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I think the Northern Ireland case study is useful not because it sets Northern Ireland apart, but because it draws our attention to the extent to which we ignore violence in other parts of the UK because it is politically expedient to do so. Here is a link to a piece for a friend's blog on this issue a couple of years ago:

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We've seen similar 'reporting' of protests here in Australia recently. There have been some huge marches of people who are very concerned about the way the country is being run, but the media is largely owned by those favourable to the current party in power. At first there were virtually no reports of the events at all, despite over 100000 people being involved. When coverage did start to appear, it was often from journalists who had done their best to find derogatory information, such as slogans or signs with expletives. Rather than reporting that significant numbers of people were angry/upset/worried enough to get out onto the streets, the media reported that a couple of the signs were rude.
A second protest following last week's budget has led to more reporting, but again the focus is on trying to make the protesters look bad rather than considering why they are there in the first place.

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I'm not sure that the suggestion that 'Parades are a waste of time energy and money' really does justice to the complexity of the issue! For instance, a report published last year, commissioned by the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland, funded by the Department for Social Development and published by RSM Mclure Watters Consultants - and which Dominic posted earlier this week - suggests that there is a substantial net contribution from the parading 'sector' to the Northern Irish economy.

http://www.grandorangelodge.co.uk/docs/may13-report.pdf

While I have doubts about some of the claims made in the report, I think that it cannot be so easily dismissed entirely. Further, parading is evidently something which a considerable number of people do not believe to be a waste of time or energy.

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Freedom of assembly is one of the fundamental in our society, but these days it is very polarized and some symbols of identity could be apprehend as offense. For example in my native city – Zaporizhzhya in April of 13 was an incident when group of people organized a rally with Russian flags and “georgian’s ribbons”. Their slogans were that Zaporizhzhya should be part of Russia. It was offensive for majority of local citizens and they surrounded the protesters and egged them on. The reasons for such behavior of local citizens were perception Russian’s flag as flags of invaders or separatists.

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Украинская правда

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Сепаратистов в Запорожье забросали "пасхальным набором"

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Сепаратистов в Запорожье 13 апреля целый день осаждали и не подпускали к ним подкрепление, закидывая яйцами, мукой и пакетами с молоком.

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Each person free to express his identity in social appropriate way. On my opinion freedom of assembly is one of the fundamental human rights. I agree with restriction of freedom for smokers in public places case they could harm someone.
I understand that in some symbols could apprehend as offensive. For example in Great Britain Adolf Hitler lookalike cat was beaten up. It was not cat faults that it looks like bloody dictator.

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The right to freedom of expression within the context of "a 'peaceable' assembly" is more or less upheld in the United States under the First Amendment. This is true even in hotly contested situations or concerning disparate or controversial groups and factions. While yes, certain biases exist in terms of interpretation of "peaceable" as well as the de facto application of law, all in all parades or protests are extended to not only American citizens, but any persons on American soil (e.g., immigrant protesters). See for example, http://archive.adl.org/20faq/20q.html. It might also be a good idea to examine the following link as well vhttp://www.c-span.org/video/?67630-1/million-man-march

Question, might the US First Amendment and the relevant corpus juris (body of law - case law) help inform Northern Ireland in this area?

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Coverage of the Million Man March includes open phones segments, live crowd shots, interviews with rally participants on the Mall and speeches by African-American men from all walks of life, ending...

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The right to freedom of expression within the context of "a 'peaceable' assembly" is more or less upheld in the United States under the First Amendment. This is true even in hotly contested situations or concerning disparate or controversial groups and factions. While yes, certain biases exist in terms of interpretation of "peaceable" as well as the de facto application of law, all in all parades or protests are extended to not only American citizens, but any persons on American soil (e.g., immigrant protesters). See for example, http://archive.adl.org/20faq/20q.html. It might also be a good idea to examine the following link as well vhttp://www.c-span.org/video/?67630-1/million-man-march

Question, might the US First Amendment and the relevant corpus juris (body of law - case law) help inform Northern Ireland in this area?

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An example of the First Minister of Northern Ireland affecting expression of identities in Northern Ireland: http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/news/local-national/northern-ireland/anna-lo-considering-leaving-northern-ireland-after-peter-robinson-gives-backing-for-satanic-islam-sermon-pastor-30314364.html. In this case, by defending the freedom of speech (freedom of expression) of a Christian preacher in the context of insensitive comments on Islam.

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Alliance MLA Anna Lo has said she will quit politics due to ongoing racist abuse directed at her by loyalists.

Earlier on Thursday, Ms Lo said she was considering leaving Northern Ireland following comments made by First Minister Peter Robinson in support of a controversial pastor who denounced Islam.

The politician - who represents South Belfast and just last week ran as a candidate in the European elections - said she was "angry" at the backing given to Pastor James McConnell.

But speaking to the Guardian newspaper later on Thursday, she said would not run again in the 2016 Assembly elections.

Ms Lo said she would not seek re-election due to a litany of continual racist abuse directed at her by loyalists.

Meanwhile a heated row was reignited on Wednesday evening, as Pastor McConnell once again appeared on the BBC's Nolan Show to defend comments he made that Islam was a "heathen" doctrine which was "spawned in hell".

Peter Robinson is now at the centre of a religious storm after he defended the firebrand evangelical preacher.

There had been for an investigation into Mr Robinson's comments, to determine whether the First Minister breached the rules of Stormont's Code of Conduct.

In response to the ongoing controversy, Anna Lo said she did not feel safe living in Northern Ireland.

The MLA said she would consider leaving the country "because of what might happen after what he said".

"I do not feel safe here and I know many people who feel the same," she told the Nolan Show.

"I love this country and I chose to live here.

"I am just appalled our political leaders are coming out and making such comments."

On Thursday morning Peter Robinson attempted to diffuse the ongoing row.

He said "no part of me would want to insult or cause distress to local Muslims".

But while he moved to assure members of the Islamic community, he continued his defence of Pastor McConnell's "right to freedom of speech".

Pastor McConnell had described the Islamic faith as "Satanic" during a sermon at his Whitewell Metropolitan Tabernacle church in Belfast earlier this month.

He also said while there may be "good Muslims" in Britain " I don't trust them".

Speaking to the Irish News this week, Peter Robinson said Pastor McConnell didn't have "an ounce of hatred in his bones".

His comments come after the Belfast Telegraph revealed that during a Sunday evening sermon the pastor said: "Islam is heathen, Islam is Satanic, Islam is a doctrine spawned in Hell."

The 75-year-old pastor's comments sparked a police probe.

Peter Robinson said he had visited the church on several occasions and he would attend in the future.

He said there appeared to be an attempt to demonise Mr McConnell.

"There isn't an ounce of hatred in his bones," he said.

"This is someone who preaches the gospel."

Mr Robinson's comments also prompted a fresh clash with Deputy First Minister Martin McGuinness.

In response, the Sinn Fein man and former IRA commander McGuinness, who has already accused the pastor of hate-mongering, told his partner in government to show some leadership.
Further reading Peter Robinson: 'I wouldn't trust Muslims devoted to Sharia Law, but I would trust them to go down to the shops for me' 'Satanic Islam' sermon cleric 'surprised and touched' by Peter Robinson's support Muslim rant sermon: Fury and hurt as First Minister Peter Robinson backs Islam row pastor McConnell Peter Robinson's remarks defending Pastor McConnell's sermon and by saying that he would not trust some Muslims is unhelpful
Belfast Telegraph Digital

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Anna Lo 'to quit politics' due to ongoing racist abuse by loyalists - BelfastTelegraph.co.uk

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Alliance MLA Anna Lo has said she will quit politics due to ongoing racist abuse directed at her by loyalists.

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I attach a link to a Youtube video of a song by a
the Irish singer-songwriter Paul Brady. This was written in 1986 and goes right to the heart of the terrible times we were in then. The lyrics are full of symbolism for both communities - "banners in the market place" could be seen to be nationalist and "slogans on the shipyard walls" could be unionist. The line "no way our holy flag is going to fall" perfectly illustrates the mindset of people prepared to resort to violence to defend/fight for what they believe is their "right". Then there are lyrics which apply to nationalists and unionists alike - "still trying to reach the future through the past", "feed the worn out dreams of yesterday" and "the twisted wreckage down on Main St". The final line "marching down the road to freedom" is sung with heavy irony.

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Written 20 years ago, the lyrics of Paul Brady's "The Island" ring even more true today. In this song with additional commentary, Brady expresses the devastation and emotions that engulfed the people of Ireland in the early eighties. However, the wars, bombing, and fighting that are happening around us today, remind us of the mindset Brady was addressing.

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At the time of the Castlederg controversy, I was particularly struck by some of the public statements from republican politicians, which seemed to assert that neither side had the right to challenge the identity and traditions of the other, or how that community chose to express those identities or traditions. These statements were obviously made in the context of the Loyalist flag protests and controversies over Orange marches. But the danger of continuing to reinforce two oppositional traditions and allow them to exist in parallel and completely distinct from each other flies in the face of Stormont's apparent efforts to promote a sense of shared identity and shared future, and in fact completely denies the reality of our complex history where the two communities have lived together, intermingled, for centuries.

Here's an interesting article giving some background to the Castlderg controversy and the myriad of divisions across and within both communities that it was sparked by:

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Northern Ireland parade to commemorate IRA men chills atmosphere in Castlederg

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Henry McDonald: Protestants and unionists outraged over Sinn Fein's plan to hold 'Tyrone Volunteer Day' to mark deaths of two men who blew themselves up transporting bomb 40 years ago

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you might be interested in the work of the anthropologist Phillipe Bourgois, which looks at what he calls the 'continuum' of violence. His argument is that violence does not simply 'end' at the end of a civil conflict, but rather that its nature changes. All societies exist somewhere on a spectrum of violence, and within different societies, different forms of violence may be occurring simultaneously. Bourgois has been a big inspiration in my own work.

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Personally, I am unconvinced that historical fact in an of itself is a solution to on-going division. For one thing, it can just as likely, and just as legitimately, be used to support the persistence of division as it can to encourage a 'shared' future based on some notion of 'shared' history. In other words history is objectively neither divided nor shared. How we understand and use historical evidence is important.

On this issue, I would suggest looking at the work of the historian Tom Dunne on the bicentennial of the 1798 rebellion. Check out this article from Slugger for more info.

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I can particularly recommend the work of Prof. John Dixon at the Open University on this issue. He has worked in South Africa and Northern Ireland and has shown a particular spaces can change over time. I remember him delivering a really interesting lecture on now a beach in South Africa sustained forms of segregation after apartheid. You can find a list of some of his publications here:

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The Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences embodies the core values of The Open University, enabling, empowering and transforming individuals, societies, cultures and ourselves through our teaching, research and engagement in dialogues across the world. More

Schools

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The Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences embodies the core values of The Open University, enabling, empowering and transforming individuals, societies, cultures and ourselves through our teaching, research and engagement in dialogues across the world. More

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This is a interesting link to a local story in my hometown.
http://www.middevongazette.co.uk/Council-right-action-guerilla-gardeners-says/story-21102571-detail/story.html
The initial story which went viral was that the council had over-reacted by insisting that the flowers planted in a grass verge be removed….. the actual story as revealed in this link is a lot more about contested used of public space and the right to privacy in ones home…. with some possible racial overtones!

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This is a link to a statue that was placed in a public place in Birmingham city centre. It was supposed to represent the diverse nature of the Birmingham population as well as a symbol of Birmingham's progression from being predominately perceived as an industrial city. The statue however was burnt down, which in itself can be seen to be symbolic, potentially addressing certain sectors of society feeling of being disenfranchised from the notion of art. Maybe the act, which was described as vandalism, could be seen as a form of art because it forces the question of arts relevance.

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Here is a short article that discusses the work of Frank Burton:

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in no way would I wish to belittle the consequences of proximity to violence and civil unrest on anyone. However, Ann Dolan is correct '...few casualties and a remarkably quick return to stability and peace ...' I was making the point that it not does not amount to '...particularly high levels of conflict and violence...' and that categorising it as such is to deflect attention away from locations where more lives would be saved by application of the same level of attention or is it your suggestion that a life in say Glasgow, Caracas or Rwanda is in some way less valuable than a life in Northern Island?

Dominic suggested that it is the structural, political and sustained nature of conflict that makes Northern Ireland stand out but would counter that the street gangs of Glasgow, Caracas and militas of Rwanda provide every bit as much in the way of evidence for structural, political and sustained conflict

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Between April and June 1994, an estimated 800,000 Rwandans were killed in the space of 100 days.

Most of the dead were Tutsis - and most of those who perpetrated the violence were Hutus.

Even for a country with such a turbulent history as Rwanda, the scale and speed of the slaughter left its people reeling.

The genocide was sparked by the death of the Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, when his plane was shot down above Kigali airport on 6 April 1994.

A French judge has blamed current Rwandan President, Paul Kagame - at the time the leader of a Tutsi rebel group - and some of his close associates for carrying out the rocket attack.

Mr Kagame vehemently denies this and says it was the work of Hutu extremists, in order to provide a pretext to carry out their well-laid plans to exterminate the Tutsi community.

Whoever was responsible, within hours a campaign of violence spread from the capital throughout the country, and did not subside until three months later.

But the death of the president was by no means the only cause of Africa's largest genocide in modern times.

History of violence

Ethnic tension in Rwanda is nothing new. There have always been disagreements between the majority Hutus and minority Tutsis, but the animosity between them has grown substantially since the colonial period.

The two ethnic groups are actually very similar - they speak the same language, inhabit the same areas and follow the same traditions.

However, Tutsis are often taller and thinner than Hutus, with some saying their origins lie in Ethiopia.

During the genocide, the bodies of Tutsis were thrown into rivers, with their killers saying they were being sent back to Ethiopia.

When the Belgian colonists arrived in 1916, they produced identity cards classifying people according to their ethnicity.

The Belgians considered the Tutsis to be superior to the Hutus. Not surprisingly, the Tutsis welcomed this idea, and for the next 20 years they enjoyed better jobs and educational opportunities than their neighbours.

Resentment among the Hutus gradually built up, culminating in a series of riots in 1959. More than 20,000 Tutsis were killed, and many more fled to the neighbouring countries of Burundi, Tanzania and Uganda.

When Belgium relinquished power and granted Rwanda independence in 1962, the Hutus took their place. Over subsequent decades, the Tutsis were portrayed as the scapegoats for every crisis.

Building up to genocide

This was still the case in the years before the genocide. The economic situation worsened and the incumbent president, Juvenal Habyarimana, began losing popularity.

At the same time, Tutsi refugees in Uganda - supported by some moderate Hutus - were forming the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), led by Mr Kagame. Their aim was to overthrow Habyarimana and secure their right to return to their homeland.

Habyarimana chose to exploit this threat as a way to bring dissident Hutus back to his side, and Tutsis inside Rwanda were accused of being RPF collaborators.

In August 1993, after several attacks and months of negotiation, a peace accord was signed between Habyarimana and the RPF, but it did little to stop the continued unrest.

When Habyarimana's plane was shot down at the beginning of April 1994, it was the final nail in the coffin.

Exactly who killed the president - and with him the president of Burundi and many chief members of staff - has not been established.

Whoever was behind the killing its effect was both instantaneous and catastrophic.

Mass murder

In Kigali, the presidential guard immediately initiated a campaign of retribution. Leaders of the political opposition were murdered, and almost immediately, the slaughter of Tutsis and moderate Hutus began.

Within hours, recruits were dispatched all over the country to carry out a wave of slaughter.

The early organisers included military officials, politicians and businessmen, but soon many others joined in the mayhem.

Organised gangs of government soldiers and militias hacked their way through the Tutsi population with machetes, or blew them up in churches where they had taken refuge.

The extremist ethnic Hutu regime in office in 1994 appeared genuinely to believe that the only way it could hang on to power was by wiping out the ethnic Tutsis completely.

Encouraged by the presidential guard and radio propaganda, an unofficial militia group called the Interahamwe (meaning those who attack together) was mobilised. At its peak, this group was 30,000-strong.

Soldiers and police officers encouraged ordinary citizens to take part. In some cases, Hutu civilians were forced to murder their Tutsi neighbours by military personnel.

Participants were often given incentives, such as money or food, and some were even told they could appropriate the land of the Tutsis they killed.

On the ground at least, the Rwandans were largely left alone by the international community. Most of the UN troops withdrew after the murder of 10 soldiers.

The day after Habyarimana's death, the RPF renewed their assault on government forces, and numerous attempts by the UN to negotiate a ceasefire came to nothing.

Aftermath

Finally, in July, the RPF captured Kigali. The government collapsed and the RPF declared a ceasefire.

As soon as it became apparent that the RPF was victorious, an estimated two million Hutus fled to Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo).

These refugees include many who have since been implicated in the massacres.

At first, a multi-ethnic government was set up, with a Hutu, Pasteur Bizimungu as president and Mr Kagame as his deputy.

But the pair later fell out and Bizimungu was jailed on charges of inciting ethnic violence, while Mr Kagame became president.

Although the killing in Rwanda was over, the presence of Hutu militias in DR Congo has led to years of conflict there, causing up to five million deaths.

Rwanda's now Tutsi-led government has twice invaded its much larger neighbour, saying it wants to wipe out the Hutu forces.

And a Congolese Tutsi rebel group remains active, refusing to lay down arms, saying otherwise its community would be at risk of genocide.

The world's largest peacekeeping force has been unable to end the fighting.

The BBC is not responsible for the content of external sites.

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Between April and June 1994, an estimated 800,000 Rwandans were killed in the space of 100 days. Most of the dead were Tutsis - and most of those who perpetrated the violence were Hutus. Even for a country with such a turbulent history as Rwanda, the scale and speed of the slaughter left its people reeling.

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in no way would I wish to belittle the consequences of proximity to violence and civil unrest on anyone. However, Ann Dolan is correct '...few casualties and a remarkably quick return to stability and peace ...' I was making the point that it not does not amount to '...particularly high levels of conflict and violence...' and that categorising it as such is to deflect attention away from locations where more lives would be saved by application of the same level of attention or is it your suggestion that a life in say Glasgow, Caracas or Rwanda is in some way less valuable than a life in Northern Island?

Dominic suggested that it is the structural, political and sustained nature of conflict that makes Northern Ireland stand out but would counter that the street gangs of Glasgow, Caracas and militas of Rwanda provide every bit as much in the way of evidence for structural, political and sustained conflict

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'First time for everything," my British husband said, grimacing, while he was patted down for a concealed weapon as we stepped into a neighbourhood pizza restaurant. We were in Caracas, just before Christmas. Above the restaurant door was a now ubiquitous sign: "No Guns. No Smoking."

Venezuela, my home country, made headlines in Britain last week, for wretched reasons. Late last Monday a former beauty queen, Monica Spear, 29, and her British ex-husband, Thomas Henry Berry, 39, were murdered on a lonely stretch of highway in front of their five-year-old daughter. The couple were assaulted in an altogether too common way: an obstacle left in the road punctured the tyres of their car, forcing it onto the hard shoulder. A tow truck came to their rescue, but as their vehicle was being lifted to safety a gang of up to 11 people attacked

Their deaths have shocked and infuriated the already violence-numbed Venezuelans. Murders such as these usually go unreported on account of their tragic frequency, but Spear's fame made this different."We are all Monica," said a protester's poster in Caracas, as people gathered to mourn and voice their anger.

Last year Venezuela was branded the most dangerous country in Latin America. A 2010 UN report places it among the top four most murderous countries in the world. While the government has refused to release its own statistics for years, a recent report by an NGO, the Venezuelan Observatory on Violence, estimates that 24,000 people were murdered in 2013 alone, a 14% rise on 2012, with nine out of 10 homicides going unsolved.

And, despite recent government efforts to curb firearms, Venezuela is the most weaponised place in the world. In a country of 29 million people, there is roughly one gun for every two people.

As a child I camped in the southern grasslands with my family, we hiked in the Andes, through cocoa plantations and dense cloud forests, took dugout canoes through the Orinoco delta and slept in hammocks in the Amazon rainforest. The country is beautiful, but I am now too frightened to take my own children to see their spectacular heritage. Now when I take my own family back home, I rarely leave the confines of Caracas. If I do, I avoid driving at night and always travel in a nondescript car like the one Spear and Berry were sensibly driving. (Though even this precaution did not help them.)

The roads have always been badly kept and rarely lit, and drivers in Venezuela have scant regard for anything approaching rules. But as a teenager it was great fun to get stuck in traffic at night on a highway returning from some far-flung, palm-lined beach. Car doors would open, someone would crank up the merengue music on their stereo, and people would walk around, chatting, sharing food and beer.

Venezuela today is far from paradise lost but, regardless of the many important social and political changes brought about by 10 years of Bolivarian socialism under the late President Chávez, the level of violence is a bloody stain on his legacy. Supporters of Chávez would argue that his regime's efforts were focused on eradicating poverty and the causes of crime. Perhaps, but the reality is more guns and badly paid and corrupt law enforcement. Also possibly in play - in terms of the violence directed against the likes of Spear and Berry - is an institutional view that it is a "middle-class problem", a problem of the anti-Chavista social classes.

Last August I spent three weeks embedded with the anti-kidnap squad of the Caracas police making a documentary for the Channel 4 series Unreported World. I witnessed daily the unrelenting violence of Venezuela. On our first day in the dingy Caracas police HQ, Héctor Ramírez, head of the squad's technical unit, talked me through their investigation into a kidnap gang leader known as El Viejo. He showed me an image of one of El Viejo's alleged victims.

"This is how we found Celeste. Arms bound behind her back, T-shirt ripped off, one bullet to the back of the head. She was a 24-year-old university student caught in the wrong place at the wrong time," Ramírez said. "The kidnappers made one phone call to her family and realised she had no money. Her body was left on a dumpster just off a national highway." Three weeks later our Unreported World team joined the police on a raid into the Caracas slum of El Valle to arrest El Viejo.

Starting at dawn, we crept down steep mud paths between shacks as the sun rose over the valley. We hunkered down by a wall of concrete blocks in dirty grass as the police raced ahead of us, automatic gunfire whipping over our heads, the gangsters exchanging shots with the police. In the midst of the gunfire crackle, I heard whistling. On the other side of the concrete wall, I glanced up to see an old man - the whistler - sweeping his front stoop, talking quietly to his dog. Just another morning in a Caracas slum.

In Caracas before Christmas, that night my husband got frisked for weapons before dinner, I was heartened to see people out in the streets; a bar with tables overflowing onto the pavement, teenagers hanging out in a square, people walking on usually deserted streets. However, driving home I stopped at a red light. The cars behind me all honked their horns in fury. "What are you thinking?" they seemed to blare at me. Stopping at a red light on a dark Caracas night, what was I thinking indeed?
Topics

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24,000 murders last year confirm Venezuela as one of the world's most dangerous countries

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'First time for everything," my British husband said, grimacing, while he was patted down for a concealed weapon as we stepped into a neighbourhood pizza restaurant. We were in Caracas, just before Christmas. Above the restaurant door was a now ubiquitous sign: "No Guns. No Smoking."

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in no way would I wish to belittle the consequences of proximity to violence and civil unrest on anyone. However, Ann Dolan is correct '...few casualties and a remarkably quick return to stability and peace ...' I was making the point that it not does not amount to '...particularly high levels of conflict and violence...' and that categorising it as such is to deflect attention away from locations where more lives would be saved by application of the same level of attention or is it your suggestion that a life in say Glasgow, Caracas or Rwanda is in some way less valuable than a life in Northern Island?

Dominic suggested that it is the structural, political and sustained nature of conflict that makes Northern Ireland stand out but would counter that the street gangs of Glasgow, Caracas and militas of Rwanda provide every bit as much in the way of evidence for structural, political and sustained conflict

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Historically Glasgow has had the highest number of street gangs in the UK. There were six times more gangs in Glasgow[when? ] than in London, the UK capital, which is geographically ten times as large.

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even the meaning we give to a wall is inside our head. You make a very important point and anyone interested in this the work of Frank Burton on Northern Ireland is important:

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Here is a short article that discusses this work:

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What a very interesting discussion. I come from Black America - the most divided society within the United States, a land of physical, social, and psychosocial barriers.* On one level we may argue that many of the physical barriers are not sponsored by the state - i.e., the "de jure" Federal Government (as opposed to the "states' governments under  "federalism," and their localized subunits in the forms of counties and cities). However, the "state" at the states government levels (e.g., "California," New York," "Texas," etc., and their local subunit levels (counties and cities) most definitely play a key role.

Think about the very real phenomenon of "Driving while Black" (or Brown) in some cases that usually occur because of the inherent "suspiciousness of 'black' skin"

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The phrase DWB was amplified in the scope of American public discourse through social media mediums in which African Americans can record police encounters and disseminate it to a large audience. 'Driving While Black' was invoked in the media following the recent deaths of Sandra Bland (d. 2015) and Philando Castile (d.

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This survey from Ipsos Mori might be of interest. It reveals how perception and reality can often be at odds

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Index of recent Ipsos MORI monthly Political Monitor surveys and to the associated political trends

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During the recent Haass talks on the on-going issues of parades, flags and symbols and the past, a group of academics called Arkiv made the following submission to the Panel of Parties:

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In 1972, 30,000 British soldiers deployed. Even now, despite lower levels of violence, the spending on policing per head of population would be higher than anywhere in the UK:

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As we have repeated throughout this course Northern Ireland exhibits a particular type of conflict and higher levels of violence will be found in other places. However, look at the pages here and look at the size of police force and deployment of the Army over 40 years:

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CAIN: Northern Ireland Society - Security and Defence

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CAIN: Northern Ireland Society - Security and Defence

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Levels of violence in inner-city Chicago, for instance, are higher than they are in a number of conflicts which are 'officially' designated as civil wars.

On the particular example of Chicago, I cannot recommend highly enough this piece from This American Life, which explores the impact of concentrated gang violence on the life of a school: http://www.thisamericanlife.org/radio-archives/episode/487/harper-high-school-part-one.

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Principal Leonetta Sanders and Social Worker Crystal Winfield Smith. Photo by Bill Healy.

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The world redrawn by the five senses.

The story of Harold Washington and the white backlash that was set off when he became Chicago's first black mayor.

At the first day assembly, the freshman seem confused and nervous while the seniors are boisterous and confident. It's exactly the kind of first day stuff you'd expect at any school. Until Harper Principal Leonetta Sanders calls for a moment of silence to honor the students Harper has lost in the last year. Then Harper doesn't seem so ordinary. In the clean and orderly halls of Harper, we meet the staff as they shepherd the students through new schedules and rules while they also try to reassure parents about the frightening rise in shootings in the neighborhood. (7 minutes)

Harper High School

So many of the shootings in the Englewood neighborhood of Chicago, the neighborhood where Harper High sits, are characterized as "gang-related." Often, the implication is that gang-related means there is a reason to the shooting - huge, established gangs shooting it out over drug territory. Gang-related often implies you must've deserved it, a certain level of 'what goes around comes around.' Reporter Linda Lutton talks to dozens of Harper students who say adults don't understand that that's not the way it works. Gangs don't operate the way they used to. (13 minutes)

Reporter Alex Kotlowitz spends time in the social work office, where the effects of gun violence are most often apparent. Early on in the year, social worker Crystal Smith spends time with a junior named Devonte, talking him through his grief and guilt after Devonte accidentally shot and killed his 14 year old brother last year. Crystal also meets with Devonte's mother, who has some understandably confused feelings towards Devonte. (16 minutes)

By early October, it's been pretty quiet at Harper, as far as gun violence goes. But on the day before the homecoming game, during a pep rally, a senior named Damoni who is both on the football team and nominated for Homecoming King, gets word that a good friend of his, James, has been shot. James is also a former Harper student with many ties to the school. Reporter Ben Calhoun follows Principal Sanders and the rest of the Harper staff as they jump into action and try to ward off more violence, keep the students safe and grapple with whether they need to cancel the Harper High School Homecoming. (18 minutes)

Theme music for our two-part series on Harper High School was composed by The Latebloomer. Hear the original.
Update 4/2013: First Lady Michelle Obama to visit Harper High School Update 7/2013: Harper Student Murdered

Donations for Harper High School

The world redrawn by the five senses.

The story of Harold Washington and the white backlash that was set off when he became Chicago's first black mayor.

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Harper High School - Part One - This American Life

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If you enjoyed this episode, you may like these The world redrawn by the five senses. The story of Harold Washington and the white backlash that was set off when he became Chicago's first black mayor. At the first day assembly, the freshman seem confused and nervous while the seniors are boisterous and confident.

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i am still finding the expression of opinions like '..... Northern Ireland, which experienced particularly high levels of violence between 1969 and 1998,...' difficult to get past as by objective measure they are not true, yes very unpleasant if you were caught up in it and can understand anyone feeling oppressed by what went on as I was in Belfast many times during this period but as noted in my comments in 4.1 Glasgow at 3.3 murders per 100,000 has more measurable violence in the UK and on the world stage even this is insignificant, anyone going to Brazil for the world cup should look at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crime_in_Brazil for background levels of around 22 murders per 100,000 and this is quite an eyeopener too
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_intentional_homicide_rate as there are a lot of 'holiday' destinations right up at the top of the list

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List of countries by intentional homicide rate - Wikipedia

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List of countries by intentional homicide rate per year per 100,000 inhabitants. The reliability of underlying national murder rate data may vary. UNODC data is used in the main table below. In some cases it is not as up to date as other sources.

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i am still finding the expression of opinions like '..... Northern Ireland, which experienced particularly high levels of violence between 1969 and 1998,...' difficult to get past as by objective measure they are not true, yes very unpleasant if you were caught up in it and can understand anyone feeling oppressed by what went on as I was in Belfast many times during this period but as noted in my comments in 4.1 Glasgow at 3.3 murders per 100,000 has more measurable violence in the UK and on the world stage even this is insignificant, anyone going to Brazil for the world cup should look at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Crime_in_Brazil for background levels of around 22 murders per 100,000 and this is quite an eyeopener too
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_countries_by_intentional_homicide_rate as there are a lot of 'holiday' destinations right up at the top of the list

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Crime in Brazil involves an elevated incidence of violent and non-violent crimes. According to most sources, Brazil possesses high rates of violent crimes, such as murders and robberies; depending on the source (UNDP or World Health Organization), Brazil's homicide rate is 20-30 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants according to the UNODC, placing Brazil in the top 20 countries by intentional homicide rate.

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We've seen similar 'reporting' of protests here in Australia recently. There have been some huge marches of people who are very concerned about the way the country is being run, but the media is largely owned by those favourable to the current party in power. At first there were virtually no reports of the events at all, despite over 100000 people being involved. When coverage did start to appear, it was often from journalists who had done their best to find derogatory information, such as slogans or signs with expletives. Rather than reporting that significant numbers of people were angry/upset/worried enough to get out onto the streets, the media reported that a couple of the signs were rude.
A second protest following last week's budget has led to more reporting, but again the focus is on trying to make the protesters look bad rather than considering why they are there in the first place.

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Following on my comments below I attach a link to a Youtube video of a song by a
the Irish singer-songwriter Paul Brady. This was written in 1986 and goes right to the heart of the terrible times we were in then. The lyrics are full of symbolism for both communities - "banners in the market place" could be seen to be nationalist and "slogans on the shipyard walls" could be unionist. The line "no way our holy flag is going to fall" perfectly illustrates the mindset of people prepared to resort to violence to defend/fight for what they believe is their "right". Then there are lyrics which apply to nationalists and unionists alike - "still trying to reach the future through the past", "feed the worn out dreams of yesterday" and "the twisted wreckage down on Main St". The final line "marching down the road to freedom" is sung with heavy irony.

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Written 20 years ago, the lyrics of Paul Brady's "The Island" ring even more true today. In this song with additional commentary, Brady expresses the devastation and emotions that engulfed the people of Ireland in the early eighties. However, the wars, bombing, and fighting that are happening around us today, remind us of the mindset Brady was addressing.

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In doing some searching I found this interesting article from the Belfast Telegraph, which includes some documents from WikiLeaks:

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The IRA leadership chose a "hard army man" to deliver its statement declaring it was going out of business to send a clear message to potential dissidents, according to a leaked embassy cable.

The then secretary general of the Republic's Department of Foreign Affairs, Dermot Gallagher, said the IRA declaration in July 2005 was "as good a statement as you can get".

And he said he believed it contained a clarity that had not been in any previous statement.

Mr Gallagher told US Ambassador James Kenny and his officials that by choosing "a hard army man" to read the message, the IRA meant to convey to people in the field that the army, including the most devoted volunteers, and not just the politicians, was behind the statement.

His views are disclosed in a leaked cable sent by Mr Kenny from Dublin to the US State Department in Washington.

Mr Gallagher said Seanna Walsh had been chosen because he was a trusted member of the IRA, who had served one of the longest sentences (21 years) for his crimes.

He had been jailed in the "infamous cages and H Block of Long Kesh", the cable said.

It added he was one of the first to "go on the blanket" and protest imprisonment by refusing to wear clothes or bathe.

Significantly, Walsh was a friend and cell mate of Bobby Sands.

"His friendship with Sands is important both because Sands is a hero to the IRA and because Sands' sister married Michael McKevitt, founder of the breakaway Real IRA," the cable added.

By having Walsh deliver the message, the Irish Government believed the IRA was trying to dissuade any potential dissenters and show "the guys on the ground that the army is in charge".

The cable said Mr Gallagher thanked the US for its role as honest broker throughout the peace process.

It added he and Ambassador Kenny agreed the united front since the breakdown of talks the previous December had helped Sinn Fein and the IRA understand they had to make this move.

Mr Gallagher said the Irish Government was particularly concerned that the UK would not "sit on its hands" until the following January, but rather take steps that signalled the Good Friday agreement was on track.

He said Sinn Fein would want front loading of demilitarisation. Decommissioning, British demilitarisation and Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC) reports about IRA actions would be mutually reinforcing.

If the IMC had issued two successive, positive reports on IRA behaviour, the onus would be on unionists. Good IMC reports would also pave the way for movement on other issues.

Northern Ireland office director Brendan Scannell indicated the UK and Ireland would move in tandem to deal with "on the runs" (activists on the run) as soon as the acts of completion had been achieved, the cable added.

It said Mr Gallagher had made a point of stating that the issue of releasing the men convicted of killing Garda Jerry McCabe was "off the table" and investigations into money laundering and the Northern Bank robbery were ongoing and the law of the land would stand.

Mr Gallagher told the US officials their government could be very helpful on policing and possibly on economic development as Sinn Fein sought to show its followers that peace brought a better standard of living.

Click here to visit our WikiLeaks section and read more

Belfast Telegraph

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WikiLeaks: Why IRA chose 'hard army man' to deliver peace message - BelfastTelegraph.co.uk

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The IRA leadership chose a "hard army man" to deliver its statement declaring it was going out of business to send a clear message to potential dissidents, according to a leaked embassy cable. The then secretary general of the Republic's Department of Foreign Affairs, Dermot Gallagher, said the IRA declaration in July 2005 was "as good a statement as you can get".

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the history of the Orange Order is more complex than people sometimes realise. It was not really patronised by the elite for much of its early history. If you have time check out a chapter in my book.

It was really in the second half of the nineteenth century that the elite classes became very closely involved in the Orange Order in Ireland and I would suggest from the 1960s onwards that elite lost power and lost interest in Orangeism. Very broadly, the elite came and went in the Orange Order between 1870 and 1970.

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Annotation In the first major study of the Protestant Loyalist Orange Order in Northern Ireland - which grabbed international headlines in 1998 at the standoff in Drumcree -, Dominic Bryan provides a detailed ethnographic and historical study of Orange Order parades.

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If people have the time this is a great documentary on Belfast and parading:

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Holy Cross School Belfast Loyalist Protests Spotlight BBC

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Belfast Shankill Loyalist Bands (BBC Documentary)

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"The men that wont stop marching" A recent documentary showing the local Shankill area and the bands that are keeping the community spirit. Shows the lives of some of the local people and their views of the past and the present.

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Right... I am going to bang my own drum. If you want to read a more complex analysis of how Orange parades have worked historically and changed through the troubles then read my book here: http://books.google.co.uk/books/about/Orange_Parades.html?id=OECZgQoAV6kC

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Annotation In the first major study of the Protestant Loyalist Orange Order in Northern Ireland - which grabbed international headlines in 1998 at the standoff in Drumcree -, Dominic Bryan provides a detailed ethnographic and historical study of Orange Order parades.

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Too often there is an idea that we teach history that suggests we are destined to end up where we have. For example, I would argue that, in the great scheme of things, the Plantations in Ulster are only a very small (even insignificant) part of the reason we have conflict in the north of Ireland. We must look to much more contemporary social and political reasons.

For example read this brief discussion of the work of sociologist Frank Burton and how it informs us on contemporary social behavior.

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How different are social stereotypes in Northern Ireland from those existing elsewhere ? Are there social stereotypes specific to Northern Ireland ? What differentiates social stereotypes in Northern Ireland from other places is their sectarian nature: there are stereotypes for Catholics and Protestants, Nationalists and Unionists, Republicans and Loyalists. In Northern Ireland people are being categorised according to their ethno-national group and are made to fit into some sectarian stereotype. This is not just in Northern Ireland, when people from Belfast are abroad, generally the first thing that they are being asked is whether they are Catholic or Protestant. Sectarian stereotypes are of course not the only kind of social stereotypes that exist in Northern Ireland, but they are the dominant categories of the two communities' social consciousness and total ideologies. In his book "The Politics of Legitimacy" (1976) the anthropologist Frank Burton was the first to show how sectarian stereotypes were a form of ideological social relations of pervasive importance in daily life in Northern Ireland. It is a practical and necessary social skill to be able to "tell the difference" between Protestants and Catholics if the problems endemic to a sectarian social milieu are to be avoided. Telling the difference is based on the social significance attached to name, area of residence, school attended etc. These elements provide the material for fashioning in an ongoing and narrative manner the theories and stereotypes which each side has of the other.

As ideological representations, stereotypes are based on a mixture of myth and reality. In order to understand sectarian stereotypes, it is necessary to understand their material roots in society. To do otherwise is to fatally underestimate their strength and durability. Sectarianism is a material reality, it is totally mistaken to understand it as being a matter of individual ideas and prejudices. Sectarian stereotypes reveal the materiality of sectarian divisions at all levels in Northern Ireland. Segregated housing, occupational and unemployment distribution, voting alignments, schools, friendship networks and inter marriage rates all testify to the importance of the divisions. Sectarian stereotypes and ideas do not produce a sectarian organisation of society, rather sectarian social realities produce sectarian ideas and stereotypes. People have sectarian stereotypes because they grew up and live in a society which is sectarian in nature. Sectarian stereotypes are ideological constructions which serve to order the experiences of a sectarian social division, they are the "conceptual and cognitive ghetto of Northern Irish ideological social relations" (Frank Burton). They constitute a structuring which reflects the reality of this fundamental social division. Sectarian stereotypes are not just ideas in the head of individuals, they do not "fall from heaven" miraculously, they have an objective basis in reality. This is why all those "peace and reconciliation" programmes are profoundly idealist and conservative in nature, because they are based upon the axiom that it is a matter of "educating", of removing individual prejudices and stereotypes rather than change sectarian realities. Change your ideas, then reality will change rather than transform reality and then your ideas about it will change.

Apart from their material roots, the main reason for the persistence of sectarian stereotypes has been their effective political and legal institutionalisation. One of the effects of the peace process is that it has effectively transformed the Northern Ireland conflict from a political one over national sovereignty into a cultural squabble over respect for "identities". Central to the peace process is the idea that Northern Ireland has two distinct communities whose culture and interests are different and who must be constantly policed and kept apart. Far from providing a basis for ending sectarianism, the 1998 Agreement has enshrined sectarian stereotypes in the new political structures it introduced. For example, the now suspended Northern Ireland Assembly institutionalises sectarianism, by demanding that "at their first meeting, members of the Assembly will register a designation of identity - nationalist, Unionist or other - for the purpose of measuring cross-community support in assembly votes" - effectively freezing different identities in law. Those refusing to define themselves in sectarian terms are effectively sidelined, since all key decisions require a majority within both camps. The peace process is not about resolving the conflict but about "celebrating cultural diversity" - not about overcoming the divisions between Catholics and Protestants but about recognising those "cultural differences" and respecting them. By the institutionalisation of "cultural difference" and "identities", the peace process has reinforced existing sectarian stereotypes. Sectarianism has become the semi-official mechanism through which the different communities are forced to compete for ever-dwindling resources.

The consequences have been bleak. A report issued in 2002 by the Royal Geographical Society found that sectarian divisions have worsened since the peace process began in Northern Ireland. Prompted in part by the Northern Ireland Office's denials that sectarianism was on the increase, Dr Peter Shirlow of the University of Ulster interviewed 4,800 people in 12 Belfast estates, 6 Catholic and six Protestant. The results are damning. Believing the hype about the peace process many, mostly Catholics, moved house to areas not dominated by their own religious denomination. The Housing Executive report that three thousand moved between 1994 and 1996 but sectarian intimidation forced a reverse movement of 6,000 in the following five years. Two-thirds of the population now live in areas which are either 90% Catholic or 90% Protestant. In predominantly Protestant areas companies have a Catholic workforce of only 5% while in Catholic areas only 8% of the workforce is Protestant. Only one in five people would take a job on the other side of the peace line. 62% in areas separated by a peace line think community relations have got worse. 68% of young people between the ages of 18 and 25 claim never to have had a meaningful conversation with someone from the other religious denomination and 62% say they have been the victim of physical or verbal sectarian abuse since the 1994 IRA ceasefire. If you take away political murders the level of sectarian violence has actually increased. In a survey of 1,800 households last year 88% said they would not enter an area dominated by the other denomination, even by car, and 58% would not use shopping or leisure facilities in areas controlled by the other religion, even if they were better. This report by Shirlow also showed that the standard 'solutions' presented by the British government are in reality part of the problem. For example cross-community youth work does more harm than good by allowing young people to identify their perceived enemy. 'All the kids we spoke to said these programmes were a waste of time and almost all the community workers thought likewise. Of 214 kids who had attacked children of the other religion, 158 said they recognised them from cross-community schemes.' For all those reasons, sectarian stereotypes are likely to persist for a very long time.

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The Vacuum: Sectarian Stereotypes by Liam O'Rourke

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How different are social stereotypes in Northern Ireland from those existing elsewhere ? Are there social stereotypes specific to Northern Ireland ? What differentiates social stereotypes in Northern Ireland from other places is their sectarian nature: there are stereotypes for Catholics and Protestants, Nationalists and Unionists, Republicans and Loyalists.

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Perfect video to know the history of Ireland, If you look at the Indian History same thing happened but internal and religious conflict occurs. Same as Ireland & northern Ireland, India was divided in to India and Pakistan in 1947.
Go through the link to know about the same

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The history of India includes the prehistoric settlements and societies in the Indian subcontinent; the advancement of civilisation from the Indus Valley Civilisation to the eventual blending of the Indo-Aryan culture to form the Vedic Civilisation; the rise of Hinduism, Jainism and Buddhism; the onset of a succession of powerful

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I can particularly recommend the work of Prof. John Dixon at the Open University on this issue. He has worked in South Africa and Northern Ireland and has shown a particular spaces can change over time. I remember him delivering a really interesting lecture on now a beach in South Africa sustained forms of segregation after apartheid. You can find a list of some of his publications here:

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The Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences embodies the core values of The Open University, enabling, empowering and transforming individuals, societies, cultures and ourselves through our teaching, research and engagement in dialogues across the world. More

Schools

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The Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences embodies the core values of The Open University, enabling, empowering and transforming individuals, societies, cultures and ourselves through our teaching, research and engagement in dialogues across the world. More

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The parades also bring in tourists. For more information on the economics of the parading there is a report here: http://www.grandorangelodge.co.uk/docs/may13-report.pdf

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The division was very acute even in social media when Narendra Modi recently was elected the prime minister of India. The frustration of the secular-socialist populace (which includes me) was juxtaposed against the anger (surprisingly, not gloating) was very stark.

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Narendra Modi has pulled off such an astonishing victory, he couldn't hold back tears when his colleagues elected him leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party parliamentary party on Tuesday. But even as Modi was demonstrating that alpha males have feelings too, his supporters in the press and on the social media have been displaying a rather different emotion. They are bristling with outrage.

Here's a sampling of what some of the sore winners have been saying.

In Mint, Siddharth Singh excoriated " Delhi's opiated intellectuals " for failing to detect a Modi wave and for repeatedly suggesting that the BJP would "fall well short of a majority and then be forced to give up Modi in favour of a 'secular' candidate in case it wanted to stitch together a government".

Prasanna Viswanathan, who runs a website called Centre Right India, had this hypothesis: "I am still serious about my prediction that section of sec-soc [secular-socialist] mob will seek UN intervention to overturn the democratic verdict in India."

On the NitiCentral website, Amrit Hallan notes that "the country is going to have an absolute-majority Government" despite "the propaganda, misinformation campaigns, chest beating on national and international forums, twisting facts, fabrications and copious shedding of crocodile tears" of the "bleeding heart secularists" to whom the piece is addressed.

The indefatigable Subramanian Swamy warned, "Soon I have to organise my dossiers for prosecution". Among his targets, he said, were "media anchors especially English" and "sundry".

Of course, no one should really be surprised that Modi's supporters continue to be burdened with a sense of grievance in their brightest hour. After all, the BJP's rise to power over the last two decades has been predicated on its ability to persuade the majority of India's citizens that they have been discriminated against.

But this pretence at victimhood has now run thin. The BJP is in the driver's seat. It has finally acquired an overwhelming mandate to make the changes it wants.

It's time for his supporters to acknowledge that their candidate has been given his five years in the spotlight - and to lighten up a little.

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Why are Modi's supporters so angry in victory?

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Narendra Modi has pulled off such an astonishing victory, he couldn't hold back tears when his colleagues elected him leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party parliamentary party on Tuesday. But even as Modi was demonstrating that alpha males have feelings too, his supporters in the press and on the social media have been displaying a rather different emotion.

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Interfaces, west and north Belfast, April 2011

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A man who shouted an Irish republican slogan outside a McDonald's restaurant was convicted today of disorderly behaviour.

James Taggart's lawyer argued that using the phrase Tiocfaidh ar la, which translates as 'our day will come', was covered by his freedom of expression rights.

But a judge at Belfast Magistrates' Court ruled that his words met the criminal test of annoying members of the public.

With Taggart having failed to turn up for his hearing a warrant was issued for his arrest.

The 40-year-old, of Beech Grove, Dunmurry, was arrested and charged with disorderly behaviour over an early morning incident in the city centre on March 23.

He was standing outside McDonald's on Donegall Place and shouted Tiocfadh ar la towards police in the area.

The slogan has been used throughout Troubles by republicans declaring their belief in a future united Ireland.

A police officer at the scene interpreted his remark as foul language, the court heard.

But defence solicitor Feargal MacElhatton argued there was nothing offensive about the phrase.

He insisted Taggart was entitled to make the comments under freedom of expression entitlements within human rights legislation.

In an imagined scenario to back his submissions, the lawyer said a far-left socialist may be offended at encountering a conservative voter.

Similarly, Taggart's remarks did not justify a disorderly behaviour charge, Mr MacElhatton contended.

The defendant's non-appearance meant his motivation could not be examined.

But District Judge Fiona Bagnall said: "I do note he was saying this in a loud voice in an area which is a public space in the city centre and where members of the community are likely to be."

She pointed to a legal definition of the offence which covers words which would give annoyance to members of the public, including police officers, and attract attention meriting intervention.

It does not have to be proved that anyone was actually annoyed.

"I'm satisfied that it does meet that definition and in the circumstances I have convicted him," Judge Bagnall confirmed.

Noting Taggart has a previous record for similar offences, she issued a warrant for him to be arrested and brought to court for sentencing.

Belfast Telegraph Digital

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Man who shouted Irish republican slogan Tiocfaidh ar la outside Belfast McDonald's is convicted of disorderly behaviour - BelfastTelegraph.co.uk

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A man who shouted an Irish republican slogan outside a McDonald's restaurant was convicted today of disorderly behaviour. James Taggart's lawyer argued that using the phrase Tiocfaidh ar la, which translates as 'our day will come', was covered by his freedom of expression rights.

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a link to the latest Peace Monitoring Report 

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a link to the latest Peace Monitoring Report 

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It's also a good resource for starting to think about conflict transformation.

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Some background information on the building is provided on the website of the Conway Mill Preservation Trust:

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I do not endorse all of what AlJazeera has to say, nor do I endorse everything Martin McGuinness has to say, but here is an interview about the IRA and the peace process that strikes to the heart of the question of reconciliation:

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This Head to Head interview with the late Martin McGuinness first aired on Al Jazeera English in March 2014. McGuinness passed away on March 20, 2017.

I was labelled a terrorist. The organisation I was part of, the IRA, was labelled a terrorist organisation.

Martin McGuinness

During the conflict in Northern Ireland, the Irish Republican Army (IRA) was branded a terrorist organisation by the British government. The Republican fighters, however, saw themselves as a legitimate army fighting against the British occupation. It was a classic case of "one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter".

In this episode of Head to Head , Mehdi Hasan challenges Martin McGuinness, the elected deputy first minister of Northern Ireland and a former commander of the IRA, on his violent past; on why he sees himself as a man of peace; and on whether the Northern Irish Peace Process has lessons for other conflicts around the world.

McGuinness also argues for the importance of negotiations and talking to the enemy as the most effective way of ending conflict.

So, is violence ever justified? And when is it time to speak to the enemy?

Joining our discussion are: Professor Louise Richardson, a global terrorism expert and vice chancellor of St. Andrews University; Dr. Azzam Tamimi, the author of Hamas: A History from Within, and Charlie Wolf, an American political commentator.
Watch other episodes of Head to Head

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Martin McGuinness: Can political violence be justified?

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This Head to Head interview with the late Martin McGuinness first aired on Al Jazeera English in March 2014. McGuinness passed away on March 20, 2017. I was labelled a terrorist. The organisation I was part of, the IRA, was labelled a terrorist organisation.

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In my opinion the key words spoken by Seanna in the above interview were that people 'must agree to engage in a process of dialogue and communication ... to come up with solutions'. Whilst he was specifically referring to the freedom to march in contested spaces, this process must continue to enable both sides to come together in a shared understanding of their common humanity rather than a focus on difference and past conflict. There are many community organisations in NI doing just this. One of these is the Corrymeela Community - www.corrymeela.org. Its mission statement is 'embracing difference, healing divisions, enabling reconciliation'.

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Corrymeela is Northern Ireland's oldest peace and reconciliation organisation. We began before "The Troubles" and continue on in Northern Ireland's changing post-conflict society.

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Brown eyes vs Blue eyes.
A take on the creating of 'the best'?

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Northern Ireland is much like Scotland in that respect, it rains a lot more than in Southern England - in particular East Anglia[ including Cambridgeshire] and the London region which contains the largest proportion of people with cycle possible commutes, are technically semi desert regions, check the responses in the ONS 2011 report with note to urbanisation etc ...... even between Glasgow and Edinburgh you have an east west divide in terms of rainfall and consequent cycle to work uptake, parades are just another factor amongst many.

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According to Republic of Ireland National Census 2011 there has been a rise of almost 10% in cycling to work. This is 2.6% lower than in the UK. In comparison only 0.8% cycle to work in Northern Ireland. Is the difference due to prevalence of safe cycle lanes/tracks or because of a different reason? Also do those routes remain open during parades?

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According to Republic of Ireland National Census 2011 there has been a rise of almost 10% in cycling to work. This is 2.6% lower than in the UK. In comparison only 0.8% cycle to work in Northern Ireland. Is the difference due to prevalence of safe cycle lanes/tracks or because of a different reason? Also do those routes remain open during parades?

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Office for National Statistics. (2011). 2011 Census analysis: Cycling to work.

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2011 Census Analysis - Cycling to Work - ONS

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Where multivariate data has been analysed (e.g. method of travel to work by age by sex), the data for the 2001 Census is workers aged 16 to 74. The data for the 2011 Census, however, is for workers aged 16 and over.

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Northern Ireland is much like Scotland in that respect, it rains a lot more than in Southern England - in particular East Anglia[ including Cambridgeshire] and the London region which contains the largest proportion of people with cycle possible commutes, are technically semi desert regions, check the responses in the ONS 2011 report with note to urbanisation etc ...... even between Glasgow and Edinburgh you have an east west divide in terms of rainfall and consequent cycle to work uptake, parades are just another factor amongst many.

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EDINBURGH City Council has denied claims that it plans to increase cycle commuting rates to match those in Copenhagen, where more than half the population pedals to work.

Cycle development group Sustrans announced a joint initiative with the council "to boost the love of cycling in the city to Copenhagen levels".

However, council sources said achieving that goal would require major and costly improvements - and said the authority was sticking to a far more modest target.

Sustrans is launching a "citizens' survey", inspired by the Danish capital, to see what residents think about cycling and highlight potential improvements.

The group said 52 per cent of people in Copenhagen cycled to work or education.

Edinburgh has one of the highest rates in Scotland, but it remains a fraction of the Danish city's, with some 7 per cent of residents cycling to work.

The council has set a target of increasing this to 15 per cent by 2020.

Transport vice-convener Jim Orr said: "We have not set a target of reaching Copenhagen levels. We will wait until we have reached our current target."

Sustrans said its scheme to boost cycling was also being introduced in five other British cities.

Kate Campbell, deputy director of Sustrans Scotland said: "Copenhagen and other European cities have long been held up as examples of great places to live and work, where walking and cycling is the easiest way to get around.

"Many cities in the UK are following suit and have ambitious plans to match the best in Europe.

"The adoption of a Copenhagen style citizens' survey for the UK will help Sustrans and the cities of Birmingham, Bristol, Cardiff, Edinburgh, Manchester and Newcastle achieve those ambitions and build cities that are great for people".

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'No Copenhagen bike target', say Edinburgh council

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EDINBURGH City Council has denied claims that it plans to increase cycle commuting rates to match those in Copenhagen, where more than half the population pedals to work. Cycle development group Sustrans announced a joint initiative with the council "to boost the love of cycling in the city to Copenhagen levels".

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According to Republic of Ireland National Census 2011 there has been a rise of almost 10% in cycling to work. This is 2.6% lower than in the UK. In comparison only 0.8% cycle to work in Northern Ireland. Is the difference due to prevalence of safe cycle lanes/tracks or because of a different reason? Also do those routes remain open during parades?

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According to Republic of Ireland National Census 2011 there has been a rise of almost 10% in cycling to work. This is 2.6% lower than in the UK. In comparison only 0.8% cycle to work in Northern Ireland. Is the difference due to prevalence of safe cycle lanes/tracks or because of a different reason? Also do those routes remain open during parades?

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Northern Ireland Statistics & Research Agency. (2012). Travel to work or study. In Census 2011: key statistics for Northern Ireland.

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According to Republic of Ireland National Census 2011 there has been a rise of almost 10% in cycling to work. This is 2.6% lower than in the UK. In comparison only 0.8% cycle to work in Northern Ireland. Is the difference due to prevalence of safe cycle lanes/tracks or because of a different reason? Also do those routes remain open during parades?

# data[].attributes.subject
According to Republic of Ireland National Census 2011 there has been a rise of almost 10% in cycling to work. This is 2.6% lower than in the UK. In comparison only 0.8% cycle to work in Northern Ireland. Is the difference due to prevalence of safe cycle lanes/tracks or because of a different reason? Also do those routes remain open during parades?

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Central Statistics Office. (2012). Census 2011 Results: r 10 door-to-door- commuting in Ireland.

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The Central Statistics Office today released the final publication in its series of Census 2011 profile reports, showing that a total of 1,136,615 persons, representing 69 per cent of commuters travelled to work by car in April 2011.

Today's publication, "Profile 10 Door to Door - Commuting in Ireland", presents a profile of the commuting patterns of the Irish population and covers modes of travel, journey times and time of departure for both workers and students.

Deirdre Cullen, Senior Statistician at the CSO: "This report provides further analysis of an extremely important theme from the Census 2011 results. It examines commuter numbers, looking at means of transport, departure times and time spent travelling for both workers and students."

The full report is available on the CSO website at www.cso.ie/census along with all the data which is available in a range of interactive web tables, allowing users to build their own tables by selecting the data they are interested in and downloading it in an easy to use format for their own analysis. In co-operation with the All Ireland Research Observatory (AIRO) summary census data is now available in thematic maps for Electoral Districts and all Small Areas, including a mapping tool to portray travel to work catchment areas for large towns and cities in Ireland. Combined with the release of the SAPS data in our new easy to use interactive mapping application, these new developments bring census data alive in a fresh and exciting way, making it easier to access for all. Just follow the link from the website."

Ms Cullen concluded "This report provides an insight into the commuting patterns of the Irish people in 2011, containing yet more analysis and results from Census 2011 on this very important theme."

Highlights of the report

Two out of every three commuters drove to work in 2011

A total of 1,136,615 persons, representing 69 per cent of commuters, either drove to work or were a passenger in a car in 2011. This compared to 498,646 persons or 57 per cent of commuters in 1981.

Public transport users

The number of commuters using public buses fell by 23,277 between 2006 and 2011, a fall of 20 per cent. The number of commuters using a train, DART or Luas rose significantly between 1981 and 2011. Almost 40,000 more people took a train to work in 2011 than 30 years previously, doubling the share of commuters using the train from 1.7 per cent to 3.2 per cent.

Commuters cycling and walking to work

Between 2006 and 2011 there was a 9.6 per cent rise in the number of persons cycling from 36,306 to 39,803. A total of 170,510 commuters walked to work, accounting for 10.5 per cent of all commuters in 2011.

More female car drivers than males

The number of female car drivers (551,638) surpassed male car drivers (515,813) among the working population for the first time with seven out of every ten women driving to work in 2011 compared with six out of ten male commuters.

More women walked to work (96,796) than men (73,714). Men accounted for the majority of those cycling with 29,075 (73%), while the majority of public transport commuters were women (55.5%).

City Commuters

Public transport (bus, minibus, coach, train, DART and Luas) was most prevalent in Dublin, used by 93,034 commuters (21.5%), compared with just 6.8 per cent in Cork, 6.4 per cent in Galway, 4.4 per cent in Limerick and only 1.8 per cent of commuters living in rural areas.

More commuters walked to work in Galway with 17 per cent walking, compared to 14.5 per cent in Dublin and Waterford and just 4.6 per cent in rural areas.

In Cork, Waterford and Limerick over 70 per cent of commuters relied on a car or motorcycle to get to work, compared to just 54.7 per cent in Dublin. Cycling to work was most popular in Dublin with 5.9 per cent, followed by Galway at 4.9 per cent.

Time spent travelling

The average time spent travelling to work in 2011 was 26.6 minutes, a decrease from 27.5 minutes recorded in 2006. One in ten workers travelled for 60 minutes or more in 2011, in contrast to one in eight workers in 2006.

A greater proportion of workers living in counties that are within commuting distance of Dublin tended to take longer to arrive at their place of employment. More than one in seven commuters residing in Fingal, Laois, Westmeath, Meath, Kildare and Wicklow had travel times of an hour or longer to their job.

Over 6 per cent of persons at work who resided in Laois spent 90 minutes or more commuting while 5 per cent of workers living in Longford, Cavan and Offaly had daily commuting times of more than an hour and a half travelling to their place of employment.

Those with travel times of 15 minutes or less were found mostly in Waterford City, followed by Donegal (42%), Kerry and Mayo (both 40%). Dublin City had the smallest percentage of commuters with travel times of 15 minutes or less with just 18% of commuters.

The number of parents with children aged under five who spent an hour or more commuting to work was 35,345, of whom 13,032 were female.

Time leaving home

Workers leaving for their job before 06:30 a.m. had an average travel time to work of 42 minutes in April 2006. Five years later the corresponding average travel time had dropped to 36 minutes. However commuters leaving from 07:30 a.m. onwards in 2011 had similar travel times compared with 2006, taking an average of around 27 minutes in the period between 07:30 and 08:30 a.m.

Differences were observed in the departure times of male and female commuters, as men generally began their journeys at an earlier time, with 55.5 per cent of male commuters leaving before 08:00 a.m. compared to just 38.3 per cent of female workers. Working women with children under 18 years of age tended to leave later than other female commuters.

Dublin's commuter belt

The daytime working population of Dublin City and suburbs in April 2011 was 469,987, of which 117,764 commuted from outside the area to work in the city, representing a quarter of the city's workforce. The highest number of commuters were from Fingal (27,064), followed by Kildare (25,237), Meath (19,863) and Wicklow (17,300). These four counties combined comprised 76 per cent of all workers with a daily commute into Dublin.

At town level, Swords was the biggest contributor to the city's workforce, with 7,112 daily commuters, followed by Bray (5,975), Celbridge (4,256), Greystones (3,689) and Malahide (3,573). Almost 70 per cent of Dublin's 117,764 commuters travelled by car, while a further 14 per cent used the train and 9 per cent availed of bus services.

The average travel time for these commuters in 2011 was 50 minutes, almost twice the national average of 26.6 minutes. Half of commuters to Dublin left for their place of work before 07:30 a.m.

Mobile workers and Working at home

Over 148,000 workers indicated that they had no fixed place of work, a 29 per cent decline since 2006. Over half (57%) of mobile workers were employees while 43 per cent were self-employed.

A total of 83,326 persons indicated that they worked mainly at or from home in 2011, a decrease from 105,706 (21%) since 2006.

Six out of ten children driven to primary school

A total of 296,711 (61%) of students aged 5-12 years travelled to school by car in 2011. One in four primary students (118,523) walked to school, compared to half of children walking to primary school in 1981. One in five children in rural areas travelled by bus, compared with just 7 per cent for those living in urban areas.

The average travel time for primary students was 11.6 minutes in 2011.

Car the main mode of travel for secondary students

For the first time more secondary students travelled to school by car than by bus with around 40 per cent of students (126,172) travelling by car in April 2011, compared with 30 per cent (96,153) by bus. Less than 74,000 secondary school children walked to school in 2011, 28 per cent fewer than 15 years previously. Similarly there has been a decline in secondary school students cycling to school, from a peak of 50,648 in 1986 to 6,592 in 2011, a fall of 87 per cent.

Secondary school students who travelled to school on foot had an average journey time of 13.6 minutes, with car passengers averaging 14.4 minutes and bus journeys taking an average of 28.2 minutes.

Driving to college prevalent among third level students

More students travelled to college as car drivers compared with any other means of travel in 2011. A total of 53,606 (29%) students drove to college in 2011, with 51,959 (28%) walking and 8,530 (5%) cycling. One fifth of students living in Dublin travelled to college by car compared with over 46 per cent of students who lived outside Dublin.
For copies of the publication:
To view and download the publication, visit the CSO website at www.cso.ie/census.
For further information contact:
Shaun McLaughlin on (01) 895 1474

Central Statistics Office, Swords Business Campus, Balheary Road, Swords, Co. Dublin.

Census Enquiries: (01) 895 1460

Fax: 01 895 1399

E-mail: census@cso.ie

Internet: www.cso.ie
Central Statistics Office 13 December 2012 - ENDS -

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Press Release Census 2011 Profile 10 Door to Door

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The Central Statistics Office today released the final publication in its series of Census 2011 profile reports, showing that a total of 1,136,615 persons, representing 69 per cent of commuters travelled to work by car in April 2011.

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see link for Orange Marches in Sunderland

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HUNDREDS of members of the Orange Order held their first march through Sunderland city centre.

Representatives from branches across the North gathered in Burdon Road before parading through the city on Saturday afternoon.

Politically, the Orange Order has strong links to unionism. The Order sees itself as defending Protestant civil and religious liberties, while critics have accused it of being sectarian.

John Potts, from Sunderland, is deputy master of the Hebburn branch of the organisation and joined the marchers on parade.

Mr Potts, 63, who has been a member for 10 years, said: "We have held marches up and down the country and many of our members have even taken part in parades abroad.

"But we had never held one in Sunderland - until this weekend. A lot of our members are up here so we wanted to do something in the city."

The march began in Mowbray Park before heading down Fawcett Street, High Street West, Market Place and Holmeside.

But the marchers presence was not entirely welcomed by Wearsiders.

Michael Morton was in the city centre with 18-month-old son Niall as the parade passed by.

"I hope it's the first and last time it's held here," he told the Echo. " The last thing Sunderland needs is something like this.

"We've moved on as a society and I don't particularly want my son seeing this kind of thing in his home city."

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Hundreds take part in Sunderland's first Orange march

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HUNDREDS of members of the Orange Order held their first march through Sunderland city centre. Representatives from branches across the North gathered in Burdon Road before parading through the city on Saturday afternoon. Politically, the Orange Order has strong links to unionism.

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see link for Orange Marches in Manchester 

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see link for Orange Marches in Manchester 

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Sons of William Loyal Orange Lodge 209 Part

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Manchester Orange Order Juveniles Parade

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Manchester City Centre Orange Order Parade

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Manchester City Centre Orange Order Parade 2010

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Short film of the Manchester City Centre Orange Order Parade, taken on Cross Street on Saturday the 18th of September 2010. You may be surprised to know that the Orange Order has been holding parades of witness in Manchester for over 200 years now.

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you might be interested in the work of the anthropologist Phillipe Bourgois, which looks at what he calls the 'continuum' of violence. His argument is that violence does not simply 'end' at the end of a civil conflict, but rather that its nature changes. All societies exist somewhere on a spectrum of violence, and within different societies, different forms of violence may be occurring simultaneously. Bourgois has been a big inspiration in my own work.

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As a result of watching the Storify timeline, has there been any consideration to discussing the Equality Act [2010] in Northern Ireland? This Act contains protected characteristics with, ‘religion or belief’ being one of those characteristics.

Equality Act 2010 (chapter 15) Legislation Gov UK & National Archives.
QUB MOOC. Identity, Conflict & public space. (2014). Storify. Available at:

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In my city there are many neighbourhoods with distinct identities, and a big gap between rich and poor geographically, with people in the North of the City being significantly wealthier, and having nicer houses and streets and public services than those in the East and South of the City.

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Institute of Irish Studies of Queens University Belfast

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A Brief History of the Conflicts in the North (of Ireland)

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HELP SUPPORT THE CREATION OF MORE HISTORY VIDEOS BY DONATING ON http://www.patreon.com/JohnDRuddy Any donations are welcome!! Like John D Ruddy on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/JohnDRuddy Follow John D Ruddy on Twitter: http://twitter.com/johndruddy Subscribe on Youtube: http://www.youtube.com/c/JohnDRuddy Enjoy! Please share!

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BBC Three documentary following a loyalist marching band in Belfast ’Petrol Bombs & Peace: Welcome to Belfast ‘. Contains riotous behaviour.

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BBC Three documentary following a loyalist marching band in Belfast ’Petrol Bombs & Peace: Welcome to Belfast ‘. Contains riotous behaviour.

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Contains riotous behaviour.

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Twelfth in Northern Ireland 2013 (BBC Documentary)

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In 1996 Neil Jarman and Dominic Bryan wrote this explanation of the parades dispute in a book called ‘Parade and Protest ‘

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In 1996 Neil Jarman and Dominic Bryan wrote this explanation of the parades dispute in a book called ‘Parade and Protest ‘

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parade and protest: a discussion of parading disputes

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CAIN: CSC: Report: Parade and Protest: a Discussion of Parading Disputes in Northern Ireland, Part 3, section eleven

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CAIN: CSC: Report: Parade and Protest: a Discussion of Parading Disputes in Northern Ireland, Part 3, section eleven

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2013 Michael Hamilton ‘Blog on a rights based approach to parading’

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2013 Michael Hamilton ‘Blog on a rights based approach to parading’

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We are delighted to welcome this guest post by Michael Hamilton, Senior Lecturer in Public Protest Law, University of East Anglia. Michael was previously Co-Director of the Transitional Justice Institute University of Ulster and can be reached at michael.hamilton[at]uea.ac.uk. Follow on twitter: @LawOfProtest Introduction
As the final round of the Haass and O'Sullivan talks gets underway, it is worth considering further what a 'rights-based approach' to parading might entail.

Given the cross-party consensus that a 'rights-based approach' is critical to the resolution of parade disputes in Northern Ireland, there is a unique opportunity to ensure that such an approach operates at the core of any new or revised decision-making process. In this regard, the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission's recently launched report, Parades and Protests in Northern Ireland, contains a useful analysis of the rights and freedoms potentially engaged. Recent case law of the European Court of Human Rights is especially noteworthy. In particular, the cases of Faber v Hungary (2012)and Vona v Hungary (2013) illustrate, respectively, a protest that did not meet the threshold of 'intimidation', and a series of demonstrations that clearly did meet this threshold (see further Daniel Holder's excellent post on the Vona case here).

Less attention, however, has focused on the procedures that are necessary to enable - and to maximize the potential of - a 'rights-based approach'. It is noteworthy that in June 2013, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Assembly and of Association, Maina Kiai, urged the Parades Commission to provide 'better and clearer reasons for its decisions, to enable the rationale for these to be understood ...' (at para.95). This post argues that a 'rights-based approach' has fundamental implications for the procedures of the ruling body - specifically, that:

1) there must be an initial assessment of whether a procession raises valid ( prima facie) rights-based concerns (as opposed to more speculative and subjective assessments of 'sensitivity' or 'contention');

2) the ruling body must provide a clear explanation/summary of any such concerns early in the decision-making process (not simply in a final determination) so as to enable the relevant parties to take all reasonable steps to address the issues raised; and

3) dialogue, where it is not entered into voluntarily, should be focused on addressing any substantive rights-based concerns identified (including the right to freedom from harassment and intimidation).

In short, a rights-based methodology must infuse the decision-making process from the outset. Too often, the Parades Commission's determinations give the impression that the language of rights is used predominantly as a means of 'boilerplating' those decisions (to guard against the possibility of successful legal challenge by way of judicial review). Hence, determinations commonly recite the very same list of rights considerations to which the Commission has 'had regard'. This fails to go the additional step of explaining why, specifically, in the particular circumstances of the parade/protest being considered, certain rights are or are not engaged. This lack of explanation contributes to the absence of any clear baseline or certainty in the decision-making process, and its consequences are perhaps most keenly felt in relation to the triggering, framing and structuring of dialogue.
1) The centrality of rights-based concerns (rather than 'sensitivity' or 'contention')
Every year, a number of parades are classified as 'sensitive' or 'contentious' by the Parades Commission, According to the Commission, there were 250 contentious parades in 2007/08; 221 in 2008/09; 212 in 2009/10; 195 in 2010/11; and 213 in 2011/12. Any reduction in 'contention'/'sensitivity' is cited as an indicator of progress.

In an earlier report (for the Strategic Review of Parading), I noted that the parades deemed 'sensitive' by the Parades Commission do not always correlate with those that might commonly be associated with contention: '[N]ot every parade viewed as contentious, or even every parade against which a protest is notified, is subject to a Parades Commission determination. In 32 out of the 64 towns/cities analyzed, there was at least one notified parade deemed to be 'contentious' in 2006. In the other 32 towns/cities, no processions were flagged as being contentious. The latter areas included Antrim (38 processions notified), Ballymoney (52), Bangor (64), Carrickfergus (53), Coleraine (57), Larne (57), Lisburn (94), and even London/Derry (59).'

This raises important questions about how 'contention'/'sensitivity' is determined, and whether the determining criteria are consistently applied. Questions also arise in relation to who should decide whether a parade/protest is 'contentious' or 'sensitive' (the secretariat of the ruling body, or the ruling body itself), and what consequences should follow from being classified as such.

A 'rights-based approach' provides a straightforward answer to these questions. The determinant of 'sensitivity' or 'contention' should be whether a procession or related protest raises any substantive rights-based concerns (and it may be preferable to drop the more speculative and subjective terms, 'sensitive' and 'contentious', altogether).

A 'rights-based concern' is any concern that demonstrates, on the basis of relevant and credible evidence:

the potential engagement of other rights or freedoms (including the right to freedom from harassment and intimidation);

the potential impact of a parade on other public interests listed in Article 11(2) European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) - i.e. national security or public safety, the prevention of disorder or crime, or the protection of health or morals. [As such, 'rights-based concerns' would include concerns relating to breaches of any new or revised Code of Conduct. Furthermore, as suggested below, the criteria to be considered by any parading body should mirror these 'legitimate aims' in Article 11(2) ECHR].

2) Clear explanation of rights-based concerns early in the process

Where such concerns are communicated to the ruling body and are supported by relevant and credible evidence, the ruling body should make an initial assessment of their validity. In other words, the regulatory body must assess whether concerns relating to a particular procession actually engage specific rights - do they meet the established threshold for the specific rights in question and so raise a prima facie case - i.e. a case to be answered?
3) Triggers for Engagement/Dialogue
It is critical that the decision-making body fully explains the rights-based concerns raised so as to provide an opportunity for the relevant parties to take steps to address such concerns where it is within their power to do so.

There can be no doubt - as the Parades Commission has repeatedly emphasized (see here, for example, at para.12) - that 'solutions to parading and related problems in Northern Ireland can be best achieved through meaningful and sustained dialogue.' However, in order for non-voluntary dialogue to be meaningful (and indeed, for it to be said that a 'rights-based approach' is being pursued), there is a need to ensure that any requirement to engage in dialogue remains closely tied to the rights issues identified. In other words, non-voluntary dialogue should be focused on finding a resolution to the specific rights issues that have been (a) claimed by the potentially affected parties, and (b) validated by the ruling body as raising a case to answer.

A requirement that the interested parties engage in dialogue would therefore legitimately arise where an initial assessment has been made that valid rights-based concerns have been raised. Equally, however:
Conclusion

A requirement to enter into dialogue might (but would not necessarily) follow from the fact that a related counter-protest had been notified. Under a rights-based approach, opposition to a parade should not of itself be the trigger for a requirement to enter into dialogue. The assessment of whether substantive rights are engaged sets a higher threshold for non-voluntary dialogue than mere opposition to a parade;

Dialogue might not always be capable of meaningfully addressing the particular rights-based concerns raised (where, for example, the concerns relate to fears of disorder because of the potential involvement of third-parties). In such circumstances, the ruling body should exercise caution in viewing dialogue as a solution;

In some limited situations where rights-based concerns are raised (such as where the potential impact on the rights of others is relatively slight/minor), it may be possible for a parade organiser to effectively address such concerns unilaterally - without entering into direct or mediated dialogue. Any such unilateral steps would have to be rigorously scrutinized and monitored so as to assess whether the organiser had demonstrated a genuine willingness to address any valid concerns raised.

If restrictions are ultimately deemed necessary, the determination of the ruling body must explain (1) precisely what rights are engaged in the specific situation (rather than merely setting out the rights potentially affected by parades in general), and (2) how the determination specifically addresses/mitigates this impact on the rights engaged.

This is not a blueprint for a legalistic process - it does not require affected individuals or communities to couch their concerns in the formal and legal language of rights. Rather, those who adjudicate (whether the Parades Commission or its successor) must implement a rights-based methodology from the outset of the decision-making process. If more fully and carefully explained, the rights-based parameters within which decisions must be taken will become increasingly understood over time. If properly integrated into the decision-making process, a 'rights-based approach' has the potential to validate the harms experienced by those affected by processions, to encourage concrete steps to address such harms by those who seek to parade, and to ensure a more transparent balancing of the different rights at stake (including the rights of those who wish to peacefully assemble).

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Maximizing the potential of a 'rights-based approach' to parading

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We are delighted to welcome this guest post by Michael Hamilton, Senior Lecturer in Public Protest Law, University of East Anglia. Michael was previously Co-Director of the Transitional Justice Institute University of Ulster and can be reached at michael.hamilton[at]uea.ac.uk.

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2013 Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission ‘Parades and Protests in Northern Ireland’ 

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2013 Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission ‘Parades and Protests in Northern Ireland’ 

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Michael Hamilton (2007) Strategic Review of Parading in Northern Ireland: The Views of Stakeholders

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Michael Hamilton (2007) Strategic Review of Parading in Northern Ireland: The Views of Stakeholders

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Wiki article giving basic overview of ‘The Troubles" in Northern Ireland

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Wiki article giving basic overview of ‘The Troubles" in Northern Ireland

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Newsclip: parades and protest in Belfast July 2013. Footage showing serious rioting in Belfast

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Newsclip: parades and protest in Belfast July 2013. Footage showing serious rioting in Belfast

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Belfast Riots 2013 (VIDEO) - 56 Police Hurt During Northern Ireland Violence UPDATED

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Belfast: 26 Police Injured During Clashes Police use water cannon and fire plastic rounds as they are pelted with bricks and other missiles in the centre of the city. Twenty six police officers have been injured in loyalist rioting as violence linked to a contentious republican parade engulfed Belfast city centre.

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Dr Bryan Parades, Flags, Carnivals and Riots: Public Space, Contestation and Transformation in Northern Ireland

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Dr Bryan Parades, Flags, Carnivals and Riots: Public Space, Contestation and Transformation in Northern Ireland

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The Belfast Agreement, also known as the Good Friday Agreement, was signed on 10 April 1998. It underpins Northern Ireland's peace, its constitutional settlement, and its institutions.

This was published under the 1997 to 2001 Labour government

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The Belfast Agreement was signed on 10 April 1998 following three decades of conflict known as the Troubles. The Agreement created a new power-sharing arrangement, including an Executive and Assembly, and was based on a series of fundamental principles including:

the parity of esteem of both communities

the principle of consent underpinning Northern Ireland's constitutional status

the birthright of the people of Northern Ireland to identify and be accepted as British or Irish, or both, and to hold both British and Irish citizenship

The hard-won gains of the peace process have transformed the political and economic life of Northern Ireland since 1998, and the Agreement continues to serve as a framework for peace and prosperity.

What's in the Agreement?

The Agreement comprises the Multi-Party Agreement, between the UK and Irish Governments and the parties in Northern Ireland, and the British-Irish Agreement between the UK and Irish Governments. It was approved by voters on 22 May 1998, and came into force on 2 December 1999.

The Agreement resulted in the creation of the three strands of political structures, respectively covering Northern Ireland's governance, North-South relations, and East-West relations. The Government is committed to upholding each of these strands, which all carry equal importance:

Strand One established the Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive to make laws and decisions on most of the issues affecting everyday life in Northern Ireland.

Strand Two established the North-South institutions - the North-South Ministerial Council and the North-South Implementation Bodies - that support co-operation between Northern Ireland and Ireland.

Strand Three established the East-West institutions - the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference and the British-Irish Council - that support co-operation between the United Kingdom and Ireland.

The Agreement also set out a series of important rights for the people of Northern Ireland, including on identity and citizenship, and made commitments on decommissioning, security, policing and prisoners.

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The Belfast Agreement, also known as the Good Friday Agreement, was signed on 10 April 1998. It underpins Northern Ireland's peace, its constitutional settlement, and its institutions.