكم الإعجاب ومشاركة الفيديوهات، والاشتراك في القناة، بالإضافة للدعم المادي على باتريون. “Haki Nasawi” is a channel dedicated to tackling topics in feminism in Arabic language, as explainer videos on feminist theory and history, social commentary, and myth busting. We believe feminist consciousness is an integral process to liberation on every level. Content is prepared, presented and edited by Sarah Kaddoura, with collaborations with guests, artists and feminist groups on multiple videos. To support the continuity and advancement of the channel, make sure to subscribe, like and share videos, or subscribe to Patreon.

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The Arab Manosphere: a New Wave of Western Misogyny in the MENA Region

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This article explores the manosphere and some of the recent trends taking place in it, namely the gender backlash that has arisen among men disillusioned with their current social and economic roles under neoliberalism.

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Feminists in the Panopticon: How Surveillance Capitalism Captures Feminist Movements | GenderIT.org

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I turned 18 in the first weeks of Y2K. Folks like me, we’re the last Gen Xers and the first millennials. We were kids in another century. Time travellers. Our minds are bridges between analog and digital, and will likely live to witness quantum. That’s why we love nostalgia although we can’t remember a thing. Our attention is fragile because 20 apps demand it, urgently, at all times. We are still processing the virus, the lockdowns, the isolation. We are anxious people.

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Israel’s well-oiled PR machine collapses

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Hasbara, a Hebrew term uniquely associated with Israel’s global propaganda efforts, has utterly failed to counter the pro-Palestinian narrative in the Gaza war. As a frontline tool for Tel Aviv’s national security strategy, losing its Hasbara power is equal to losing its qualitative military edge.

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Briefing

This briefing analyses responses to a survey conducted by the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre (the Resource Centre) on corporate transparency and the human rights due diligence processes of 23 companies that allegedly produce or provide surveillance technologies to governments in the MENA region. Since we surveyed the same companies two years ago, the human rights risks of operating in the region have only grown. Government crackdowns on protestors and women in Iran; the outbreak of Israel's war on Gaza; devastating natural disasters in Morocco, Türkiye and Syria; acute economic pressures across North Africa; and shrinking civic space for political and human rights activists throughout the region are but a few hallmarks of the increasing complexity of operating in or providing products and services to MENA, where transparency and heightened attention to identifying and mitigating human rights risks is essential to any responsible business practice.

Despite this reality, the intervening period between the surveys yielded no significant improvements in the number of companies demonstrating transparency. As in 2022, only five of the companies approached - Airbus, G4S, Indra, Leonardo and Sony - responded to our 2024 survey. Eighteen companies did not. This demonstrates a damaging opacity towards the public, governments and investors regarding a fundamental tenet of human rights compliance for any company, and should send alarm bells ringing. In contrast, the responses from four of these companies - Airbus, G4S, Indra and Leonardo - included specific, detailed answers in examples of better practice, although there is still progress to be made.

Key findings

Other key findings include:

All responding companies report having human rights policies in place, but allegations of abuse against some of these firms and others in the sector highlight an implementation gap that needs to be closed as a matter of urgency.

Commitment to human rights due diligence appears to be increasing, with Airbus, Sony, Indra, Leonardo and G4S indicating some heightened due diligence processes in place, which are essential in high-risk zones, such as MENA.

Over half of responding companies include stakeholder engagement in their human rights due diligence processes, with greater commitment to systematic and meaningful engagement needed.

Grievance mechanisms are essential to ensuring effective human rights due diligence. Four out of the five respondent companies confirmed the ability of stakeholders to raise grievances, but only Airbus and G4S publicly commit to non-retaliation principles where the mechanisms are actually used by stakeholders.

The general lack of transparency by the surveillance sector obstructs detailed assessment of the industry's actual engagement with its human rights responsibilities at any scale, including the critical need for heightened human rights due diligence. This is a growing material risk to business. Governments around the world increasingly recognise corporate human rights due diligence and transparency as requirements of doing business, rather than optional considerations. It appears at least 30% of the companies surveyed here, for example, will fall within the ambit of the EU's Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive, and the newly-passed EU Corporate Sustainably Due Diligence Directive, including its civil liability provisions, which should fundamentally change the calculus of risk in the boardrooms of those firms, as space for these transparency and due diligence gaps across supply chains is closing rapidly.

At the same time, human rights risks of surveillance technology are increasingly in the spotlight. Countries around the world are deliberating legislation to limit the reach of artificial intelligence (AI) and biometric surveillance, data protection authorities are settling into their enforcement powers, and governments are re-assessing the risks associated with the proliferation of targeted surveillance tools, such as spyware. The efforts to ban live facial recognition in public spaces also continues - with real progress evident in the crucial jurisdictions of the US and the EU.

Companies, investors and governments should understand this evolving landscape will have serious implications for their respective roles in providing, funding and procuring surveillance tech in the MENA region. The former UN Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Rights to Freedom of Opinion and Expression, David Kaye, has previously called for a moratorium on the global sale and transfer of private surveillance tools until robust safeguards are put in place to ensure states use these tools appropriately. These safeguards simply do not exist in the MENA region.

At a minimum, and in light of the rising risks in the region, this means:

Companies choosing to operate in the region have a responsibility to regularly undertake robust heightened human rights due diligence in respect of their operations and value chains there, and make public their approaches for those countries, findings and risk-mitigation efforts, in line with international standards.

Investors should engage with companies to insist on risk mitigation through human rights transparency, heightened human rights due diligence and access to remedy. Time-bound demands for rapid changes in business models should be set, followed by disinvestment if international standards are not met. Investors should be more seriously scrutinising the surveillance tech companies in their portfolios and encouraging companies domiciled in democratic countries to ensure they are not powering authoritarianism abroad.

Governments in exporting countries should urgently put in place regulations which insist on corporate compliance with international human rights standards; with a moratorium on licensing and export of invasive surveillance technologies and services until these are in place and enforced.

Introduction

The use of surveillance technologies by governments in the MENA region, often justified in the pursuit of national security and counter-terrorism measures, is not a new story. The staggering scale of their use to silence human rights defenders, journalists, activists and opposition leaders is well documented, calling into question any legitimate or legal reasons for states to use these technologies given their poor human rights records.

However, information on the role and responsibility of private tech companies - integral in facilitating the sale, transfer and use of invasive surveillance technologies by MENA governments - remains scarce due to the opacity of the surveillance industry itself. Findings from the Resource Centre's 2022 briefing on tech companies' provision of surveillance technology to aid in migration and border control across MENA, as well as its 2024 briefing on the role of tech companies in facilitating Israel's war on Gaza, are testament to this lack of transparency. This is despite governments around the world increasingly recognising transparency and corporate human rights due diligence commitment are requirements for doing business, rather than optional considerations.

The Resource Centre has been anaylsing publicly available information related to allegations of human rights abuse and civil society reports related to the involvement of private tech companies in the expansion and intensification of surveillance measures in the MENA region to monitor and control their populations. These include the alleged extensive use of facial recognition and movement tracking of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza; the potential violations of the rights to privacy, freedom of expression and association, as a result of a cloud data centre in Saudi Arabia; the use of Deep Packet Inspection (DPI) technology in mass web-monitoring and censorship to block news as well as target political actors and human rights activists in Egypt; the use of CCTV cameras in Iran to crack down on women who remove their headscarves in public; and the use of drones and CCTV cameras armed with a facial recognition technology in the Qatar World Cup. These examples - merely the tip of the iceberg - demonstrate how big-name tech companies around the world reap profits from contributing to oppressive efforts by MENA states, at great cost to the human rights of many who live there.

In May 2024, the Resource Centre sought to highlight progress in corporate transparency commitments and accountability of these companies since our last assessment in 2022, which painted a bleak picture of the sector's operations in the region despite these risks: a concerning lack of transparency, gaps in human rights policies and human rights due diligence efforts, limited evidence of stakeholder engagement, and under-performance on ensuring accessible grievance and remedy mechanisms. We re-invited the 23 companies profiled in our 2022 briefing (one company, Evron Systems Ltd, could not be contacted and is therefore excluded from the list) to respond to questions about their provision or deployment of surveillance technology in the MENA region, as well as their human rights due diligence processes to identify and mitigate related risks.

The 2024 survey also included specific focus on heightened human rights due diligence (hHRDD), in recognition of the growing risks of operating in the MENA region, as well as invitations to the companies to respond to specific allegations of human rights abuse taking place over the same period and associated with their services or operations.

Analysis of company responses

The 23 companies profiled in this analysis had three weeks to respond to the survey and allegations.

As in 2022, responses were received from just five companies: Airbus, G4S, Indra, Leonardo and Sony, two of which also responded to our 2022 survey ( Airbus and G4S). Three companies provided specific responses to questions: Airbus, Indra and Leonardo. The responses submitted by Airbus and G4S contain similar information to their 2022 responses, but are helpfully supplemented with new detail on how their subcontractors and other entities in their supply chains comply with their human rights and other rights-related policies and procedures. Sony only provided information on its policies.

Two companies declined to engage with the survey. Cellebrite, which responded to our 2022 survey, stated "it is not a surveillance or offensive cyber-technology company; nor does it produce technology solutions that support surveillance or monitoring efforts. Completion of this survey would incorrectly categorise our business". Our data points and Cellebrite's website suggest otherwise, as the company develops the Universal Forensics Extraction Device (UFED) and Inseyets and facilitates extraction from digital devices. Nexa also responded, stating it "discontinued and stopped its activities in 2022". On its website, it states "after more than 10 years serving the fight against crime in France and around the world, Nexa Technologies and its shareholders have decided to refocus the company's activity by devoting itself exclusively to cyber defense".

Despite nearly two years between them, the 2024 survey process revealed similar findings to that of 2022 - highlighting a concerning lack of material progress in respect of human rights due diligence efforts by surveillance companies in the MENA region over time, despite rising risks of operating there.

TRANSPARENCY

The sector continues to demonstrate limited commitment to transparency, despite rising human rights risks in the region

HUMAN RIGHTS POLICY COMMITMENTS

Human rights policies exist for all responding companies, but persistent allegations of abuse highlight an implementation gap

The UNGPs set out a principled approach to human rights due diligence for all companies, requiring in the first instance the adoption and publication of a human rights policy. A paper published by the UN B-Tech Project, as well as reports prepared by the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism and the UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression explain and clarify the implications of the UNGPs and its policy recommendations for tech companies, in particular.

Reflecting important progress in respect of this cornerstone of responsible business operations, all responding companies ( Airbus, G4S, Indra, Leonardo and Sony) reported having a publicly available human rights policy in place that includes reference to ongoing human rights due diligence. Importantly, Leonardo in particular listed violations of international humanitarian law as an indicator in its Human Rights Impact Assessment (HRIA) at the "country-risk" level.

All responding companies also extend human rights due diligence to the rest of their value chains, affecting suppliers, contractors, and other business partners - another strong indicator of policy commitment to respect for human rights. In 2023, Indra performed human rights risk evaluations for 80% of its critical suppliers, requesting additional action in cases where inconsistencies were detected.

Despite this important progress, however, the existence of human rights policies alone does not necessarily mean these companies are not implicated in human rights violations perpetrated by state authorities. Allegations of human rights abuse linked to some of the profiled companies have been documented:

The existence of these allegations highlights that implementation of policy commitments is critical, particularly in more complex operational jurisdictions. More is required of surveillance companies operating or supplying to MENA - a high-risk sector for human rights violations, in a high-risk region where situations of armed conflict, violent extremism, shrinking civic space and repression of civil society are common challenges.

PROPORTIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS DUE DILIGENCE

Commitment to basic human rights diligence exists, but there is critical need to ensure heightened due diligence efforts in the MENA region

Human rights due diligence is integral to responsible business operations the world over, involving identifying, preventing, mitigating and accounting for adverse human rights impacts caused by business activities. Such efforts are built on a concept of proportionality: the higher the risk and complexity of the operational jurisdiction, the more detailed the due diligence processes that are required to mitigate the scale and severity of the human rights risks to people. In other words, the corporate responsibility is augmented to conduct a heightened form of due diligence in these contexts, defined in the OECD Due Diligence Guidance, the  European Commission recommendations on the identification of conflict-affected and high-risk areas, and the  UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights report on business in conflict. These include situations of armed conflict or fragile post-conflict as well as areas of political instability or repression, institutional weakness, insecurity, collapse of civil infrastructure and widespread violence, weak or non-existing governance and security, such as failed states, and widespread and systematic violations of international law, including human rights abuses.

GRIEVANCE MECHANISMS

Grievance mechanisms are essential to ensuring effective human rights due diligence; the surveillance sector must commit to non-retaliation principles where these are used

STAKEHOLDER ENGAGEMENT

Over half of responding companies include stakeholder engagement in their HRDD process, with more commitment to meaningful engagement needed

Meaningful stakeholder engagement is critical to achieving accurate assessments of human rights risks and effective safeguards, particularly in high-risk sectors such as surveillance. This is crucial because human rights risks must be understood from the perspective of those who are or may be affected.

Indra, Leonardo and Sony confirmed they engage stakeholders in their human rights due diligence process. Referring to its human rights policy, Sony commits to being "actively informed by relevant internal and/or external expertise and will engage in dialogue with relevant stakeholders". Indra and Leonardo engage with government bodies and the UN, but do not include vulnerable or at-risk communities and groups that are recognised as legitimate representatives of affected stakeholders in their stakeholder engagement.

*27/06/24 Minor updates made to the grievance mechanism section following contact from G4S

The Resource Centre reprises and renews its key recommendations from 2022:

Recommendations for companies

More

Recommendations for investors

More

Recommendations for governments

More

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Keeping watch: Surveillance companies in Middle East & North Africa - Business & Human Rights Resource Centre

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Briefing This briefing analyses responses to a survey conducted by the Business & Human Rights Resource Centre (the Resource Centre) on corporate transparency and the human rights due diligence processes of 23 companies that allegedly produce or provide surveillance technologies to governments in the MENA region.

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"The Palestine Laboratory": Antony Loewenstein on How Israel Exports the Technology of Occupation

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There is only transmission and mutation, against the confinement of control.

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Adam C. Jones *Elon Musk and Peter Thiel aren't just billionaires-they're architects of a reactionary order. Musk turns social media into a breeding ground for fascist ideas. Thiel builds the infrastructure of a surveillance state. Resisting their ambitions requires more than critique-it demands direct confrontation.
In November 2016, following the announcement of Donald Trump's victory over Hillary Clinton, a celebratory gathering was held in Washington DC by the National Policy Institute, led at the time by Richard Spencer. There he gave his most infamous of speeches which concluded with the words "Hail Trump! Hail our people! Hail victory!" The crowd burst into rapturous applause, a considerable number recognised they no longer needed to uphold typical pretensions of decorum-their arms were instead thrown outwards and upwards, leaving no ambiguity as to what 'hail victory' was in reference to, or to what cause they had collectively pledged their allegiance. It is possible that some of those in attendance made it to the Capital Riots on 6 January 2021, and that upon entering that gilded monument to US empire-with its stucco faces and paintings deifying their founding, enslaving, white emperors-they may have experienced great elation in believing that their leader was on their side. This time, at the official inauguration celebrations, no less, the order of performance was reversed. This time, the Sieg Heil came not from the crowd, but from the stage, cast into the world by Elon Musk, with the kind of irony that could only result from a man whose conduct has been granted such a level of impunity that he rarely-if ever-has to temper his worst impulses. Is Musk a fascist? In his heart of hearts we may never know. As to his personal political disposition we cannot say whether he identifies with that term. Nonetheless, he believes ultimately in the fusion of corporate power and state power, and he has routinely geared his personal fiefdom of X to be accommodating of fascist users and fascist ideas.

What I can say about Elon Musk, however, is that whatever his politics are, they are on the side of evil. One should rightfully roll one's eyes at this term, for it is often used in polemics where moral seriousness trumps political seriousness. The notion of evil reeks of metaphysics, of the dialectical sin of idealism to which proper materialism wrinkles its nose and sharpens its pencil. Nonetheless, I say that Musk is on the side of evil because I am drawing on a very specific sense of evil, one formulated by the late Jean Baudrillard as 'an irrepressible drive for revenge on the excesses of Good... vengeance, a retaliation that exercises and expresses a violent necessity for rebalancing'. It is a distinctly Trumpian evil, and was central to his inauguration speech in proclaiming that: 'Our sovereignty will be reclaimed. Our safety will be restored. The scales of justice will be rebalanced.' It is evil in this sense that I want to dwell upon in relation to certain tech-oligarchs within his court.

The political movement of oligarchs, of which Trump is a quasi-messianic figure, is a movement of and for such evil. It believes that minorities have had too much good done in their name, that the US has given too much away, that it has granted too much hospitality to the migrant and the refugee, too much recognition to transgender people, and has given away too many reparations and concessions to racialised minorities. In the sphere of cultural representation, the very semblance of social justice which displaces the discursive centrality of the white, propertied, cisgender, heteronormative man offends them to their core and enrages them to action. With these people ascendant, we can be sure that we are living in a period of permanent counter-revolution, without a revolution ever having actually taken place. Their counter-revolution is not preventative as Herbert Marcuse described the domestic counter-insurgency against the Black Panthers in Counter-Revolution and Revolt, but rather they see themselves as countering a revolution which has already occurred. They are partaking in the reactionary myth which, as Richard Seymour described, 'blames this nefarious alliance between predatory elites and insurgent infrahumanity for destroying a happier traditional society', and it is this 'revolution' which they believe they are countering. They are not happy with their billions, with their economic hegemony and unencumbered ownership of the means of production, they wish to be at the centre of the representative imaginary of imperial democracy, and they wish to be loved for exactly who they are.

The cultural composition of this movement can only be described as 'terminally online'. It is marinated in representation, in politics as it appears through news outlets and digital feeds. They are reacting to representations of emancipation first and foremost, because no such liberation has occurred. Yet even the semblance of inclusivity for marginalised peoples and critical-albeit liberal-self-reflection on US's bloodied history is enough for them to declare that it has been government policy to 'socially engineer race and gender into every aspect of public and private life.' What 'gender' and 'race' mean is exclusively the excluded genders and races other than those of the cisgender binary and the white. In the realms of representation which dominate today in the digital sphere, the move is to make these spaces even more hostile to those already subject to horrific abuse, essentially converting platforms into accelerators of such hatreds with a greater intensity. Even the ostensibly 'liberal' Mark Zuckerberg has joined in. In both a move to reduce the labour costs of moderation and to signal Meta's credentials in this movement of evil, Zuckerberg's platforms will no longer-and they were never very successful in doing this-ban accounts for hate speech against women and LGBTQ+ people. Algorithmic violence, incitement, and stochastic terrorism are now open for their deployment upon far more people, yet this may be just another example of the colonial boomerang of Aimé Césaire-Facebook's systems have been demonstrably apt at accelerating the proliferation of genocidal violence in boosting hate content aimed at the Rohingya people, as Amnesty International has reported. Violence in the periphery returns to the core soon enough.

Tech-giants are always fully intertwined with the US empire and its military industrial complex. Google is often a contractor for the Pentagon (such as their drone-training program 'Maven') and has worked with Israel on their military's so-called 'AI' technology. This is nothing new. What is arguably of some novelty is the ideological component and the drivenness of certain oligarchs to change the political landscape with institutional and ideological hegemony in mind, driven in accordance with the evil which I have described above. Musk and Zuckerberg have both made their platforms into spaces where fascism can accelerate its circulation, and where it has a space to reproduce itself; but all of this is subject to the capricious melee of other people's posting. This includes Musk, he is not a fascist theorist or leader, but equally a product of the informational ecosystem in which he has become libidinally captured. The subjectivity of Elon Musk is a product of the evil which is its principle. Musk enjoys himself too much, he is a spectator and an influencer, and besides cod-prophetic sound bites about space colonisation, he is content to move with the flows and be influenced by them in turn. Fascist gestures and affiliated digital objects are toys to him, and he relates to them as a child, having unlearned all sound judgement by virtue of the fact that his wealth grants him impunity from correction and immunity from the barriers imposed on arbitrary brutishness by the lessons of experience.

Nonetheless, there is an intellectual tendency-bequeathed to us by the enlightenment's fetish for abstracted ideals of 'intelligence' and 'cleverness-which would lead us to rest in the safe assurance that the enemy, whilst evil, is nevertheless 'stupid', and hence doomed to failure. Adorno and Horkheimer once warned of the dialectical inversion which occurs between fascist 'stupidity' and non-fascist 'cleverness' and we should be wary of repeating it:

according to the clever people, fascism was impossible in the West. Clever people have always made things easy for barbarians, because they are so stupid. It is the well-informed, farsighted judgments, the prognoses based on statistics and experience, the observations which begin: "I happen to be an expert in this field," it is the well-founded, conclusive statements which are untrue.

The impracticality, irrationality, or nonsensicalness of an idea to which enough capital has been mobilised is no obstruction to it. Take, for example, the unworkable Neom project funded by the Saudi regime, a half-baked utopian mess which aimed to create-among other ludicrous things-a fully linear 'smart' city called 'The Line' stretching across the desert. Some 21,000 workers from India, Nepal, and Bangladesh have died, and will continue to die, in the doomed attempt to build this murderous gimmick for a despotic boy prince. The impunity of capital is a deadly matter for the working classes of the world regardless of its rationality. Nonetheless, Musk seems content with his phone for the time being, and despite his Hitlerite cosplay he is not the oligarch which I am the most concerned about. That infamy lies with Peter Thiel, Musk's fellow PayPal mafioso and founder of the firm Palantir, which specialises in big data analytics in its military as well as civilian applications.

Thiel understands elite reproduction far better than some of his peers in the Silicon Valley Right. Musk gives out X premium subscriptions and shout-outs to memecoins. Thiel sets up scholarships for new startups he can use to extend his capital and its influence, he lays the economic ground for the cultural foundations of an enduring reactionary intelligentsia and cultural sphere, and he funds faux-left, conservative media such as Compact magazine, which poisons the well of leftist thought to muddy the discursive waters and to incrementally normalise such ideas amongst a defeated and despondent left. Where Musk wants to be recognised as the high-scoring player, Thiel wishes to change the programming of the game itself. Thiel's political motivations can be summarised by his admission that he does not believe freedom and democracy to be in any way compatible. It is therefore imperative for him that democracy be extinguished in the name of freedom, and he spends his money precisely to achieve these aims and to shape the political landscape in this direction. It was Thiel who led the charge to have JD Vance made Trump's VP, spending $15 million to do so and achieving a far more precise level of influence than a Muskian hype-train or twitter storm. Vance is Thiel's man in the White House. Both of them are disciples of the self-styled 'dark enlightenment intellectual' Curtis Yarvin. Yarvin's ideology is simple: neoliberalism is failing because it remains tainted by democracy, the only realm of social production we haven't fully applied capitalism to is the production of states themselves, and so the state should be run as a corporation, which citizens subscribe to for governmental services. If they do not like how their state is being run, they can switch their provider and leave (this is explicitly modelled, as the neoreactionary philosopher Nick Land describes it, on white flight from the suburbs). The key to achieving this fusion of corporate and state power (by collapsing the latter into the former) is the elimination of what neoreactionaries consider to be the 'real' ruling class of capitalism corrupted by democracy. Who is this? For Yarvin it is certainly not the capitalists. Of course, the true ruling class is a nebulous unity of liberal academics, journalists, communists, NGOs, people who call them stupid online, the list is endless. This they call "The Cathedral".

This ideology is not significantly different from the reactionary myth cited above, but what makes Thiel a far more dangerous node of reactionary capital is his ability to integrate his interests into state institutions. In this Thiel is very much set on making Britain a testing ground for new forms of techno-capitalist control and accumulation. Thiel's 'Founders Fund' is what established the company Anduril with fellow traveller Palmer Luckey. This is the company which now runs so-called 'AI' towers all across the southern coast of Britain, and has since taken on a whole host of MoD contracts.. In November 2023, the NHS awarded Palantir a £330 million contract to create the platform that will manage patient data. Palantir, which wholeheartedly supplies data-infrastructure to the Israeli military, also secured a contract to work for the British police in countering 'extremism'.Under our new regime, Labour's yearning for big-data-bullshit means it is unlikely they will revoke Palantir's access to British infrastructure before they have succeeded in making themselves indispensable to it. Tom Watson, the former deputy leader of the Labour Party, joined their advisory board for public services, and will most likely foster good relations between our regime and theirs.The Labour Party will not slow the march of neoreaction through Britain's institutions.

Musk is in your phone, and if you are unlucky, your car. Peter Thiel and his progeny are in your hospitals, in the police stations, and in the imperialist military. Whether or not these machines will be truly effective is secondary to the necessity that they be resisted regardless, a 'smart' weapon and a 'regular' one are still dangerous. Thiel wishes to purge what little there is of democracy in our societies, and he and his ilk are playing a much longer game. We cannot militate against a Muskian spectacle, but Thiel's plans require infrastructure-data-centres specifically-which are very fragile and expensive assemblages of equipment, vulnerable to militant worker action. The properly materialist response to such evil is to demolish the ground of its vengeful fantasy. Their capital may buy them their toys of control, but it is we who remember that-as Hegel once said-the only rational thing to do with such toys is to break them.

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The reactionary evil of Trump's oligarch courtiers

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rs21 - revolutionary socialism in the 21st century

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Revealed: Israeli military creating ChatGPT-like tool using vast collection of Palestinian surveillance data

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The powerful new AI model is designed to analyze intercepted communications – but experts say such systems can exacerbate biases and are prone to making mistakes

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Cellebrite, the company which makes near ubiquitous phone hacking and forensics technology used by police officers around the world, has introduced artificial intelligence capabilities into its products, including summarizing chat logs or audio messages from seized mobile phones, according to an announcement from the company last month.

The introduction of AI into a tool that essentially governs how evidence against criminal defendants is analyzed already has civil liberties experts concerned.

"When you have results from an AI, they are not transparent. Often you cannot trace back where a conclusion came from, or what information it is based on. AIs hallucinate. If you always train it on data from cases where there are convictions, it will never understand cases where indictments should not be brought," Jennifer Granick, surveillance and cybersecurity counsel at the American Civil Liberties Union's (ACLU) Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project, told 404 Media in an email.

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Cellebrite Is Using AI to Summarize Chat Logs and Audio from Seized Mobile Phones

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The proliferation of AI through law enforcement tools already has civil liberties experts concerned. "When you have results from an AI, they are not transparent. Often you cannot trace back where a conclusion came from, or what information it is based on. AIs hallucinate," one said.

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IGLYO Statement: LGBTQI Freedom in Turkey Is Under Attack

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IGLYO has been in touch with its Members in Turkey. We are closely monitoring the ongoing deteriorating situation for LGBTQI+ activists and communities on the ground in the country.

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Joint statement from LGBTI+ associations on the draft anti-LGBTI+ law proposal: They Target Us All

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“We will not give up our rights, our love, our bodies, or our freedoms! We are all standing together against this hateful and discriminatory law! Hold the line—the fight begins now!”

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“الأخلاق الحميدة” حصان طروادة لانتهاك مزيد من الحقوق – جمعية تقاطع

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للإطلاع عبر هذا الرابط: الأخلاق الحميدة حصان طروادة لانتهاك مزيد من الحقوق